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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Neopatrimonialismo'
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Manuel, Carlos. "Moçambique, o dilema da estruturação do estado face ao neopatrimonialismo (1974-1990)." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/5170.
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Previous issue date: 1997-04-02T00:00:00ZA proposta geral desta dissertação é tentar explicar porque o sistema revolucionário que se pretendia antítese dos sistemas tradicional e colonial que o precederam, acabou sendo a síntese dos dois. Especificamente, gostaríamos de evidenciar como se deu a acomodação de práticas típicas do sistema tradicional-patrimonialista no sistema revolucionário. Para a persecução do objetivo a que nos propusemos, tentaremos caracterizar os três sistemas que vigoraram no país (pré-colonial, colonial e revolucionário), buscando em cada um deles, identificar como as características de um sistema sobreviveram no outro. Explicada, no geral, a dinâmica dessa persistente sobrevivência das características de um sistema no outro, tentaremos descrever como ela ocorreu no sistema revolucionário, para, a partir daí, tentarmos configurar o dilema que se pode pôr à estruturação do Estado de Direito em curso no país, e tentarmos apresentar as nossas sugestões para superá-lo
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Dias, António Luís Loureiro de Vasconcelos. "A competição eleitoral nas democracias emergentes da África Subsariana." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/8308.
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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção
do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais na variante de
Ciência PolíticaA partir de 1990, a terceira vaga de democratização chega à África subsariana, resultando na introdução de eleições (mais) livres e (mais) justas enquanto processo de recrutamento da elite política. Não obstante esta novidade, esta tendência nem sempre implicou a mudança da elite política e, mesmo quando existiu mudança, o incumbente ganha mais eleições do que perde. Este padrão é surpreendente quando comparado com outras regiões de democratização recente, como a América do Sul ou a Europa do Leste, onde as eleições normalmente resultam na mudança da elite no poder. Esta dissertação pretende discutir por que razão o processo eleitoral tem sido mais favorável à manutenção da elites no poder do que a sua substituição, investigando dois tópicos frequentemente associados com o estudo desta região: o voto étnico e o neopatrimonialismo. Este estudo será baseado numa comparação do processo eleitoral em cinco países africanos e será centrado em duas dimensões distintas. A primeira dimensão é o resultado eleitoral e será testada a ocorrência do voto étnico. A segunda dimensão é o próprio processo eleitoral, e nesta será investigado de que forma é que as elites políticas no poder interagem com as eleições e com a campanha que as precede. Através de um estudo empírico comparado, esta dissertação tenta observar de que forma é que estas duas variáveis afectam a competição eleitoral e como interagem entre si.
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Owen, Jeffrey Daniel. "Neopatrimonialism and Regime Endurance in Transnistria." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35153.
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This thesis argues that neopatrimonialism is vital to understanding the power structure of the secessionist Transnistrian Moldovan Republic (TMR), and that neopatrimonial structures have been manipulated by Soviet-era elites to sustain the unrecognized separatist stateâ s independence. The thesis also argues that neopatrimonialism is not a stable structure and its effectiveness in retaining support for the regime has changed over time. The paper provides an empirical analysis of the TMR in order to answer two questions: â To what extent does neopatrimonialism explain the regime endurance of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic?â and â What does the case of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic reveal about neopatrimonialism and regime endurance over time?â The analysis examines the TMR regimeâ s use of Soviet-era industrial and bureaucratic structures, media, party networks, and worker committees to assert and maintain control, distribute patronage, maintain support for secession, and co-opt important interest groups. The paper concludes that although neopatrimonialism is only one of several elements that support the TMR regimeâ s endurance, the analysis of neopatrimonial systems in states with significant neopatrimonialism provides a framework for examining disparate but interwoven elements of a stateâ s political economy.Master of Public and International Affairs
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Pedro, Ricardo Coelho. "Das caravelas ao accountability: a odisséia da administração pública brasileira." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/17005.
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Considering a historical point of view, the study aimed to explain how patrimonialism practices are installed in the Brazilian Public Administration, analyzing aspects which collide with the essence of accountability. Such practices are considered to embrace a system of values which overlaps with Public Administration, that is, they exist at the same social plan, a discourse which makes the bureaucratic system and its State-modernization characteristics compatible with a set values which relate at personal, family and power levels. These values have been built over a long historical period, which hinders accountability. The study included several aspects such as the formation of the Brazilian State, the description of bureaucracy in the colonial, imperial and republican periods, the identification of the administrative reforms of 1936 and 1995, which somehow attempted to eliminate patrimonialism and implement a new culture to conduct the public business in Brazil. The study also included speech analysis of officials working for the Executive and Judicial Branches the municipal level, so as to verify the contemporaneity of patrimonialism. Based on the reflections made, besides the fact that the solidification of accountability is not of interest to politics, it was possible to conclude that it is also not consistent with self-referred patrimonial bureaucracy.
O estudo objetivou explicar, a partir de um ponto de vista histórico, a forma como as práticas patrimonialistas se instalaram na Administração Pública brasileira e analisar os aspectos que colidem com a essência do accountability. Considera-se que abrangem um sistema de valores sobrepostos na Administração Pública, ou seja, existe, no mesmo plano social, um discurso que compatibiliza o sistema burocrático e suas características de modernização do Estado com um conjunto de valores de relações pessoais, familiares e de poder, construídos historicamente, dificultando o próprio accountability. O estudo incluiu pesquisa sobre a formação do Estado brasileiro, descrição da burocracia nos períodos colonial, imperial e republicano, identificação das reformas administrativas de 1936 e 1995, que, de certa forma, tentaram eliminar o patrimonialismo e implantar uma nova cultura na condução dos negócios públicos no Brasil, e análise do discurso de autoridades do Poder Judiciário e Poder Executivo Municipal, a fim de verificar a contemporaneidade do patrimonialismo. Com base nas reflexões, conclui-se que a solidificação do accountability não se coaduna com uma burocracia auto-referenciada e patrimonial-burocrática e que não interessa à própria elite política.
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Willott, Christopher. "Refashioning neopatrimonialism in an interface bureaucracy : Nigerian higher education." Thesis, University of Bath, 2009. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.524060.
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The African state has received numerous analyses in academic literature. The vast majority of these studies focus on the essence of the state rather than how it is experienced and lived by its citizens and therefore sacrifice empirical knowledge of state function in favour of abstract conceptualisation. Much academic literature, especially the neopatrimonial approach dominant in political science, examines African states through the prism of Weberian logic and suggests that, because states do not conform to a rational-legal ideal, they must therefore be deficient. These analyses also frequently downplay the impact of colonial rule and postcolonial state formation and politics on the character of contemporary African states, instead stressing the continuities between pre-colonial and modern patterns of rule. This thesis eschews a normative understanding of the state in favour of an approach grounded in everyday action through analysis of the workings of the Nigerian higher education sector. I argue that this sector is a microcosm of broader state-society relations. The thesis draws on primary data collected through ethnographic methods to analyse how providers and users of a university in south-eastern Nigeria negotiate their passage into, and through, a highly complex and flexible institution. The thesis argues that, among both students and staff, achieving success in Nigerian higher education is dependent on a combination of merit, personal connections and money. The importance of these three elements suggests a system in which norms rooted in bureaucracy (merit), patron-clientism (personal connections) and financial corruption (money) intersect. My empirical research suggests that characterisations of African states as wholly captured by society and functioning as little more than vehicles for particularistic advancement, both central elements of much neopatrimonial state literature, are therefore inaccurate. The thesis also places the Nigerian state in historical context, arguing that, while some patterns of pre-colonial behaviour remain important in contemporary Nigeria, they have been fundamentally altered by colonialism and its aftermath. This thesis offers an important corrective to the rather abstract and normative ideas that underpin the theory of the African neopatrimonial state. It argues that a better understanding of the state requires a stronger focus on the routine and real experiences of service providers and users and their daily interactions.
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Schoppert, Stephanie Emma. "Neopatrimonialism and foreign aid in Africa : the cases of Kenya and Zimbabwe." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2009. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1325.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Isaacs, Rico. "Between informal and formal politics : neopatrimonialism and party development in post-Soviet Kazakhstan." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2009. http://radar.brookes.ac.uk/radar/items/c32d7712-fe83-5eee-f9d1-3049de277b53/1.
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This study is concerned with exploring the relationship between informal forms of political behaviour and relations and the development of formal institutions in post Soviet Central Asian states as a way to explain the development of authoritarianism in the region. It moves the debate on from current scholarship which places primacy on either formal or informal politics in explaining modem political development in Central Asia, by examining the relationship between the two. It utilises Kazakhstan as a case study by assessing how the neopatrimonial system evident in the country has influenced and shaped the development of political parties. It investigates how personalism of political office, patronage and patron-client networks and factional elite conflict have influenced and shaped the institutional constraints affecting party development (institutional choice, electoral design and party law), the type of parties emerging (organisation, ideology and membership) and parties' relationship with society.
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Vaidya, Ashish Akhil. "Beyond Neopatrimonialism: A Normative and Empirical Inquiry into Legitimacy and Structural Violence in Post-Colonial India." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/347514.
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Political SciencePh.D.
The purpose of this project is to demonstrate that the rational-legal bureaucratic institutions inherited by post-colonial states from their former colonial patrons have clashed with indigenous cultural norms, leading to legitimation failure. This lack of legitimacy, in turn, leads to political and bureaucratic corruption among the individuals tasked with embodying and enforcing the norms of these bureaucratic institutions. Instances of corruption such as bribery and solicitation of bribes, misappropriation of public funds, nepotistic hiring practices, and the general placement of personal gain over the rule of law on the part of officials weaken the state’s ability and willingness to enforce its laws, promote stability and economic growth, and ensure the welfare of its citizens. This corruption and its multidimensional detrimental effects on the lives of citizens are forms of what has been called structural violence. In this project, I examine four case studies of Indian subnational states that have experienced varying degrees and types of colonial bureaucratic imposition, resulting in divergent structurally violent outcomes. Deeming these systems “violent” has normative implications regarding responsibility for the problems of the post-colonial world. Corruption is often cited as a reason not to give loans or aid to certain developing countries; but viewing the matter in terms of structural violence highlights the need for not only economic assistance but also institutional overhaul.
Temple University--Theses
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Bila, Josué Julião. "Muhlabje em movimento : reciprocidades burocrático-transinstitucionais na Macia." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2016. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/8675.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
This enterprise, whose geo-ethnographic impact falls on Muhlabje – one of the neighbourhoods of Macia, southern Mozambique – tries to understand the social relations and political dynamics that move people, community social networks and the Bantu-mozambican authoririties with the municipal bureaucracy and politics, without losing sight of the simultaneously continuous and changing social institutions in that community, which are precedent and in movement with colonial domination and with post-independence Mozambique. The argument also unfolds in capturing the social situations intertwined with each other in a continuous and transdynamic flow, that is, the worship of the ancestors, the ceremony by the Mozambican heroes, the achievements of agriculture, the purchase and sale of a land, the wine donated to the community by politicians and agricultural products donated by the community to politicians and bureaucrats and local feasts are activities-social institutes that cut across the supposed institutional divisions of the impersonal republican bureaucracy and (as opposed to) interpersonal relations (Municipality and communities [neopatrimonialism/clientelism]), the reason why this flow gains the concept of bureaucratictransinstitutional reciprocities.
Este empreendimento, cuja incidência geo-etnográfica recai sobre Muhlabje – um dos bairros do Município de Macia, sul de Moçambique –, tenta compreender as relações sociais e dinâmicas políticas que movimentam as pessoas, as redes sociais da comunidade e as autoridades bantu-mocambicanas e estas, na mesma via das interações políticas, com a burocracia e política municipal, sem perder de vista as instituições sociais simultaneamente contínuas e em mudanças, naquela comunidade, precedentes e em movimento com a dominação colonial e com Moçambique pós-Independente. O argumento desdobra-se, ainda, em capturar as situações sociais entrelaçadas umas com as outras num fluxo contínuo e transdinâmico, ou seja, o culto dos antepassados, a cerimônia pelos heróis moçambicanos, os ganhos de agricultura, a compra e venda de um terreno, o vinho doado à comunidade pelos políticos e os produtos de agricultura doados pela comunidade aos políticos e burocratas e as festas locais são atividades-institutos sociais que cortam transversalmente as supostas divisões institucionais da burocracia republicana impessoal e (em contraposição às) relações interpessoais (Município e comunidades [neopatrimonialismo/clientelismo]), razão pela qual esse fluxo ganha o conceito de reciprocidades burocrático-transinstitucionais.
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Lyon-Hill, Sarah. "Building Governance Capacity in Rural Niger: A Study of Decentralization and Good Governance Policy as Experienced in a Local Village." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76757.
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Niger, a northwest African country with several systemic barriers to development, has made education a priority. In an effort to improve the national education system, Niger has implemented a decentralization program. This study examines the perceptions of local school actors concerning this decentralization policy, which prescribes improving access and quality to education and strengthening institutional capacity. Local interviews and an analysis of relevant policy documents reveal limited policy implementation at the local level accompanied by a lack of state capacity, accountability and responsiveness to local school needs. Moreover, interviewees perceive a decline in education quality due to these reforms. While policy review documents focus on building institutional capacity at the central and regional government levels, the locality examined has responded as best it can to the needs of its schools. These local efforts are hampered by few resources, limited capacity and understanding of the importance of education by citizens, as well as a mistrust in government institutions, including schools, among local community members. Community leadership, development of participatory public space and trust building, could improve local education capacity to a certain extent, however, strong central government that provides additional resources and builds the capacities of school staff is necessary.Master of Urban and Regional Planning
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Padilla, Sofia Lisette. "Impacts of Neopatrimonialism on Democratization in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Comparative Analysis Between Nigeria and Ghana’s Fourth Republics." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1248.
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This thesis is the result of a comparative study utilizing qualitative evidence regarding the democratization process and history in Ghana and Nigeria. As a whole, this thesis seeks to exemplify some of the potential outcomes of democratization since independence in sub-Saharan African states. I analyze the strength and condition of democracy and the democratization process through the electoral histories of Ghana and Nigeria. In my argument, neopatrimonialism encapsulates corruption via patronage, clientelism, and godfatherism. These three theories are the primary areas of concern within this study regarding neopatrimonialism. I assert that democracy is measured in this region as a reflection of the quality of free and fair elections, a key (but not sole) determinant of democratization. The quality or maturation of democracy is measured through the degree to which neopatrimonialism has impacted the integrity of the electoral process. Thus, instances elite clientelism through predatory prebendalism and violent corruption by political elite represent a very troubled democracy under which power structures serve the personal interests of the political elite. Comparatively, evidence of a more distributive form of neopatrimonialism indicates a stronger democratic regime, and is indicated by mass clientelism in the electoral systems of the state.
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Duthie, Shawn. "Beyond the rhetoric: a theoretical analysis of the effects of neopatrimonialism and intergovernmentalism on the integration process in Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/6816.
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The Organization of African Unity marked its 50th anniversary in 2013 and, despite the shift to the African Union and continued rhetoric from African leaders about the need for further integration, the progress towards the goal of economic and political integration has been ineffective. This thesis shows that integration has been ineffective in Africa namely because of the lack of political will to push integration further. The reason for this is the prevalence of neopatrimonialism on the continent, which creates a situation where leaders need access to a nation?s resources to remain in power. Economic and political integration will, inevitably, result in a loss of financial or political capital, which will then result in a lack of resources available for the client, who has used these resources to maintain their patronage base. Thus, integration in Africa has progressed slowly, as leaders do what they can to undermine the process while maintaining the appearance of progress. The major option chosen to weaken integration has been to control the institutions of integration run intergovernmentally, rather than transfer some power towards a supranational organisation. Without a transfer of power to a supranational institution, the Regional Economic Communities and African states cannot proceed towards economic, let alone political, integration. The reason for this is that decisions taken in a purely intergovernmental body, such as the African Union, will be of the lowest common denominator, resulting in a slow and ineffective integration. For integration to progress effectively, some powers will first have to be transferred to a supranational institution, which will create more actors that are actively involved in the integration process and make it more difficult for leaders to slow down or stop the move towards African unity.
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Obera, Johnson. "Governance and accountability issues in Nigerian parastatals : the case of Ajaokuta Steel." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2015. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/3eb67410-1bd7-4a94-81a1-55cbde638353.
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The purpose of this study is to examine and understand why parastatals in Nigeria are on the face of it performing so poorly. Parastatals are critised for being ostensibly immersed with ethnicism, corruption, nepotism, patronage, clientelism, low accountability and transparency. These issues were explored in the context of Ajaokuta Steel; an enterprise that was substantially complete two decades ago but subsequently progressed no further. Ajaokuta Steel is an industrial giant meant to take the lead of industrialising, developing, and taking Nigeria and Africa from poverty and unemployment. To pursue this study the researcher employed mixed methods of research with interpretivism combined with a critical ambition and a case study as the main research strategy. The researcher used questionnaires, observations, interviews to gather data. Theoretical framework based on neopatrimonialism was used to guide the researcher in the empirical work and in the study. The interviews from the case site and stakeholders were analysed from the voice recorder and those from the questionnaires were analysed using descriptive statistics. The use of several data collecting methods was to achieve triangulation and because of the seriousness of the problem which needed an in-depth investigation to unveil the mystery behind the non-completion of the giant moribund industry. The results of the interviews, case study and questionnaires indicated that the problems of governance and accountability of parastatals in Nigeria are that governing board members and chairmen who formulate policies are appointed to boards based on political patronage, ethnic balancing and religious considerations, thereby loading boards with unqualified people who may ultimately compromise an organisation such as Ajaokuta Steel. Interviewees and respondents also identified a lack of political will on the part of the government, suggestions of an international conspiracy, corruption, military incursions in politics, the geographical location of Ajaokuta Steel and the culture of neglecting projects, as further contributory factors. Interviewees and respondents mentioned also lack of accountability and transparency in the affairs of parastatals. These factors have greatly affected all parastatals in Nigeria. It was recommended that parastatals should appoint board members, the CEO and staff based on track records of good antecedents; publish their accounts in the national newspapers; or be privatised by Public Private Partnership (PPP) so that government will be able to concentrate on its primary duties of providing security, health services and education for its citizens.
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Adel, Enayatulla. "Understanding and Explaining Corruption : A case study of Afghanistan." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-30456.
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Afghanistan a country affected by decades of war and invasions has been subject of democratization and state-building of foreign donors post-2001. Despite the efforts of international community for improvements of state institutions, the country is and has been located at the bottom corruption indexes for many years. This essay tries to understand and explain why Afghanistan has been at the bottom line of corruption despite external actor’s vast democracy aid and building of effective state institutions. The case study of Afghanistan with qualitative method and descriptive text analysis examine causes of corruption in Afghanistan. The materials consist of both statistical data in terms of surveys and scientific literature to provide explanations of corruption in Afghanistan. The analytical framework of the study is based on previous research where formal institutions with focus on political system and informal institutions with focus on clientelism, patronage and neopatrimonialism, are used to explain the empirical data. The findings are that corruption is endemic in Afghanistan, occurring at all sectors of the government and the main reason is the defective political structure along with patronage and clientelistic networks and a state that rest on neo-patrimonialism.
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Inuwa, Solomon. "A critical evaluation of the 2009 Niger Delta Amnesty Disarmament Demobilisation and Reintegration programme." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/14640.
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Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) have become a key component of the postconflict peacebuilding orthodoxy. Therefore, this study evaluates the efficacy of Amnesty, Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (ADDR) in conflict prevention and resolution using the 2009 Niger Delta ADDR programme as a case study. The study evaluated the effectiveness of the programme using the minimalist and maximalist framework advanced in the DDR literature. The key findings and conclusions of the Study were that a minimalist DDR would only achieve security stabilisation and return excombatants to the status quo- ante society with all the pre-conflict grievances unaddressed thereby bequeathing a high potential of relapse to violence. Furthermore, for DDR to be an effective conflict prevention and resolution mechanism and postconflict peacebuilding force, its conceptualisation, design and implementation must be maximalist in nature with a transformative agenda that aims to address the roots causes of violence.
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Agung, Wicaksono. "The Rapid Expansion of Middle Class in Rural Java:A Study of Socio-historical Processes of the Middle Class Formation and Its Impacts on Rural Life after the 1998 Economic Crisis." Kyoto University, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/242759.
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Beckwith, Laura. "When the Lakes Are Gone: The Political Ecology of Urban Resilience in Phnom Penh." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/40406.
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This dissertation examines how simultaneous social-ecological transformations including environmental change, climate uncertainty and urbanization affect low income residents in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. Low income residents often reside in informal settlements which themselves inhabit marginal spaces in the city including roof tops, riverbanks, and land on the urban periphery. In Phnom Penh, many communities in the peri-urban zone depend on agriculture for their livelihood. Yet, this way of life is being compromised by changes to weather patterns, water quality and most pressingly urban expansion, as the wetlands they use to farm are being filled with sand to create new land on which to build luxury condos and expansive shopping malls.
This thesis focuses on how low income residents, in particular urban farmers on the outskirts of Phnom Penh, live with and influence the ongoing social-ecological transformations that are shaping the city. I employ a mixed qualitative and quantitative methodology, including interviews, focus groups and a household survey to examine how patterns of urbanization in the past 25 years have created situations of both social and ecological marginalization in Phnom Penh. I show how the changing legal framework of land ownership has influenced access to land and housing while analysing how urban farmers have responded to these changes. The following research questions underpinned the study:
1. How are low-income residents of Phnom Penh affected by the process of environmental change (including climate change)? How do other forms of socio-economic marginalization influence this?
2. What are the historical conditions that have shaped the present reality for low-income residents of Phnom Penh in terms of their vulnerability to environmental change?
3. How are low-income residents responding, individually and collectively, to the changes they are experiencing as a result of urbanization and environmental change? What are the outcomes of these actions?
4. How is the concept of ‘resilience’ being employed as a policy objective in Cambodia? Does the presence of a resilience agenda improve conditions for low-income residents facing challenges related to environmental change in urban areas?
I combined the theoretical fields of resilience and political ecology, to take advantage of their complementary understandings of the interaction between humans and nature. This theoretical combination highlights the importance of scale, focusing on the loss of agricultural livelihoods at the village level while also acknowledging the role of national policy and politics in shaping the priorities of urban development. My use of political ecology focuses on issues of agency to show how farmers are actively employing strategies to sustain their failing crops, such as increasing the use of chemical inputs, which tragically further undermines their precarious finances as well as the ecosystem they depend on. Farmers deploy short term strategies in an effort to retain a foothold in the city in the hopes that their children will be able to leverage their education to pursue opportunities outside of farming.
I further draw on discourse analysis to show how the term resilience is employed in policy and by government officials at the national level to frame climate change as a managerial problem which can be solved with technical solutions and external funding. I argue this obscures how problematic decisions such as the in-filling of urban lakes are caused, not by failures of capacity but by political priorities, aligned to the interests of wealth creation for a small elite. While resilience has been embraced as a policy priority in Cambodia, it has not translated into practices which protect urban ecosystems or lessen social inequalities.
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Davies, Steven J. "The political economy of land tenure in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/580.
Full textAbstract:
In surveying the literature on land tenure reform in Africa, what can readily be observed is that much of that body of work has comprised a markedly econometric and technical focus, to the neglect of evidently contiguous political factors. As a result, fundamental structural impediments to reform efforts have largely been ignored - a fact that may be reflected in the failure of many titling interventions. In light of this omission, the nature of political economy in both Ethiopia and Africa more generally is delineated in this thesis, in order to construct a more rounded conceptual framework through which the issue of land tenure can be deciphered. In so doing, the model of the ‘neopatrimonial’/anti-developmental state is utilised as a benchmark against which twentieth century Ethiopian regimes, and in particular the incumbent EPRDF Government, are assessed. Considerable evidence is uncovered to support the view that, despite its unique historical experience of independence, contemporary Ethiopia nevertheless fits with many key aspects of the neopatrimonial model – most notably in the Government’s pursuit of political survival and revenue to the neglect of long-term sustainable development. It is therefore argued that political imperatives have undermined the establishment of a progressive economic agenda in the country, and the ways in which this has affected land tenure are delineated. Moreover, it is demonstrated that the contemporary debate on tenure reform in Ethiopia has taken a form that is somewhat myopic and circuitous, possibly in an attempt to circumvent discussion of controversial political issues. It is argued that this apolitical stance has undermined not only the debate itself, but also the practical intervention strategies that have emerged from it, such as the recent land titling and administration project in Ethiopia. It is therefore concluded that the only means of escape from this theoretical and practical impasse is to reintegrate politics into the analysis.
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Ismail, Zenobia. "The alternation fallacy : turnover without transformation in Zambia (1991-2015)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/280366.
Full textAbstract:
Zambia is one of only three countries in southern Africa which has experienced two alternations, but there has been little institutional reform since independence. A time-based comparison of Zambia’s constitution, legislation and institutions from 1991 to 2015 is conducted because the ‘moving picture’ reveals continuities which tend to be overlooked by a ‘snapshot’ analysis. New incumbents are reluctant to relinquish the increasing returns derived from executive dominance and weak oversight institutions such as the national assembly and judiciary. Therefore, institutional weaknesses from Zambia’s one-party state have infiltrated the multi-party era, where they continue to blur the separation of powers. Factionalism stemming from ethnic polarisation, which emerged in the colonial era, undermines all ruling parties in Zambia. The study finds that succession contests, triggered by term limits or the deaths of sitting presidents, are the primary mechanism which repeatedly weakens dominant parties. The outcomes of such intra-party conflicts have far-reaching consequences for the political party system by giving rise to new parties, re-orientating ethnic and political alliances, and contributing to turnover in elections. However, the dissertation reveals that both the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy and the Patriotic Front governments in Zambia reneged on the reforms which they promised while in opposition and opted to maintain the constitutional clauses, repressive legislation and patronage system which they inherited. An extensive analysis of the 35 by-elections which occurred after the 2011 turnover ascertains that there was pervasive co-option of opposition members into the Patriotic Front, leading back to the dominant path. Therefore, the dissertation concludes that one-party dominance in Zambia is path dependent. Consequently, it is an alternation fallacy to expect the ousting of a dominant party to stimulate democratisation. Democracy advocates will need to confront the challenge of providing incentives that will persuade incumbents to undertake reforms which diminish executive dominance and strengthen the independence of oversight institutions.
20
Zagainova, Anastassiya. "La corruption institutionnalisée : un nouveau concept issu de l'analyse du monde émergent." Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00921574.
Full textAbstract:
La thèse s'est donnée pour objectif d'élaborer une approche innovante de la corruption, permettant de saisir les réalités complexes du phénomène et d'expliquer sa persistance dans le monde émergent. Suite à une analyse critique de l'orthodoxie économique de la corruption - la compréhension actuelle la plus répandue comprenant un mix d'approches théoriques et culminant avec le modèle de bonne gouvernance -, nous soulignons la faiblesse d'attention accordée aux facteurs structurels. Dans notre recherche nous avons effectué une enquête de terrain (méthode Delphi) et une analyse statistique exploratoire multidimensionnelle qui ont permit des nouvelles interprétations du phénomène observé. En nous appuyant sur les enseignements des écoles hétérodoxes contemporaines (unifiées au sein de l'économie politique institutionnaliste décrit par A. Caillé), construisant une approche positive et compréhensive basée sur une démarche holindividualiste, nous proposons une analyse structuro-institutionnaliste de la corruption. Avec un renouveau paradigmatique sur la rationalité et la coordination des agents économiques, nous avons reconstruit le cadre interprétatif de la corruption. Dans ce but, nous avons élaboré le concept de la corruption institutionnalisée, qui décrit les situations où la corruption n'est plus une déviance, mais, au contraire, est devenue une règle de comportement. Nous avons étudié les mécanismes de la corruption institutionnalisée à travers la mise en évidence du rôle des attitudes culturelles, des principes inhérents aux réseaux sociaux et des caractéristiques néo-patrimoniales des États contemporains. Ainsi, nous avons expliqué les origines de la corruption, qui renvoient à son historicité et à l'encastrement (culturel, social, étatique), les mécanismes de fonctionnement reposant sur des coordinations hybrides, ainsi que les impacts et liens ambigus de la corruption institutionnalisée avec la croissance. Notre analyse dynamique de la corruption se penche sur les questions de transformations des systèmes néo-patrimoniaux à travers la compréhension d'évolutions institutionnelles, où la path dependency et les actions des clans politico-économiques expliquent la résistance et la reproduction des systèmes corrompus. Nous proposons des scénarii de sortie du clientélisme des États néo-patrimoniaux et mettons en avant les enjeux et les leviers d'une évolution graduelle endogène. Nous avons attiré l'attention sur le rôle du clientélisme dans la construction démocratique (un vecteur paradoxal), où les réseaux de réciprocité rendent la démocratisation possible. Nous avons mis en lumière deux moments clés dans une évolution vertueuse : la déconcentration (ou dispersion) des pouvoirs à travers l'autonomisation de certains réseaux par rapport aux grands clans politico-économiques, et la diversification des ressources de nouvelles unités, rendue possible notamment à travers le processus d'insertion dans l'économie mondiale. La thèse aboutit à une série de propositions concrètes pour l'amélioration de la pertinence des programmes anti-corruption. Nous reconsidérons le rôle de l'extérieur et mettons en évidence la supériorité des programmes bottom-up dans le combat contre la corruption, celui-ci devant reposer sur les évolutions graduelles des structures sociétales. La portée de notre approche dépasse le monde émergent et est applicable à différents systèmes économiques. En effet, la corruption institutionnalisée n'est pas spécifique aux pays émergents et ne peut être donc réduite à une dynamique de développement.
21
Volkov, Roman. "La Russie de Vladimir Poutine : sociologie politique d'un Etat néopatrimonial." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BORD0808.
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Quel est le modèle politique de la Russie de Vladimir Poutine ? Ce travail de thèse propose une analyse compréhensive du cas russe grâce au concept de néopatrimonialisme. En s’inspirant de la sociologie politique des élites, de la sociologie historique de l’Etat et de l’économie politique nous proposons de reconstruire les logiques d’actions des acteurs dans le cadre d’un système d’interaction dont l’Etat néopatrimonial est un idéaltype. Celui-ci tient à deux dimensions essentielles qui légitiment sa domination : l’autocratie institutionnalisée renvoie aux rouages politiques, tandis que le capitalisme de connivence illustre le rôle de l’entreprise néopatrimoniale et des réseaux politico-économiques dans la redistribution des ressources. Malgré sa stabilité, ce modèle produit des effets émergeants dont la « dépolitisation institutionnelle » qui rend impossible l’institutionnalisation du pluralisme politique tandis que la confusion des sphères politique et économique participe à l’émergence d’une classe dirigeante qui verrouille les espaces de renouvellement élitaireWhat is the nature of the political model in Vladimir Putin’s Russia ? This work aims at making sense of the Russian case through a comprehensive approach and the concept of neopatrimonialism. Inspired by the sociology of elites, the historical sociology and the political economy our work presents the logic of actors acting in an interdependence system which tends to the idealtype of a Neoparimonial State. It is structured through two dimensions that legitimate its domination: institutionalized autocracy reflects the political side of it while crony capitalism illustrate the role of the State-enterprise and the business-politics networks in the redistribution of resources process. Despite its stability, this model creates emerging effects such as “institutional depoliticization” that prevents political pluralism to institutionalize while the political-economic nexus creates a new ruling class which dominant position locks elite renewal
22
Nkolo, Asse Sosso Ginette Patience. "Les femmes entrepreneures dans la société politique camerounaise." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015BORD0067/document.
Full textAbstract:
Avec le retour du multipartisme au Cameroun dans les années mil neufcent quatre-vingt-dix, l’État camerounais voit émerger des nouveaux acteursparmi lesquelles les femmes entrepreneures. L’objectif de cette thèse est dedéterminer quels enseignements structurels, les dynamiques sociopolitiquesdes femmes entrepreneures dans la sphère sociopolitique nous livrent sur lefonctionnement du système politique camerounais à l’aune du genre. A traversce questionnement, l’objectif est de voir dans quelle mesure l’entrée desfemmes en général et l’intégration des femmes entrepreneures en particulierdans le système politique entraînent un changement d’ethos de la vie politiquecamerounaise fortement imprégnée de l’ethos de la notabilité-séniorité et de lamasculinité et fortement caractérisée par la gouvernance de la manducation etla politique de l’autoreproductionWith the return to multi party system in Cameroon in the 1990s,Cameroon’s state witnessed the rise of new players, including womenentrepreneurs. This thesis aims at determining the structural lessons learnedfrom the sociopolitical dynamics of women entrepreneurs in social and politicalsphere about the functioning of Cameroon’s political system with regard togender. Through this inquiry, our goal is to see how the entry of women ingeneral and mainstreaming of women entrepreneurs in particular in the politicalsystem results in a change of ethos on cameroon’s political life which is stronglymarked by the ethos of notability-seniority and manhood and mainlycharacterized by the governance of manducation and policy of self-replication
23
Natielse, Kouléga Julien. "Le Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilite politique et illusionnisme démocratique." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00957659.
Full textAbstract:
Le " Burkina Faso depuis 1991 : entre stabilité politique et illusionnisme démocratique " ambitionne de se projeter au cœur du régime de la IVème République. Les fondements de la domination de l'élite politique post-transition sont examinés à travers la stratégie de conquête du pouvoir politique et la légitimation électorale à travers l'organisation des premières élections pluralistes. Le président Blaise Compaoré progressivement met en place un système de domination verrouillé où les possibilités de changements démocratiques s'amenuisent pour ses adversaires politiques. Cette mainmise du régime de M. Blaise Compaoré nécessite des ressources qui se déclinent en ressources internes et en un répertoire de légitimation internationale qui fait aujourd'hui du président Blaise Compaoré un acteur majeur du jeu politique sous-régional.
24
Chen, Sophia, and 陳翠華. "Neopatrimonialism in the political transition of Kyrgyzstan." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/74240093170505328235.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
104
Since its declaration of independence in 1991, Kyrgyzstan has experienced two radical changes of the regime (in 2005 and 2010). Lately, it held the parliamentary election on October 4 in 2015 and now is expecting its presidential elections in 2017. The West has a positive view of the political development in Kyrgyzstan. However, in reality, historical legacy and state capacity both affect the political transition of Kyrgyzstan persistently. Like other countries in Central Asia, Kyrgyzstan possesses the characteristics of Neopatrimonialism, which emphasizes the informal patron-client practices of personal interests behind the modern formal institutions. This article analyzes the political transition of Kyrgyzstan through the approach of new institutionalism. The main influential factors in the political transition of Kyrgyzstan are historical legacy and state ability. The regime of Kyrgyzstan carries the traits of pyramid power system, which stresses that the president as a single patron allocates rents to his supportive networks in order to accelerate the closure of his pyramid. Hence, the writer argues that the patronage politics of Kyrgyzstan hinders the process of its political transition, so it will not achieve the democracy in a short term.
25
Jordanová, Anna. "Prezidentské klany v Kazachstánu a Uzbekistánu: postavení a vývoj." Master's thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-438028.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis deals with the topic of the development of presidential political clans in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. It covers the entire rule of the first two presidents (Nursultan Nazarbayev and Islam Karimov) from their ascension to their posts shortly after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and declarations of independence of both states, and also the current rule of their respective successors (Kassym-Jomart Tokayev and Shavkat Mirziyoyev). It predominantly focuses on the power and social status of their closest relatives in these clan- based structures. Special attention was paid to their potential roles in state affairs after the resignation (or death) of their patrons.
26
Suchý, Štěpán. "Nedemokratické režimy, neformální instituce a sdílení moci." Master's thesis, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-321541.
Full textAbstract:
Diplomová práce Nedemokratické režimy, neformální instituce a sdílení moci se věnuje autoritářským institucím a problému sdílení moci v nedemokratických režimech ve vztahu k autoritářským parlamentům ve středoasijských republikách. Konkrétně se zabývá úlohou autoritářských parlamentů v neopatrimoniálních režimech a jejich vlivem na sdílení moci. Abychom pochopili efekt a funkci středoasijských parlamentů, práce analyzuje jak neformální, tak formální instituce v politickém režimu a principy jejich interakce. Nejprve představuje hlavní teoretické přístupy k autoritářským institucím a parlamentům. Další části se zabývají Střední Asií a zvláště popisují případy Uzbekistánu a Kyrgyzstánu. Klíčová slova: Střední Asie Neopatrimonialismus Kyrgyzstán Uzbekistán Neformální instituce Autoritářské Instituce
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Enow, Ayuk Maria. "The Political Economy of the Nigerian Government Amnesty Program in the Niger Delta: 2009 - 2018." 2019. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A70837.
Full textAbstract:
The economic or political economy of conflicts and civil wars in Africa is an expanding field with an increase in research and literature especially in the last few decades. However, less attention has been devoted to the role of political economy in peacebuilding operations/interventions. This dissertation examines the extent to which political economy, specifically its elements in terms of interests, incentives, and institutions shapes the conceptualization, design and implementation of Disarmament,
Demobilisation and Reintegration (DDR) and the prospects for sustainable peace. The Niger Delta Amnesty (NDA) is used as an empirical case study.:CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INTRODUCTION
1 Introduction
1.1 State of the art
1.1.1 The political economy of peacebuilding
1.1.2 Institutions in rentier states
1.1.3 Resource curse discourse and interests
1.1.4 Wealth distribution and incentives
1.2 Research question
1.3 Problem statement
1.4 Overview of research methodology
1.4.1 Structural framework of the political economy approach
1.4.1.1 Neoliberalism Approach
1.4.1.2 Neopatrimonialism approach
1.4.2 Comment on sources
1.4.2.1 Research design
1.4.2.2 Research method
1.4.2.3 Data generation method
1.4.2.4 Method of data analysis
1.5 Challenges in the field
1.6 The structure of the dissertation
CHAPTER TWO
HISTORICIZING OIL CONFLICT IN THE NIGER DELTA REGION
2 Introduction
2.1 Analyzing the Origins and dynamics of the Niger Delta Conflict
2.1.1 The Geography and People of the Niger Delta
2.1.2 Pre-colonial Niger Delta and the Emergence of European Trade in Nigeria (1444 – 1850)
2.1.3 Colonial Considerations: Increasing Agitations, Palm oil Production and the Discovery of Oil (1851 – 1960)
2.1.4 Independent and Post Independent Nigeria and the Foundations of the Oil Conflict (1960 – Present)
2.1.5 Militant Movements in the Niger Delta in the Recent Past (1990s – Present)
2.2 Nigerian Political Economy, State Policy Response and the Nature of the Nigerian State
2.2.1 A Survey of the Nigerian Political Economy
2.2.2 State-centric Responses to the Niger Delta Oil Conflict (1960 – 2009)
2.2.2.1 Positive “Carrot” Approach
2.2.2.2 Coercive “Stick” Approach
2.2.3 An Explanation of the Nature and character of the Nigerian State
2.3 Conclusion
CHAPTER THREE
THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF STATE AND NON-STATE INSTITUTIONS IN NIGERIA
3 Introduction
3.1 Furthering Institutional Scholarship and Debates
3.1.1 The Mainstream Debate
3.1.2 The Critical School
3.2 State-to-State Institutional Interaction
3.2.1 Institutions as “Rules of the Game”
3.2.2 Differential Power Distribution
3.2.3 Formal Institutional Bargaining
3.3 Non-state Driven Institutional Interlinkage
3.3.1 Institutions as socially shared rules/traditional systems
3.4 State and Non-state Institutional Exchange
3.4.1 Institutional Bricolage
3.4.2 Institutional Credibility
3.5 State, Non-state and International Collaboration
3.5.1 Complexities of NDA and DDR Institutions
3.5.2 Complementarity of NDA and DDR Institutions
3.5.3 Limited Access Order in NDA and DDR Institutions
3.6 Implications of Statutory, Non-Statutory and International Institutions to NDA and DDR
3.6.1 Lack of Coordination
3.6.2 Exacerbation of Conflict
3.6.3 Weak Hybridized Institutions
3.7 Conclusion
CHAPTER FOUR
CONCEPTUALISING INTERESTS AND INCENTIVES IN THE FRAMING OF THE NIGER DELTA AMNESTY AND DDR PROGRAM
4 Introduction
4.1 Mapping Actor Network Analysis in the Niger Delta Conflict
4.1.1 The Nigerian Government
4.1.2 Oil Communities
4.1.3 Multinational Oil Companies (MNOCs)
4.2 Contested Interests: Actors, Encounters and Entanglements in the Niger Delta
4.2.1 Powerful Versus Powerless Encounters
4.2.2 Elitists Entanglements
4.2.3 Intra and Inter Community Contestations
4.2.4 MNOCs and Niger Delta Communities’ Confrontations
4.3 Conclusion
CHAPTER FIVE
A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE NIGER DELTA AMNESTY, DISARMAMENT, DEMOBILIZATION AND REINTEGRATION PROGRAM
5 Introduction
5.1 Amnesty: A Peacebuilding Practice
5.2 The NDA and DDR Program and the Politics of conceptualization
5.3 NDA and DDR Program and the Art of Negotiation
5.4 NDA and DDR: The Practice of Planning
5.5 The Implementation Process of the Niger Delta Amnesty and DDR Program
5.5.1 The Disarmament Phase
5.5.2 The Demobilisation Phase
5.5.3 The Reintegration Phase
5.6 Niger Delta Amnesty and DDR Process: A Shift from a Neoliberal Integrated Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Standards (IDDRS) Principles to a Neopatrimonial DDR Practice
5.6.1 From a people centered approach to a patron-client driven approach
5.6.2 From a flexible, transparent and accountable doctrine to a non-transparent and unaccountable DDR process
5.6.3 Nationally Owned
5.6.4 From an Integrated IDDRS Norm to a non-integrated approach
5.6.5 From a well-planned IDDRS to a haphazard DDR
5.7 Conclusion
CHAPTER SIX
GENERAL CONCLUSION
6 Introduction
6.1 Main Research Questions and Empirical Findings
6.2 Theoretical and Empirical Contribution
6.3 Potential Concerns for Future Research
BIBLIOGRAPHY
28
Kane, Ismaïla. "Les effets du néo-patrimonialisme sur la démocratie : de la pratique du présidentialisme et du clientélisme au Sénégal." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3249.
Full textAbstract:
Le présent texte porte sur l’état de la démocratie au Sénégal depuis l’alternance politique survenue en 2000. Adoptant une définition minimale de la démocratie – respect des libertés civiles et politiques, et tenue d’élections libres et justes – à laquelle il ajoute le principe de séparation des pouvoirs, son principal objectif est de répondre à la question suivante : pourquoi le fonctionnement de la démocratie est-il entravé au Sénégal? L’hypothèse avancée pour répondre à cette interrogation est la présence du néo-patrimonialisme. Celui-ci, par l’intermédiaire de la personnalisation du pouvoir et le clientélisme, sape le respect des règles démocratiques dans ce pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest.
Pour analyser l’impact du néo-patrimonialisme sur la démocratie au Sénégal, ce mémoire privilégie le néo-institutionnalisme sociologique comme cadre théorique. Cette approche définit les institutions de façon large : celles-ci peuvent englober non seulement des normes formelles mais également des règles informelles. En vertu de cette approche, le néo-patrimonialisme et la démocratie représentent des institutions puisque le premier englobe un ensemble de règles informelles et le second un ensemble de normes et procédures formelles. Ces deux institutions structurent et façonnent le comportement des individus. Dans cette confrontation institutionnelle, les règles néo-patrimoniales influencent davantage l’action des élites politiques sénégalaises – notamment le chef de l’État – que les normes démocratiques.
La vérification de l’hypothèse s’appuie sur des études sur la démocratie et le néo-patrimonialisme aussi bien au Sénégal qu’en Afrique. Elle se base également sur l’actualité et les faits politiques saillants depuis l’alternance. L’analyse est essentiellement qualitative et se divise en deux chapitres empiriques. Le premier de ceux-ci (chapitre II dans le texte) concerne la séparation des pouvoirs. Le but de ce chapitre est d’observer la manière dont l’actuel président de la République, Abdoulaye Wade, contrôle le parlement et la justice. Le second chapitre empirique (chapitre III dans le texte) se divise en deux sections. La première s’intéresse aux libertés civiles et politiques qui subissent des restrictions dues au penchant autoritaire de Wade. La seconde section porte sur les élections dont le déroulement est entaché par de nombreuses irrégularités : violence électorale, manque de ressources de l’autorité électorale, instabilité du calendrier électoral, partialité de la justice.
L’étude confirme l’hypothèse, ce qui est très problématique pour la plupart des États africains. En effet, le néo-patrimonialisme est une caractéristique fondamentale de la gouvernance en Afrique. Ainsi, beaucoup de régimes du continent noir qui enclenchent ou enclencheront un processus de démocratisation comme le Sénégal, risquent de connaître les mêmes difficultés liées à la persistance des pratiques néo-patrimoniales.This text is about state of democracy in Senegal since the political changeover in 2000. Using a minimal definition of democracy – respect of political and civil liberties, free and fair elections – completed by the separation of state powers, it aims to answer to the following question : why is the functioning of democracy hampered in Senegal? The hypothesis is that neopatrimonialism, through personalization of power and clientelism, hinders the respect of democratic rules in this West African country. To analyze the impact of neopatrimonialism on democracy in Senegal, this text draws from the sociological institutionalism as theory. This approach provides a broad definition of institutions which includes formal norms as well as informal rules. In this perspective, neopatrimonialism and democracy embody institutions because the former has a set of informal rules and the later a set of formal norms and procedures. These two institutions structure and shape the individual behaviour. In this institutional confrontation, the neopatrimonial rules have a deeper impact on the action of Senegalese elites, particularly the president. To verify the hypothesis, one refers to studies that analyze the link between democracy and neopatrimonialism in Senegal and in Africa. This text also takes into account current events and striking political facts since 2000. The analysis is essentially qualitative and divided in two empirical chapters. The first one (chapter II in the text) studies the separation of powers and how the Senegalese president, Abdoulaye Wade, control the parliement and courts. The second empirical chapter (chapter III in the text) is subdivided in two sections. The first section examines how civil and political liberties are restricted by Wade’s inclination to authoritarianism. The second section analyses the numerous irregular situations that characterize senegalese elections : violence, lack of ressources for the electoral authority, frequent change of electoral timetable, partiality of the justice. On the whole, the hypothesis is confirmed, which is problematic to most of subsaharian African states. Neopatrimonialism is a fundamental feature of African politics. Its persistence could constitute a source of difficulty for African regimes that begin or will begin democratization like Senegal did.