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Journal articles on the topic 'Neoliberaler Institutionalismus'

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1

Choi, Dong Ju, and Gahee Cho. "The Neoliberal Institutionalist Interpretation of U.S.-China Climate Change Cooperation." Journal of international area studies 21, no. 4 (2017): 131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2017.10.21.4.131.

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2

Ganesan, N. "Testing Neoliberal Institutionalism in Southeast Asia." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 50, no. 4 (1995): 779–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209505000410.

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3

Ganesan, N. "Testing Neoliberal Institutionalism in Southeast Asia." International Journal 50, no. 4 (1995): 779. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203049.

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4

Yusran, Afri Asnelly, and Elistania. "Mengkaji Neoliberal Institusionalisme Uni Eropa dalam Problematika Implementasi Kebijakan Migrasi Pada Traktat Lisbon [Assessing the Neoliberal Institutionalism of the European Union through the Problematic Implementation of the Libson Treaty Migration Policy]." Verity: International Relations Journal 8, no. 16 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v8i16.722.

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<p>As a neoliberal institution, European Union has succeded in integrating. However, after the treaty establishing a constitution for Europe was failed to be ratified, European Union is experiencing setback of legitimacy. European Union later imposed Lisbon Treaty that was arranged right after the failure of constitution treaty. Still, the implementation of Lisbon Treaty triggered some new issues due to its content that is more or less similar to the previous unratified treaty. One of the issues came from the migration policy. The rejection from some of the member countries explained the
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Prorokovic, Dusan, and Jelena Milicevic-Prorokovic. "The theory of neoliberal institutionalism at the beginning of XXI century: International institutions and global governance." Medjunarodni problemi 69, no. 2-3 (2017): 247–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1703247p.

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Neoliberal institutionalism represents the fourth phase in the development of the liberal institutionalism theory. Unlike the previous ones, at this stage of development, theorists focus on international institutions as independent actors in international relations, which are not only the means for the states to realize their national interests, but also influence internal policy in the countries. Ultimately, this leads to seeing the international relations outside the realistic ?self-help principle? as ones defining the behavior of states. The ambiguity in the further positioning of neolibera
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6

Hellmann, Gunther, and Reinhard Wolf. "Neorealism, Neoliberal Institutionalism, and the Future of NATO." Security Studies 3, no. 1 (1993): 3–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636419309347537.

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7

Grieco, Joseph M. "Anarchy and the limits of cooperation: a realist critique of the newest liberal institutionalism." International Organization 42, no. 3 (1988): 485–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027715.

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The newest liberal institutionalism asserts that, although it accepts a major realist proposition that international anarchy impedes cooperation among states, it can nevertheless affirm the central tenets of the liberal institutionalist tradition that states can achieve cooperation and that international institutions can help them work together. However, this essay's principal argument is that neoliberal institutionalism misconstrues the realist analysis of international anarchy and therefore it misunderstands realism's analysis of the inhibiting effects of anarchy on the willingness of states
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8

Powell, Robert. "Absolute and Relative Gains in International Relations Theory." American Political Science Review 85, no. 4 (1991): 1303–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963947.

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The problem of absolute and relative gains divides neoliberal institutionalism and structural realism. The former assumes states focus primarily on their absolute gains and emphasizes the prospects for cooperation. The latter supposes states are largely concerned with relative gains and emphasizes the prospects for conflict. Existing work in international relations theory generally traces the differences between these two theories to different assumptions about states' preferences. Using a simple game-theoretic model, this essay offers a reformulation of the problem of absolute and relative ga
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9

Eggers, Nicolai Von. "Den neoliberale guvernementalitet, biopolitik og teologi - Interview med Thomas Biebricher." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 66 (March 9, 2018): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i66.104228.

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In this interview, professor Thomas Biebricher discusses the meaning of Michel Foucault’s notion of ‘governmentality’ by investigating different aspects of ‘neoliberalism’, here understood as a tradition of thought going back to the Mont Pelerin Society. Biebricher first discusses the initial reception of Foucault in Germany and then goes on to talk about some of the initial features of neoliberalism including its biopolitics, its governmentality, and its theological elements. During this discussion, Biebricher also touches upon methodological questions in engaging with Foucault and upon how t
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10

Schmidt, Vivien A. "Putting the Political Back into Political Economy by Bringing the State Back in Yet Again." World Politics 61, no. 3 (2009): 516–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887109000173.

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Dominant theoretical approaches in political economy today, whether they posit convergence to neoliberal capitalism, binary divergence of capitalisms, or tripartite differentiation of financial governance, downplay the importance of state action. Their methodological approaches, rational choice and historical institutionalism, tend to reinforce their substantive theories either by disaggregating the state into its historical institutional components or by focusing on the strategic actions of its rational actors. This article argues that by not taking state action seriously, they are unable to
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11

Russell, Gregory D. "Criminal Justice Research and International Paradigms: Neoliberal Institutionalism, Regimes, and Emerging Structures." International Criminal Justice Review 7, no. 1 (1997): 113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105756779700700107.

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12

Sterling-Folker, Jennifer. "Competing Paradigms or Birds of a Feather? Constructivism and Neoliberal Institutionalism Compared." International Studies Quarterly 44, no. 1 (2000): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0020-8833.00150.

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13

Consterdine, Erica. "Parties matter but institutions live on: Labour’s legacy on Conservative immigration policy and the neoliberal consensus." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 2 (2020): 182–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119890253.

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The drivers of immigration policy have long been contested. While partisan theory contends that policy is a product of parties’ interests, historical institutionalism places explanatory value on the norms of policymaking and path dependency. Examining Conservative-led immigration policy, I argue that while parties matter for defining policy objectives, institutions explain policy outputs. Despite a shift from Labour’s expansive managed migration regime to the Coalition’s restrictive policy, there was remarkable confluence in policy and policymaking. Challenging the parties matter school of tho
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14

Ringel, Leopold, Jelena Brankovic, and Tobias Werron. "The Organizational Engine of Rankings: Connecting “New” and “Old” Institutionalism." Politics and Governance 8, no. 2 (2020): 36–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i2.2576.

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When explaining the ubiquity of rankings, researchers tend to emphasize macro or contextual phenomena, such as the power of or the trust in numbers, neoliberal forces, or a general spirit of competition. Meanwhile, the properties of rankers are rarely, if at all, taken into account. In contrast to the received wisdom, we argue that the institutionalization of rankings in different fields is also contingent upon another, often-neglected factor: Over time, rankers have become increasingly more organized. To investigate the role of ranking organizations, we look into the distinct properties of pr
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15

Yoo, Eunhye. "International human rights regime, neoliberalism, and women’s social rights, 1984–2004." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 52, no. 6 (2011): 503–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715211434850.

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World polity scholars posit that the diffusion of world culture and norms increasingly influences human rights as well as women’s rights. However, previous research on women’s rights and policies often neglects women’s social rights and focuses mainly on women’s political rights. In part due to neoliberal restructuring, women’s social rights still lag behind women’s political rights. This research focuses on changes in women’s social rights, as measured by the CIRI human rights index, in 140 countries from 1984 to 2004. To interpret these data, I incorporate world institutionalism and neoliber
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16

Ital, Heiko. "An analysis of the European External Action Service and national interests under the theory of neoliberal institutionalism." Zeitschrift der Koreanisch-Deutschen Gesellschaft fuer Sozialwissenschaften 25, no. 1 (2015): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.19032/zkdgs.2015.03.25.1.161.

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17

Novicic, Zaklina. "Neorealism and neoliberalism in the contemporary international relations theory." Medjunarodni problemi 59, no. 2-3 (2007): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0703211n.

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The author explores some fundamental aspects of international cooperation its functional incentives and structural limitations, by describing the discussion between two most influential approaches in international relations theory: neorealism and neoliberalism, or to be more precise between defensive neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. During the discussion on possibilities and limitations of international co-operation neorealism and neoliberalism showed their differences, but also similarities of views that resulted in their approach, which is called the neo-neo synthesis in internati
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18

White, Cameron. "The conditions of practical action: Neoliberalism and sustainability in the Australian road construction industry." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 34, no. 8 (2016): 1501–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263774x15625642.

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In the last decade, in the context of debates about climate change, the Australian road construction industry has focused on increasing efficiencies within road construction processes. This approach to environmental impact management is congruent with existing (road-centric) trajectories of infrastructure development. At the same time, however, it also institutionalises the systemic environmental impacts of the road network. This article examines the historical conditions within which this focus on construction efficiencies emerged as the basis of practical action. Firstly, it examines the neo
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19

Goldstein, Joshua S., and Jon C. Pevehouse. "Reciprocity, Bullying, and International Cooperation: Time-series Analysis of the Bosnia Conflict." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (1997): 515–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952072.

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Although the role of reciprocity in international cooperation is central to neoliberal institutionalism, empirical understanding of the concept remains weak. We analyze strategic response patterns—the use of reciprocity or inverse response (bullying)—in the Bosnia conflict from 1992 to 1995. We construct weekly time series of conflict and cooperation among the parties to the Bosnia war, using machine-coded events data. Time-series statistical analysis identifies several important patterns of strategic response, both reciprocal and inverse. These include bilateral responses, which are central t
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20

Karagiannis, Yannis. "The Élysée Treaty and European Integration Theory." German Politics and Society 31, no. 1 (2013): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310104.

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According to neoliberal institutionalism, states create international institutions to limit information asymmetries, monitor compliance, and ensure the credibility of commitments to agreed-upon policies-in short, to minimize transaction costs. Although this view can help explain the delegation of powers to supranational bodies such as the European Commission, it cannot account for the signature of the Élysée Treaty between France and Germany in January 1963, which reversed the logic of supranational delegation. Understanding the causes and the consequences of this apparently anomalous event is
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21

Kim, Hun Joon, and J. C. Sharman. "Accounts and Accountability: Corruption, Human Rights, and Individual Accountability Norms." International Organization 68, no. 2 (2014): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000428.

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AbstractTwo parallel norms mandate an international duty to hold state leaders individually accountable for serious corruption and human rights crimes. The development of these new norms is poorly explained by realist and neoliberal perspectives, but there are also weaknesses in recent constructivist explanations of norm diffusion that emphasize agency at the expense of structure. Such approaches have difficulty explaining the source of and similarities between new norms, and treat norm entrepreneurs as prior to and separate from their environment. In contrast, drawing on sociological institut
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22

Jackson, Patrick Thaddeus. "Forum Introduction: Is the state a person? Why should we care?" Review of International Studies 30, no. 2 (2004): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006047.

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In 1959, Arnold Wolfers published an essay entitled ‘The Actors In World Politics’ in which he suggested that the importance of the state as an actor, although undeniable, needed to be submitted to ‘empirical analysis’ and clearer theorisation if its precise role was to be ascertained. Unfortunately, almost no one seems to have heeded his advice, and the question about what we might call the person-hood of the state virtually vanished from the agenda of mainstream International Relations (IR) theory. Realists, neorealists, neoliberal institutionalists, theorists of international society, and e
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23

Ruggie, John Gerard. "What Makes the World Hang Together? Neo-utilitarianism and the Social Constructivist Challenge." International Organization 52, no. 4 (1998): 855–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081898550770.

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Social constructivism in international relations has come into its own during the past decade, not only as a metatheoretical critique of currently dominant neo-utilitarian approaches (neo-realism and neoliberal institutionalism) but increasingly in the form of detailed empirical findings and theoretical insights. Constructivism addresses many of the same issues addressed by neo-utilitarianism, though from a different vantage and, therefore, with different effect. It also concerns itself with issues that neo-utilitarianism treats by assumption, discounts, ignores, or simply cannot apprehend wit
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24

Neris Jr., Celso Pereira, and José Ricardo Fucidji. "Economic theory and (ontological) reductionism: some pitfalls in the road of the microfoundations project." Brazilian Keynesian Review 6, no. 2 (2021): 192–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.33834/bkr.v6i2.199.

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This paper aims to survey the literature on the theoretical enterprise of providing the microfoundations of macroeconomics. To do so, it evaluates that project from the viewpoint of economic methodology, mostly of critical realism. Its novelty lies in analysing the reductionism inbuilt in the project and its unsuitability both to its own terms and to the purpose of illuminating socioeconomic reality. We also stress that, in addition to a project of science (the sound or rigorous way of doing ‘scientific’ economics), it includes an implicit ontology of market sociability that establishes links
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25

Rathbun, Brian C. "It takes all types: social psychology, trust, and the international relations paradigm in our minds." International Theory 1, no. 3 (2009): 345–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971909990121.

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The insights of social psychology are not thoroughly integrated into international relations theory, yet social psychology has much to offer. Social psychology provides a conceptualization of a number of varieties of trust – moralistic, strategic, and generalized – and their opposites that implicitly drive the logic of major works of international relations. It also reveals the empirical presence of a number of different types of trusters who make different assumptions about the trustworthiness of others and consequently show markedly different propensities towards cooperation. The rough corre
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26

Rasmussen, Kathrine Bolt. "Modstand fra neden. Det Fri Universitet i København og muligheden for et kritisk (re)engagement i kunstinstitutionen." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 44, no. 122 (2016): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v44i122.25054.

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The artist run anarcho-collective Copenhagen Free University that unfolded from 2001 to 2007 in the private apartment of Henriette Heise and Jakob Jakobsen was an attempt to create a free and autonomous university for alternative and marginalized forms of knowledge outside the profit oriented, neoliberal knowledge economy. The article starts out with a presentation of Copenhagen Free University’s project and its attempt to develop a strategy of self-institutionalization fusing collective knowledge production and radical pedagogy. Hereafter follows a discussion about the similarity between Cope
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27

István, Benczes. "Konfliktus és kooperáció a nemzetközi kapcsolatokban: A (neo)realizmus és a neoliberális institucionalizmus együttélése = Conflict and cooperation in international relations: the cohabitation of (neo)realism and neoliberal institutionalism." Köz-gazdaság 15, no. 1 (2020): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2020.01.03.

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28

Wong, Victor, and Tat Chor Au-Yeung. "How do ideas and discourses construct youth policies? The case of Hong Kong." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 38, no. 3/4 (2018): 280–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-08-2017-0104.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically examine the youth narratives of Mr Leung Chun-ying, the Chief Executive (CE) of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) Government between 2012 and 2017, which steered the directions of youth policies in Hong Kong. Design/methodology/approach Informed by the ideational school of institutionalism, a qualitative documentary study was conducted to analyse the policy addresses, speeches, and blog posts delivered by the then CE, which were all available on the website of the HKSAR Government. It was through a thematic analysis of the da
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29

Mabiala, Gilbert, and Vladislav Gnizdylo. "Formation and implementation of some aspects theoretical and methodological doctrine of neoliberal institutionalism." CITISE 24, no. 2 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.15350/2409-7616.2020.2.18.

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30

Igarashi, Seiichi. "The New Regional Order and Transnational Civil Society in Southeast Asia: Focusing on Alternative Regionalism from below in the Process of Building the ASEAN Community." World Political Science 7, no. 1 (2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1935-6226.1106.

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Since the end of the Cold War and in the context of the recent spread of economic globalization, Southeast Asian regionalism has steadily deepened and expanded, centering on ASEAN. The concept of the ASEAN Community is one of the most important aspects of this regionalism, and there have been hopes that this will be realized by 2015. The mainstream theories such as neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism, and social constructivism have offered competing explanations of this transformation. However, recently, a new phenomenon that cannot be fully explained by these state-centric theories has ar
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31

Szreder, Kuba. "Institutional Experiments: Progressive Responses to the Dissolution of Autonomous Art." Widok. Teorie i Praktyki Kultury Wizualnej, no. 20 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.36854/widok/2018.20.377.

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The paper discusses radicalised forms of new institutionalism in the field of contemporary visual arts, which has emerged since 2010. The text focuses on case studies of European institutions associated with the international coalition L’internationale, to analyse how those institutions bend conventions of the modernist institution of art. The article argues that the institutions analysed move beyond the conceptual divisions embedded in modernism, such as the distinction between high art and popular creativity, or between use-value and aesthetical value of art. In this way, radical institution
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