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Journal articles on the topic 'Neoliberalism – Bolivia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Barr, Robert R. "Bolivia: Another Uncompleted Revolution." Latin American Politics and Society 47, no. 3 (2005): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2005.tb00319.x.

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AbstractSince 1999, growing citizen dissatisfaction in Bolivia has been manifest in a cycle of often violent protests. Citizens believe that they have no means of expressing themselves except demonstrations. The public has grown weary of neoliberalism, which is perceived as benefiting only the elite. A recent economic downturn provided the catalyst for the unrest. Underlying these economic concerns, however, are fundamental problems with representation. The second Bolivian “revolution” involved not only the shift from state-led economic development to neoliberalism but also a shift from corpor

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2

Norris, Brian. "Ideology and Social Improvement in Bolivia during the 20th Century." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 18 (November 25, 2011): 198–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2011.32.

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This essay relates improvements in social indicators in Bolivia during the Twentieth Century to ideological changes during the same period. During the Twentieth Century, most social indicators improved dramatically in Bolivia. Separately, scholars have vigorously debated ideologies, such as neoliberalism and its macroeconomic competitors, and the potential social impact of these ideologies. Despite the separate emphases on ideas and social outcomes, no systematic attempt has been made by scholars of Bolivia to link long–term ideological change to long–term social improvement in the country. Th

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3

Quiroga, María Virginia. "Somos nosotros, somos gobierno. Experiencia de movimientos sociales en Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 15 (January 15, 2011): 264–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2010.8.

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The emergence of social movements in the public arena had to do with neoliberalism´s negative consequences. Different actors with different interests worked together against the system, which became their “common antagonist”. On the one hand, after years of autonomous organization, these social movements won social recognition and increased their power. On the other, political parties and trade unions lost legitimacy. In December 2005, a faction of the Bolivian social movements won the general elections, and Evo Morales (the cocalero movement´s leader) became the first Aymara president in Boli

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Haarstad, Håvard, and Vibeke Andersson. "Backlash Reconsidered: Neoliberalism and Popular Mobilization in Bolivia." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 4 (2009): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00062.x.

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AbstractThis article argues that the common narrative of a Bolivian backlash against neoliberalism should be reconsidered in light of the continuities and mutual constraints between popular mobilization and neoliberal policy reforms. The study draws on literature that conceptualizes neoliberalism as a particular construction of state and social forms; but unlike those works, it includes an analysis of International Monetary Fund policy shifts to understand how popular mobilization constrains policy implementation. Responding to popular mobilization between 1985 and 2006, the IMF came to accept

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5

Kohl, Benjamin. "Stabilizing neoliberalism in Bolivia: popular participation and privatization." Political Geography 21, no. 4 (2002): 449–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(01)00078-6.

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6

Rice, Roberta. "Die Evolution indigener Politik in Bolivien." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 142 (2006): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i142.570.

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This study examines the emergence of indigenous movements as powerful new social and political actors in Latin America. Bolivia’s indigenous movement, in particular, stands out for its mobilizational and organizational capacity in uniting diverse sectors of civil society in the struggle against neoliberalism. The study explores the evolution of indigenous movement strategies in Bolivia, beginning from the transition to democracy in the early 1980s until the presidential victory of indigenous leader Evo Morales of the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party in late 2005. Special attention is paid

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Daza, Germán Sánchez, and Fernando Julio Piñero. "Bolivia: The Construction of an Alternative Science and Technology Policy." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no. 3 (2012): 414–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x651578.

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Abstract The aim of this paper is to analyze recent changes in Bolivia’s science and technology policy and contextualize them in the surrounding region. It is recognized that since the 1980s, Latin America initiated a series of changes in its science and technology policies driven by the needs of the economic accumulation regime prevalent and based on new theories of innovation. Policies placed their emphasis on the application of scientific technology in order to boost national competitiveness. During the 1990s, a closer link was established between the neoliberal regime of accumulation, scie

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8

Sanchez-Lopez, Daniela. "Sustainable Governance of Strategic Minerals: Post-Neoliberalism and Lithium in Bolivia." Environment: Science and Policy for Sustainable Development 61, no. 6 (2019): 18–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00139157.2019.1662659.

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9

Crabtree, John. "Democracy, elite power and civil society: Bolivia and Peru compared." Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, no. 126 (December 20, 2020): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2020.126.3.139/en.

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Despite proximity and cultural similarities, Peru and Bolivia provide contrasting examples of elite power as opposed to that of popular movements. Peru in recent years has seen the consolidation of business power at the expense of a politically active civil society; opposition to neoliberal policies has been fragmented and weak. Bolivia has a history of strong social movements that underpinned successive administrations by the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS). However, these trajectories are not fixed and the ability of civil society and elites to control the state fluctuates. The November 2019

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Spronk, Susan. "Roots of Resistance to Urban Water Privatization in Bolivia: The “New Working Class,” the Crisis of Neoliberalism, and Public Services." International Labor and Working-Class History 71, no. 1 (2007): 8–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547907000312.

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AbstractThis paper analyzes the roots of resistance to the privatization of public services in the context of the changes to class formation in Bolivia. Based upon two case studies of urban water privatization, it seeks to explain why the social coalitions that have emerged to protest the privatization of public water services in Bolivia have been led by territorially-based organizations composed of rural-urban and multiclass alliances rather than public-sector unions. It argues that protest against the privatization of water utilities in Bolivia must be understood within the context of neolib

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Gautreau, Pierre, and Laetitia Perrier Bruslé. "Forest management in Bolivia under Evo Morales: The challenges of post-neoliberalism." Political Geography 68 (January 2019): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2018.12.003.

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12

Albro, Robert. "Cholo Politics and Urban Indigenous Self-Fashioning in Bolivia." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 25 (May 11, 2020): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2019.216.

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This article reviews recent ethnographic approaches to indigeneity in Bolivia from the global north. It examines some consequences of ethnographic choices to treat indigeneity as primarily a political challenge of power and inclusion, where indigenous identity is understood to be most characteristically expressed in collective terms or through social mobilization. At the same time, it also assesses a complementary ethnographic focus upon legacies of neoliberalism, as a major context for situating contemporary indigenous projects in Bolivia, specifically, ethnographic contrasts drawn between po

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Córdoba, Diana, Kees Jansen, and Carolina González. "The Malleability of Participation: The Politics of Agricultural Research under Neoliberalism in Bolivia." Development and Change 45, no. 6 (2014): 1284–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dech.12129.

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Bastidas R. , María Cristina. "Similar Critiques on Neoliberalism and Different Post-Neoliberal Responses in Bolivia and Ecuador." Poverty & Public Policy 9, no. 1 (2017): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pop4.168.

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Lind, Amy. "Making Feminist Sense of Neoliberalism: The Institutionalization of Women’s Struggles for Survival in Ecuador and Bolivia." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 2-3 (2002): 228–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800210.

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Since the early 1980s, community-based women’s organizations have emerged throughout Ecuador and Bolivia in response to persistent poverty, economic crisis, neoliberal-development policies and related political and cultural crises. In Ecuador, women and men currently face an unprecedented financial crisis, the “dollarization,” and the new 1998 Constitution. In Bolivia, various sectors of women have addressed the harsh economic measures implemented since 1985, growing tensions surrounding migration, rising home-lessness and poverty rates, and the “War on Drugs.” In both countries, women have be

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Ravindran, Tathagatan. "From Populist to Institutionalist Politics: Political Cultures of Protest in Contemporary Andean Bolivia." Critical Sociology 44, no. 1 (2016): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920516637413.

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Social movements and acts of protest have played significant roles in charting the path of Bolivian history. Massive waves of protest against neoliberalism led to the overthrow of two presidents from office and culminated in the victory of Evo Morales. The stability of the Morales government stands in stark contrast to the chronic political instability of the neoliberal era. This paper deals with the paradox of the persistence of acts of protest all over Bolivia and the stability of the political regime of Evo Morales. The paradox is explained through the use of the distinction between populis

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Wolff, Jonas. "The political economy of post-neoliberalism in Bolivia: Policies, elites, and the MAS government." European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, no. 108 (December 18, 2019): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.32992/erlacs.10468.

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Córdoba, Diana, Kees Jansen, and Carolina González. "Empowerment through articulations between post-neoliberal politics and neoliberalism: value chain alliances in Bolivia." Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement 38, no. 1 (2016): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.2016.1179626.

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19

Bastidas Redin, María Cristina. "Dilemmas of justice in the post-neoliberal educational policies of Ecuador and Bolivia." Policy Futures in Education 18, no. 1 (2018): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210318774946.

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The election of the first indigenous president in Bolivia, Evo Morales (leader of the Movimiento al Socialismo, MAS), and of Rafael Correa in Ecuador (leader of Alianza País, AP) were important turning points in the social and economic history of these two countries. Both were elected with anti-neoliberal platforms of social movements. Their election promised radical changes in public policy in order to change the historical injustices that had remained unresolved with the rise of democracy. Redistribution, recognition of ethnic differences, and broader participation in the policymaking proces

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20

Weinberg, Marina. "From the Neoliberal State to a Neo-National Development in Northwestern Argentina." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 4 (2016): 152–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16648957.

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While much has been written on indigenous policy in Bolivia and Ecuador, the indigenous presence in the Argentine experience has been largely overlooked, perhaps because of the strong state-led homogenizing tradition that has obscured the country’s multiethnic character. A study of state formation and indigenous policy in northwestern Argentina focused on the Programa Social Agropecuario, launched during the 1990s, and its replacement, the Secretaría de Agricultura Familiar, established in 2006 under a new political model, shows an opening up of opportunities for indigenous organizations. At t

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Laurie, N., and S. Marvin. "Globalisation, Neoliberalism, and Negotiated Development in the Andes: Water Projects and Regional Identity in Cochabamba, Bolivia." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 31, no. 8 (1999): 1401–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a311401.

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22

Levingston, Oliver. "‘I will return as millions?’." On the Horizon 22, no. 4 (2014): 265–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oth-01-2014-0001.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to present reflections on the contradictions between structure and agency in theories of the Bolivian Revolution, 2000-2005. Most studies into the trajectory and outcomes of the revolutionary period in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005 tend to emphasise on the primary role of structural factors or social movements in shifting the terrain of political debate. This paper argues this represents a false dichotomy and discounts the value of this debate. In doing so, it seeks to highlight the need for research that focuses on the role of institutional variables tha

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23

Webber, Jeffery. "Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Part I: Domestic Class Structure, Latin-American Trends, and Capitalist Imperialism." Historical Materialism 16, no. 2 (2008): 23–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x296060.

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AbstractThis article, which will appear in three parts over three issues of Historical Materialism, presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year (January 2006–January 2007) of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the class structure of the country, the changing character of contemporary capitalist imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers, at a genera

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Webber, Jeffery. "Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Part II: Revolutionary Epoch, Combined Liberation and the December 2005 Elections." Historical Materialism 16, no. 3 (2008): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x315239.

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AbstractThis article presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year (January 2006–January 2007) of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the changing character of contemporary capitalist imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers at a general level the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. Part II of this three-part essay addresses four major the

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Perreault, Thomas. "From the Guerra Del Agua to the Guerra Del Gas: Resource Governance, Neoliberalism and Popular Protest in Bolivia." Antipode 38, no. 1 (2006): 150–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0066-4812.2006.00569.x.

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GEDDES, MIKE. "Building and Contesting Neoliberalism at the Local Level: Reflections on the Symposium and on Recent Experience in Bolivia." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 34, no. 1 (2010): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2427.2010.00955.x.

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27

Lohman, Huascar Salazar. "What Neoliberalism Could Not Do, the MAS Can: Divergences and Compatibility between Political Forms and Capital Accumulation in Bolivia." South Atlantic Quarterly 115, no. 3 (2016): 632–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-3608697.

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Robinson, Andrew. "Symptoms of a New Politics: Networks, Minoritarianism and the Social Symptom in Žižek, Deleuze and Guattari." Deleuze Studies 4, no. 2 (2010): 206–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/dls.2010.0004.

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This article explores the contemporary ‘symptomatic’ position of radically excluded social groups through a critical engagement with the work of Žižek, Deleuze and Guattari. It begins with a presentation and critique of Žižek's theorisation, arguing that while he correctly perceives the symptomatic status of certain social groups and issues, his approach is insufficiently radical because of its reliance on inappropriate structuralist assumptions and metaphysical negativity. It then compares this theory to Deleuze and Guattari's theory of minoritarianism, viewed as a similar attempt to engage w

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WEYLAND, KURT. "Swallowing the Bitter Pill." Comparative Political Studies 31, no. 5 (1998): 539–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414098031005001.

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What accounts for the surprisingly widespread popular approval that painful neoliberal reforms elicited in several Latin American countries? This article compares the explanatory power of two rival hypotheses, which draw on conventional rational choice and psychological decision theory. The compensation hypothesis claims that governments can engineer support for costly reforms by compensating the losers through targeted social benefits. The rescue hypothesis questions this claim and maintains that draconian adjustment only finds support if it promises to revert a deep crisis and avert further

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Gordon, Kathleen E. "What is Important to Me Is My Business, Nothing More: Neoliberalism, Ideology and the Work of Selling in Highland Bolivia." Anthropology of Work Review 32, no. 1 (2011): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1417.2011.01055.x.

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Webber, Jeffery. "Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Part III: Neoliberal Continuities, the Autonomist Right, and the Political Economy of Indigenous Struggle." Historical Materialism 16, no. 4 (2008): 67–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x357738.

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This article presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year (January 2006–January 2007) of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the changing character of contemporary capitalism imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers at a general level the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. Part III examines the complexities of the politics of indigenous

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Errejón, Íñigo, and Juan Guijarro. "Post-Neoliberalism’s Difficult Hegemonic Consolidation." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 1 (2015): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x15579901.

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The current governments of Ecuador and Bolivia came to power after across-the-board crises of the political system. One of their immediate challenges is to consolidate the hegemony forged in the struggles against the neoliberal state. However, the allegiances created through the conflict are hard to transfer to an institutionalization of the new correlation of forces, and some groups have experienced disenchantment with the progressive governments. A comparative analysis of the hegemonic transition in the two cases suggests that, in contrast to that of Bolivia’s Movimiento al Socialismo, the h

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McGoldrick, Terence A. "El agua como derecho humano." Estudios: filosofía, historia, letras 17, no. 130 (2019): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5347/01856383.0130.000295791.

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Las guerras de agua en Bolivia en el año 2000 por los contratos de Bechtel para privatizar su suministro en la ciudad de Cochabamba impulsaron a la Conferencia Episcopal Boliviana a responder con dos importantes aplicaciones teológicas del pensamiento social católico a las cuestiones del agua como un derecho humano y a la administración ambiental. El carácter sacramental del agua, así como su importancia para la vida misma, se aplican de manera única en estas declaraciones que sostienen con argumentos teológicos que nunca se puede permitir que el agua sea una mercancía. La nueva constitución d

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Sanz Galindo, Camilo. "Una fallida privatización del agua en Bolivia: El estado, la corrupción y el efecto neoliberal." Revista Colombiana de Antropología 42 (January 30, 2006): 317–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22380/2539472x.1192.

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En 1999, el gobierno boliviano vendió la empresa de agua de Cochabamba a un grupo de inversionistas nacionales y extranjeros. Sólo tres meses después se produjo un levantamiento popular sin precedentes en respuesta a los dramáticos incrementos en las tarifas del servicio, las relaciones íntimas, y subterráneas, entre el estado y el nuevo consorcio, y las formas de riqueza que están sujetas a las apropiaciones del estado y las firmas privadas. Este artículo analiza la intersección del estado, el mercado y la corrupción bajo las nuevas contradicciones de jurisdicción producidas bajo las condicio

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Botelho, Martinho Martins, and Luís Alexandre Carta Winter. "Neoliberalismo socioeconômico e mutações jurídicas do Estado moderno: o Estado Plurinacional boliviano." Revista de Direitos e Garantias Fundamentais 15, no. 2 (2016): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.18759/rdgf.v15i2.582.

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O objetivo do presente artigo é analisar as recentes modificações no ordenamento jurídico constitucional boliviano, no que tange à institucionalização do Estado Plurinacional, criado a partir do diálogo maior entre a democracia cultural, o direito e as instituições econômicas. Em 2009, fora aprovada a Constituição Política do Estado Plurinacional de Bolívia, depois de manifestação por meio de referendo. O legado da nova Constituição Política boliviana reside no desligamento com o antigo regime mais corporativista e voltado para a difusão de um ideal neoliberal socioeconômico. A compreensão da

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Conaghan, Catherine M., James M. Malloy, and Leandro Wolfson. "Democracia y neoliberalismo en perú, Ecuador y Bolivia." Desarrollo Económico 36, no. 144 (1997): 867. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3467130.

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Peralta Mariñelarena, Rebeca. "Bolivia, trayectorias de sujeto político y transformaciones socio-económicas." De Raíz Diversa. Revista Especializada en Estudios Latinoamericanos 6, no. 12 (2019): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ppela.24487988e.2019.12.71054.

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<p>El artículo discute las transformaciones que han tenido lugar en Bolivia -tanto en el plano económico como político- desde el arribo de Evo Morales a la presidencia del país. Para ello se analiza el devenir de los sujetos políticos y su capacidad para instalar su proyecto de país y construir hegemonía, desde el ciclo de lucha contra el neoliberalismo pasando por el proceso Constituyente hasta el ejercicio del poder político estatal. Finalmente se analizan algunas de las principales complejidades que se presentan a más de una década del gobierno del Movimiento al Socialismo, como el cr

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Crabtree, John. "Democracia, poder de las élites y sociedad civil: una comparativa entre Bolivia y el Perú." Revista CIDOB d'Afers Internacionals, no. 126 (December 18, 2020): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/rcai.2020.126.3.139.

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A pesar de su proximidad y similitudes culturales, el Perú y Bolivia aportan ejemplos contrapuestos del poder de las élites frente al de los movimientos populares. En los últimos años, el Perú ha vivido la consolidación del poder empresarial en detrimento de una sociedad civil políticamente activa; con una oposición a las políticas neoliberales fragmentada y débil. Bolivia, en cambio, registra una historia de movimientos sociales fuertes que apuntalaron las sucesivas administraciones del partido Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS). Pero estas trayectorias no son fijas y la capacidad de la sociedad

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Pinheiro de Araujo, Rafael. "Neoliberalismo e luta social na América Latina no Tempo Presente." Locus: Revista de História 27, no. 2 (2021): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2021.v27.33272.

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Em 10 de novembro de 2019, Evo Morales foi levado a renunciar ao seu mandato presidencial pelo então comandante das Forças Armadas, general Williams Kaliman. A instabilidade política após a eleição presidencial em 20 de outubro contribuiu para esse desfecho. Esses acontecimentos fomentaram inúmeros debates nos meios universitário e jornalístico sobre as razões que possibilitaram o governo do primeiro presidente indígena da história boliviana. Da mesma forma, análises foram feitas com o intuito de avaliar a sua gestão presidencial. Almejamos contribuir com tais debates neste artigo. Assim, refl

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Uharte Pozas, Luis Miguel. "Una década del gobierno del M.A.S. en Bolivia: un balance global." Barataria. Revista Castellano-Manchega de Ciencias Sociales, no. 22 (October 28, 2017): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.20932/barataria.v0i22.363.

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Este artículo tiene como objetivo fundamental realizar un balance general de la experiencia de gobierno del Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) en Bolivia, desde que Evo Morales asumió la presidencia a principios de 2006 hasta la actualidad, identificando los principales cambios y conflictos que se han dado en cuatro áreas: política interna, política exterior, economía y política social. La metodología se basa en una amplia revisión bibliográfica (autores especializados, informes de organismos oficiales y de centros de investigación reconocidos) y en la realización de una serie de entrevistas perso

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Restrepo Botero, Darío I. "Bolivia: De la crisis económica al ciclo rebelde, 2000-2005." Anuario Colombiano de Historia Social y de la Cultura 43, no. 1 (2016): 295–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/achsc.v43n1.55072.

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<p>El año de 1998 se recuerda por una crisis económica mundial que golpeó muy fuerte a Bolivia y socavó las bases económicas de la estabilidad política sobre la que se apoyó el neoliberalismo desde el año de 1986. El gobierno pretendió hacer pagar la crisis a los sectores populares, lo que desencadenó “el ciclo rebelde”, que derrotó primero en el 2000 la privatización trasnacional del agua, cercó las grandes ciudades varias veces en defensa de los sembrados de coca durante el primer lustro del siglo y reapropió para el Estado el servicio de gas en el año 2003. Al fragor de las luchas se

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Paredes, Julieta. "Plan de las Mujeres: marco conceptual y metodología para el Buen Vivir." Bolivian Studies Journal/Revista de Estudios Bolivianos 15 (January 15, 2011): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/bsj.2010.9.

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This article analyzes the impact that neoliberal policies have on women and sets out the epistemological fracture that communitarian feminism produces in Western feminism. We discuss the circumstances in which, for the first time in the history of Bolivian public policies for women, a Plan de las Mujeres emerges from within women’s social organizations. This article also offers the conceptual frame that guides such a Plan, which relies on five categories or fields of direct action that help us in defending ourselves from a market that has put our very lives on sale. These categories are our bo

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Benente, Mauro. "El Estado y los derechos humanos en la Nueva Constitución Política del Estado Plurinacional de Bolivia." Boletín Mexicano de Derecho Comparado 1, no. 148 (2017): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iij.24484873e.2017.148.10995.

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En el presente trabajo analizo el modo en que Álvaro García Linera conceptualiza la transición del Estado boliviano, y muestro cómo la nueva Constitución Política se inscribe en ese proceso. Desde la perspectiva de la gubernamentalidad marco que en la Constitución hay una nueva racionalidad de gobierno que avanza hacia la plurinacionalidad y abandona el neoliberalismo, pero la racionalidad que subyace al diagrama de los derechos humanos se mantiene en un registro eminentemente liberal.

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Cavooris, Robert. "Clase, capitalismo, y contingencia nacional en la obra de René Zavaleta." Trabajos y comunicaciones, no. 46 (October 18, 2017): 044. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/23468971e044.

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René Zavaleta persiguió la relación de la forma nación y la lucha de clases a lo largo de su vida, buscando siempre vincularla a la cuestión de un sujeto político colectivo. Este ensayo traza su manera cambiante de relacionar estos conceptos desde su fase nacionalista revolucionaria hasta sus reflexiones maduras en Lo nacional-popular en Bolivia. Se plantea que por una transformación política y epistemológica, Zavaleta llegó a pensar clase y nación en conexión con las tendencias de descomposición y composición en el capitalismo, desarrollando así una visión de la nación como históricamente con

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Loreto Correa, Vera, and Viviana García Pinzón. "Aunque las aguas nos dividan: las relaciones chileno-bolivianas y la construcción de una agenda común." Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos 1, no. 54 (2016): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2012.54.56469.

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En el primer semestre de 2011, el gobierno de Bolivia anunció la creación de la División de Reivindicación Marítima en la perspectiva de llevar ante tribunales internacionales su reclamo a Chile por una salida soberana al Océano Pacífico. Esta decisión representó un cambio en la dinámica de la relación bilateral, que en los últimos años había priorizado el diálogo a través de un instrumento bilateral conocido como la Agenda de los 13 puntos. El artículo analiza las fuentes de cooperación y conflicto entre los dos países durante las dos últimas décadas a partir de los planteamientos teóricos de

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Cárdenas Gracia, Jaime. "Informe sobre el referéndum boliviano de 2016." Boletín Mexicano de Derecho Comparado 1, no. 148 (2017): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iij.24484873e.2017.148.10996.

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El ensayo describe el referéndum boliviano del 21 de febrero de 2016, en el que los bolivianos dijeron “no” a la pretensión de Evo Morales para reelegirse consecutivamente como presidente por dos veces. Se muestran los argumentos a favor de la doble reelección consecutiva y las razones en contra. Se analiza si la reelección de los ejecutivos, sin controles democráticos suficientes, es una institución contramayoritaria, y se expone como marco del referéndum, el conflicto geopolítico entre neoliberalismo y populismo.

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De la Cruz Priego, Fernando. "Ayuda Externa en Bolivia (2006-2019): el período post-neoliberal." Revista Internacional de Cooperación y Desarrollo 7, no. 1 (2020): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21500/23825014.4579.

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Tras las dos décadas neoliberales de alta dependencia de la ayuda externa, la llegada de Evo Morales a la Presidencia de Bolivia supuso una transformación estructural del papel de la ayuda en el desarrollo del país. Estas transformaciones se produjeron en varios niveles. Primero, gracias a una macroeconómica estable y un sector fiscal saneado se redujo significativamente el peso de la ayuda sobre el PIB y los presupuestos públicos. Segundo, se dio preferencia a instrumentos de crédito concesional sin condicionalidades de tipo político, que se alineasen con las prioridades nacionales en los sec

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González Meyer, Raúl. "ARRITMIAS Y RECOVECOS DEL POST-NEOLIBERALISMO EN AMÉRICA LATINA." Revista de la Academia 27 (August 10, 2019): 42–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/0196318.0.1313.

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Este artículo introduce la pregunta si América Latina está transitando hacia una época de post-neoliberalismo y, a la vez, en qué dirección sería esa eventual transición. Un tiempo fundacional de esta pregunta, ubicada en la “superestructura política” del sistema, fue el de la emergencia e instalación desde el inicio del siglo XXI de un grupo apreciable de gobiernos que dentro de las categorías tradicionales fueron entendidos de “centro-izquierda”, antecedidos de una serie de movilizaciones y expresiones colectivas como el “caracazo” venezolano (1998), las “guerras” del agua y del gas en Boliv

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O’Malley, Anthony. "DERP: reducción de la pobreza mediante un neoliberalismo incluyente." Estudios Críticos del Desarrollo 2, no. 2 (2012): 75–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.35533/ecd.0202.ao.

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A finales de los años noventa, el Banco Mundial presentó el Documento de estrategia para la reducción de la pobreza (DERP) como parte de un Marco Integral de Desarrollo orientado a promover una mayor inclusión y participación social en el proceso de desarrollo. Desde entonces, como condición para obtener fondos para reducir la deuda o promover el desarrollo, a los gobiernos se les ha exigido que preparen un DERP con participación de organizaciones de la sociedad civil, enfatizando las políticas macroeconómicas y sociales del país, así como programas diseñados específicamente para combatir la p

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Ortiz Crespo, Santiago, and Fernando Mayorga. "Movimientos sociales, estado y democracia en Bolivia y Ecuador en el tránsito del neoliberalismo al postneoliberalismo." Íconos - Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 44 (August 30, 2013): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17141/iconos.44.2012.308.

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