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Journal articles on the topic 'Neopatrimonialismus'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Mkandawire, Thandika. "Neopatrimonialism and the Political Economy of Economic Performance in Africa: Critical Reflections." World Politics 67, no. 3 (May 6, 2015): 563–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711500009x.

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During the past two decades, neopatrimonialism has become the convenient, all purpose, and ubiquitous moniker for African governance. The school of thought behind this research program, which the author refers to as the neopatrimonialism school, has produced an impressive literature on Africa. Its analysis informs policymakers and its language permeates media reportage on African states. While neopatrimonialism has long been a focus of development studies, in recent times it has assumed politically and economically exigent status. The school identifies causal links between neopatrimonialism and economic performance, and makes predictions drawing from what is referred to as the "logic of neopatrimonialism." Neopatrimonialism is said to account for trade policies, hyperinflation, economic stagnation, low investment in infrastructure, urban bias, andultimately, the lack of economic development in Africa. This article examines the empirical basis of predictions and policy prescriptions. It argues that while descriptive of the social practices of the states and individuals that occupy different positions within African societies, the concept of neopatrimonialism has little analytical content and no predictive value with respect to economic policy and performance.

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2

Wolfe, Sven Daniel, and Martin Müller. "Crisis Neopatrimonialism." Problems of Post-Communism 65, no. 2 (February 16, 2018): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.2018.1429934.

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3

Maracha, Viacheslav, and Sergey Bespalov. "Neopatrimonial Model of Public Administration and its Transformation in the Context of Global Uncertainty." EPJ Web of Conferences 248 (2021): 03003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/epjconf/202124803003.

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The coordinate system for describing practices of public administration in developed countries is set by three basic models: rational bureaucracy, New Public Management, and New Governance, which are “layered” on top of each other. However, in many developing countries, these models work differently, and instead of an upward movement, a spiral of reforms and counter-reforms is obtained. Moreover, in the face of global uncertainty generated by the transformation of the world order and the intensified COVID-19 pandemic, it is even more difficult to borrow the best practices from highly developed countries. The institutional model of neopatrimonialism, which includes the informal core and the formal periphery of the system of state institutions, has serious potential for understanding the specifics of government in developing countries. The value-neutral interpretation of neopatrimonialism opens up a broader view of such problems as state interventions into the economy, the relationship between power and property, the national model of democracy, etc. For Russia, the authors propose the redistributive neopatrimonialism model. Neopatrimonialism appears to be a phase in the cycle “mobilization system – stagnation – neopatrimonialism – renewed mobilization system”. It is hypothesized that the next phase will be built taking into account the principles of open network organization and solidarity.

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4

Giraudy, Agustina, Jonathan Hartlyn, Claire Dunn, and Emily Carty. "The Impact of Neopatrimonialism on Poverty in Contemporary Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 1 (January 9, 2020): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.46.

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ABSTRACTNeopatrimonial exercise of power, combining ruler appropriation of resources with ruler discretionality in the use of state power, remains present to varying degrees in contemporary Latin America. Building on an extensive literature, this article provides a delimited conceptualization and measurement of neopatrimonialism for 18 countries in the region and examines the effects of neopatrimonial legacies on poverty with cross-national quantitative analysis. The study finds that higher levels of neopatrimonialism have a significant, substantive impact on poverty levels, controlling for other relevant demographic, socioeconomic, and political factors. It confirms the importance of a cumulative record of democracy for poverty alleviation, while the analysis indicates that neopatrimonialism limits the effects of the political left in power on poverty reduction.

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5

Smith, Gerald H. "The Dichotomy of Politics and Corruption in a Neopatrimonial State: Evidence from Sierra Leone, 1968-1993." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, no. 1 (1997): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050256x.

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The scholarly studies on political corruption in Africa are not conclusive, given the lack of knowledge of how neopatrimonialism contributes to state corruption. This is an important omission. There are obvious relationships between regime types and the likelihood, nature, and extent of political corruption. The analysis of political corruption in Sierra Leone has important implications for our understanding of the relationship between neopatrimonialism and state corruption.

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6

Degila, D. E. "Neopatrimonialism in Africa and Beyond." African Affairs 113, no. 453 (August 19, 2014): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adu052.

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7

Solhjell, Randi. "Neopatrimonialism in Africa and Beyond." Forum for Development Studies 40, no. 3 (November 2013): 523–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2013.795458.

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8

Briggs, Ryan C. "Neopatrimonialism in Africa and Beyond." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 3 (July 2015): 264–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_r_00526.

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9

Soest, Christian von. "How does neopatrimonialism affect the African state's revenues? The case of tax collection in Zambia." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 4 (November 12, 2007): 621–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0700290x.

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ABSTRACTFollowing the neopatrimonialism paradigm, it can be hypothesised that in African states informal politics of the rulers infringe on the collection of taxes and in turn reduce state revenue. This article tests this proposition for the case of Zambia. Neopatrimonial continuity in the country is evidenced by three factors: the concentration of political power, the award of personal favours, and the misuse of state resources. Despite this continuity, the revenue performance increased considerably with the creation of the semi-autonomous Zambia Revenue Authority. Donor pressure has been the most important intervening variable accounting for this improvement. Yet, strengthening the collection of central state revenue has been consistent with a neopatrimonial rationale, and may even have fed neopatrimonialism overall, by providing increased resources for particularistic expenditure.

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10

Pitcher, Anne, Mary H. Moran, and Michael Johnston. "Rethinking Patrimonialism and Neopatrimonialism in Africa." African Studies Review 52, no. 1 (April 2009): 125–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0163.

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Abstract:Current usages of the terms patrimonial and neopatrimonial in the context of Africa are conceptually problematical and amount to a serious misreading of Weber. His use of the term patrimonial delineated a legitimate type of authority, not a type of regime, and included notions of reciprocity and voluntary compliance between rulers and the ruled. Those reciprocities enabled subjects to check the actions of rulers, which most analyses of (neo) patrimonialism overlook. We apply these insights to a case study of Botswana and suggest that scholars reconsider the application of Weber's concepts to African states.

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11

Kunysz, Nicholas. "From sultanism to neopatrimonialism? Regionalism within Turkmenistan." Central Asian Survey 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2012.649582.

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12

Ugur-Cinar, Meral. "Embedded Neopatrimonialism: Patriarchy and Democracy in Turkey." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 24, no. 3 (2017): 324–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxx009.

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13

Hoffmann, Nimi. "Diagnosing neopatrimonialism: an interview with Thandika Mkandawire." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 36, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 433–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2018.1546047.

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14

Bach, Daniel C. "Patrimonialism and neopatrimonialism: comparative trajectories and readings." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 49, no. 3 (July 2011): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2011.582731.

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15

Mehran, Weeda. "Neopatrimonialism in Afghanistan: Former Warlords, New Democratic Bureaucrats?" Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 2 (August 2018): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1470022.

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An indispensable part of the liberal peacebuilding package is rebuilding effective and meritocratic administrative structures. This paper analyses building state institutions in Afghanistan with a focus on the role of warlords in the process. The findings are based on in-depth interviews conducted from 2012 to 2016 in five different provinces of Afghanistan. The paper uses neopatrimonialism as an analytical framework to shed light on our understanding of warlords’ influence on building state institutions in a war-torn country such as Afghanistan. The paper argues that warlords have played a major role in the formation of neopatrimonialism in the country, a system that has proven pervasive, flexible and resistant to change. Additionally, this paper contends that neopatrimonial networks centred on warlords have been relatively effective in delivering services to those within the network while excluding others, nonetheless creating enough legitimacy and support to survive. Overall, this neopatrimonial system excludes some segments of the population and is very difficult to reform to make it more inclusive.

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16

Melnikov, Kirill. "NEOPATRIMONIALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF POLITICAL REGIMES' TYPOLOGY." Research Yearbook. Institute of Philosophy and Law. Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences 17, no. 3 (October 1, 2017): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17506/ryipl.2016.17.3.5166.

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17

Blunt, Peter, Mark Turner, and Henrik Lindroth. "Morton's Fork: “Democracy” Versus Neopatrimonialism in Developing Countries." International Journal of Public Administration 36, no. 1 (January 2013): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01900692.2012.713293.

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18

Hopper, Trevor. "Neopatrimonialism, good governance, corruption and accounting in Africa." Journal of Accounting in Emerging Economies 7, no. 2 (May 2, 2017): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaee-12-2015-0086.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to reflect on how best to design, implement and assess accounting reforms in Africa. Design/methodology/approach A cross-disciplinary literature review. Findings Whilst neopatrimonialism inhibits optimal development, some forms do not block it. Such governance often permeates African politics and reforms directed at its elimination may fail due to a lack of political will. Thus accounting reforms should recognize their political feasibility and be directed at areas congruent with strengthening attributes of a developmental state. Research limitations/implications There is a need to evaluate accounting reforms with respect to the level of a country’s development, relate them to its political governance, and evaluate them with respect to incremental rather than absolute achievement of their aims. Practical implications Rather than relying on imported “best practice” accounting standards and systems, there is a need for greater indigenous involvement to create systems that meet local needs and circumstances to increase indigenous accounting capacity and will to reform. Social implications Whilst the push to good governance is a desirable ideal, reforms need to be pragmatic with respect to feasibility. Originality/value The paper relates recent work on development to accounting reform in Africa which has been neglected by accounting scholars and practitioners.

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19

Khan, Firoz. "Neopatrimonialism and corruption: towards a new common sense." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 36, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 553–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2019.1574399.

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20

Sá, A. L. "A Moderna Ciência da Riqueza e o Neopatrimonialismo Contábil." Revista Catarinense da Ciência Contábil 3, no. 6 (November 30, 2003): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.16930/2237-7662/rccc.v3n6p7-17.

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21

Cammack, Diana. "The Logic of African Neopatrimonialism: What Role for Donors?" Development Policy Review 25, no. 5 (August 15, 2007): 599–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7679.2007.00387.x.

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22

Mann, Laura. "Book Review: Other Areas: Neopatrimonialism in Africa and Beyond." Political Studies Review 12, no. 1 (January 2014): 166–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12041_126.

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23

Gel’man, Vladimir. "The vicious circle of post-Soviet neopatrimonialism in Russia." Post-Soviet Affairs 32, no. 5 (August 10, 2015): 455–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.2015.1071014.

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24

Kneuer, Marianne, Andreas Mehler, and Jonas Sell. "Conference Report: Neopatrimonialism, Democracy, and Party Research: The German and International Debate: In Remembrance of Gero Erdmann (1952–2014)." Africa Spectrum 50, no. 2 (August 2015): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971505000207.

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This report summarises the presentations held at a symposium that took place on 8 June 2015 in Hamburg to commemorate the life and scholarly achievements of Gero Erdmann. Erdmann has left deep footprints in the literature on neopatrimonialism, parties, and party systems in Africa, as well as on democratisation, including democracy promotion. Colleagues and former collaborators revisited some of his work and put it in the perspective of recent findings in the literature.

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25

deGrassi, Aaron. "“Neopatrimonialism” and Agricultural Development in Africa: Contributions and Limitations of a Contested Concept." African Studies Review 51, no. 3 (December 2008): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0087.

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Abstract:The “neopatrimonial” character of African states has increasingly been invoked to explain the politics of agricultural stagnation across the continent. This article summarizes the literature on neopatrimonialism, reviewing how analysts have applied the concept in studies of food and agricultural policies in Africa. It then draws out some of the key contributions of such an approach, and describes limitations, both methodological and substantive. Finally, it asks how and why the concept has been deployed, and recommends greater circumspection, research, and refinement.

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26

Розов, Николай. "The Theory of Political Regimes’ Transformation and Nature of Neopatrimonialism." Полис. Политические исследования, no. 6 (November 16, 2015): 157–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2015.06.15.

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27

Maley, William. "Institutional Design, Neopatrimonialism, and the Politics of Aid in Afghanistan." Asian Survey 58, no. 6 (November 2018): 995–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.6.995.

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State disruption confronted Afghanistan’s rulers and their international supporters with a challenging legacy after 2001. The emergence of a neopatrimonial political order, with formal bureaucratic and administrative structures entwined with informal networks and patronage, has significantly affected attempts at aid delivery. Such dangers need to be recognized and addressed at the outset in internationally supported transitions

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28

Gobewole, Stephen H. "Neopatrimonialism: The Immense Power of Appointment of the Liberian Presidency." International Journal of Law and Public Administration 3, no. 2 (October 14, 2020): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijlpa.v3i2.5044.

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This study examines important factors of disenfranchisement of political subdivisions in Liberia, especially counties and districts due largely to the presidential power of appointment. The study analyzes survey, empirical, and constitutional amendment data gathered by Afrobarometer (Round 7 Survey), election statistics, and public officials’ appointment information. It then correlates associations between the number of county executives, presidential tenure, and referendum approvals to demonstrate a diminishment of democracy due to denying citizens’ right to vote for their local leaders. This has resulted from a gradual enhancement of the Liberian president’s power of appointment, which developed neopatrimonialism in Liberia and continues to foster a patronage system of governance that increases public corruption, a practice that has minimized state capacity, fostered state instability, and raised the potential for conflict.

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29

Remmer, Karen L. "Neopatrimonialism: The Politics of Military Rule in Chile, 1973-1987." Comparative Politics 21, no. 2 (January 1989): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422042.

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30

Kneuer, Marianne, Andreas Mehler, and Jonas Sell. "Neopatrimonialism, democracy, and party research: The German and international debate." Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft 9, no. 3 (October 2015): 211–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12286-015-0265-6.

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31

Erdmann, Gero, and Ulf Engel. "Neopatrimonialism Reconsidered: Critical Review and Elaboration of an Elusive Concept." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 45, no. 1 (February 2007): 95–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040601135813.

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32

Coco, Antonella. "Neopatrimonialism and Local Elite Attitudes. Similarities and Differences Across Italian Regions." Territory, Politics, Governance 3, no. 2 (July 2014): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21622671.2014.929532.

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33

Effendi, Winda Roselina. "DINASTI POLITIK DALAM PEMERINTAHAN LOKAL STUDI KASUS DINASTI KOTA BANTEN." JURNAL TRIAS POLITIKA 2, no. 2 (October 16, 2018): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.33373/jtp.v2i2.1471.

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Abstract Political dynasties can be understood as a political strategy to maintain power by passing down the power that has been held by others who are still among relatives. First, the stagnation of the cadre of political parties in capturing qualified regional head candidates, thus creating political pragmatism by encouraging relatives the regional head's family to become a public official. Second, the context of the community that maintains the status quo conditions in the region that want the regional head to rule by encouraging the family or people close to the regional head to replace detention. Political dynasty is a negative excess of regional autonomy that makes hijacked democracy by the circulation of genealogical core relations, based on kinship relations and outside of genealogical lines that have an interest in perpetuating family power. In practice, the actualization of political dynasties is carried out with several perspectives, namely neopatrimonialism, political clan, and political predators. The development of political dynasty at the local level can also be interpreted as a form of local 'Cendanaisasi'. The term cendanaisasi refers to the Cendana Family during the 32 years of President Soeharto's leadership which was very powerful in Indonesia's political economy. All key government posts are controlled by children, sons-in-law, nephews, and other relatives, so that this power becomes lasting for three decades of government. This pattern is actually being developed and exemplified by local elite families that the local democratic process can be traced by placing relatives in regional strategic positions. Keywords: Local Politics, Dynasty, Regional Government Abstrak Dinasti politik dapat dipahami sebagai strategi politik untuk tetap menjaga kekuasaan dengan cara mewariskan kekuasaan yang telah digenggam kepada orang lain yang masih merupakan kalangan sanak keluarga, Pertama, macetnya kaderisasi partai politik dalam menjaring calon kepala daerah yang berkualitas, sehingga menciptakan pragmatisme politik dengan mendorong kalangan sanak keluarga kepala daerah untuk menjadi pejabat publik. Kedua, konteks masyarakat yang menjaga adanya kondisi status quo di daerahnya yang menginginkan kepala daerah untuk berkuasa dengan cara mendorong kalangan keluarga atau orang dekat kepala daerah menggantikan petahanan. Dinasti Politik merupakan ekses negatif dari otonomi daerah yang menjadikan demokrasi terbajak (hijacked democracy) oleh sirkulasi hubungan inti genealogis, berdasarkan relasi kekeluargaan maupun di luar garis genealogis yang memiliki kepentingan terhadap pelanggengan kekuasaan family. Dalam prakteknya sendiri aktualisasi dinasti politik dilakukan dengan beberapa sudut pandang yaitu neopatrimonialisme, klan politik, dan predator politik. Berkembangnya dinasti politik di tingkat lokal juga bisa ditafsirkan sebagai bentuk ‘Cendanaisasi’ lokal. Istilah cendanaisasi merujuk pada Keluarga Cendana semasa 32 tahun kepemimpinan Presiden Soeharto yang sangat berkuasa dalam ekonomi-politik Indonesia. Semua pos-pos kunci pemerintahan dikuasai anak, menantu, kemenakan, maupun kerabat lainnya, sehingga kekuasaan tersebut menjadi langgeng selama tiga dekade pemerintahan. Pola itulah yang sebenarnya sedang berkembang dan dicontoh oleh para keluarga elit lokal bahwa proses demokrasi lokal bisa ditelikung dengan menempatkan kerabat dalam posisi strategis daerah. Kata Kunci: Politik local, Dinasti, Pemerintahan daerah

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34

Hansen, Ketil Fred. "The Politics of Personal Relations: Beyond Neopatrimonial Practices in Northern Cameroon." Africa 73, no. 2 (May 2003): 202–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.2.202.

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AbstractThis article deals with political culture in northern Cameroon. By analysing two happenings—the arrival of a Minister in his home town and his speech to the traditional elites—it shows how neopatrimonial politics is practised in a given locality. Important aspects of neopatrimonialism—such as the personal distribution of public resources and the conflict between different moral obligations which results in illusory appearances—are described and analysed. Yet the complexity of symbols, behaviour and metaphors outlined in these two happenings suggests that we have to go beyond the neopatrimonial model of thinking if we want to gain a better understanding of politics in Cameroon.

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35

Vlavonou, Gino. "An Uncertain Transition: Security, Violence, and Neopatrimonialism in the Central African Republic." Revue Tiers Monde 228, no. 4 (2016): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rtm.228.0121.

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36

Puljek-Shank, Randall. "Dead letters on a page? Civic agency and inclusive governance in neopatrimonialism." Democratization 24, no. 4 (July 25, 2016): 670–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2016.1206081.

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37

Von Soest, Christian, Karsten Bechle, and Nina Korte. "How Neopatrimonialism Affects Tax Administration: a comparative study of three world regions." Third World Quarterly 32, no. 7 (August 2011): 1307–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2011.600099.

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38

Aqiel, Muhammad, and Ananda Putri Sujatmiko. "Neopatrimonialism in the 2020 Regional Head Elections in the Power Cube Perspective." Bestuurskunde: Journal of Governmental Studies 1, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53013/bestuurskunde.1.1.65-78.

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The number of candidates who have a kinship with political and/or government entities in the 2020 Pilkada in Indonesia has shot up compared to the previous period, namely originally 59 candidates (2005-2014 period), 86 candidates (2015-2018 period), now 124 candidates (2020-2024 period). The research aims to identify the most dominating dimensions of power in kinship politics by using the power cube theory. In summary, the power cube theory analyzes the interaction of power in 3 (three) dimensions, namely levels, spaces, and forms. The method used is a quantitative method with analytical hierarchy process techniques to determine the criteria for the highest kinship politics and to determine the regions with the highest kinship political relations based on the criteria. Researchers identified the potential impact of kinship politics practice using descriptive qualitative research methods. The results of the study found a visible dimension in the power cube theory, namely that poor regeneration of political parties dominates the causes of kinship politics (73% of the criteria weighted results). The regions with the highest kinship politics based on the criteria for weak party regeneration were South Sulawesi (60.3%), followed by Sumatra (24.88%) and Java (10.07%). There are 5 (five) potential impacts of the practice of kinship politics, namely versatile coalitions, policies originating from elite compromise, marginalized crucial public issues, the birth of regulations that accommodate the interests of actors outside of government, and the declining performance of the bureaucracy in bridging the needs of the people.

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Payton, Joanne L. "For the Boys in the Family: An Investigation Into the Relationship Between “Honor”-Based Violence and Endogamy." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 32, no. 9 (June 5, 2015): 1332–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886260515588918.

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Germaine Tillion’s classic work of ethnology My Cousin, My Husband related so-called “honor”-based violence (HBV) to the institution of cousin marriage as a response to women’s entitlement to inheritance within the Greater Mediterranean Region. This article will scrutinize Tillion’s position using original survey data gathered in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, finding that although there is a correlation between HBV and cousin marriage, Tillion’s association of this with inheritance laws is inadequate. An alternative position is proposed, in which the relationship between HBV and cousin marriage is situated in coercion around marriage, intergenerational tensions, and in-group exclusivity, exacerbated by the contemporary politics of nationalist neopatrimonialism and an economy based in oil rentierism.

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40

GELLER, ARMANDO, and SCOTT MOSS. "GROWING QAWM: AN EVIDENCE-DRIVEN DECLARATIVE MODEL OF AFGHAN POWER STRUCTURES." Advances in Complex Systems 11, no. 02 (April 2008): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219525908001659.

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By means of evidence-driven and declaratively implemented social simulation, we grow qawm — solidarity networks in Afghanistan. The study of qawm lends insight into the structural and processual dynamics of Afghan society. In particular, we concentrate on the evolution of power structures. An agent-based computational model is presented whose ontology borrows from neopatrimonialism, a notion of power prevalent in contemporary conflicts. In this model, agents' structural arrangement, behavior and cognition are informed by qualitative data derived from case studies on Afghanistan. The simulation results suggest that the emergence of qawm and, hence, the fragmentation of Afghan society are systemic and lead to a constant drain of resources. Cross-validation between the simulated network and a target system network reveals that qawm exhibit small world characteristics.

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41

Hess, Steve. "Coming to terms with neopatrimonialism: Soviet and American nation-building projects in Afghanistan." Central Asian Survey 29, no. 2 (June 2010): 171–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2010.490677.

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42

Chuku, Gloria. "Jeremiah I. Dibua. Development and Diffusionism: Looking beyond Neopatrimonialism in Nigeria, 1962–1985." American Historical Review 119, no. 2 (April 2014): 654–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/119.2.654.

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43

Hartlyn, Jonathan. "Crisis-Ridden Elections (Again) in the Dominican Republic: Neopatrimonialism, Presidentialism, and Weak Electoral Oversight." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 36, no. 4 (1994): 91–144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166320.

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For only the fifth time since 1978, the Dominican Republic held concurrent elections in 1994 for candidates at every level of government — presidential, congressional and municipal. The most important of these contests, for the presidency, saw the incumbent, Joaquίn Balaguer, returned to the post he has held for so long, defeating his principal challenger, José Francisco Peña Gόmez, by a margin of 22,281 votes. The most recent election, on 16 May 1994, proved to be just as traumatic and incident-prone as those that preceded it, dating back to the first democratic election in 1978. Unlike the last election (in 1990), however, in which Balaguer also won a narrow victory, this time the charges of electoral fraud were well-documented and the accuracy of the tally widely disbelieved, not just domestically but internationally as well.

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Ilkhamov, Alisher. "Neopatrimonialism, interest groups and patronage networks: the impasses of the governance system in Uzbekistan." Central Asian Survey 26, no. 1 (March 2007): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634930701423491.

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Guliyev, Farid. "Personal rule, neopatrimonialism, and regime typologies: integrating Dahlian and Weberian approaches to regime studies." Democratization 18, no. 3 (May 25, 2011): 575–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2011.563115.

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Guliyev, Farid. "Personal rule, neopatrimonialism, and regime typologies: integrating Dahlian and Weberian approaches to regime studies." Democratization 18, no. 4 (July 21, 2011): 1055–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2011.593310.

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Kendhammer, Brandon. "Getting Our Piece of the National Cake: Consociational Power Sharing and Neopatrimonialism in Nigeria." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 21, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2015.1032023.

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Yarrington, Doug. "Venezuelan Presidents’ Discretionary Payments to Allies and Followers. Neopatrimonialism and Gray Corruption, 1919-1948." Südost-Forschungen 77, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2018-770109.

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Mohanty, Rabindra Kumar. "Review: Jeremiah I Dibua, Development and Diffusionism: Looking beyond Neopatrimonialism in Nigeria, 1962–1985." International Sociology 30, no. 5 (September 2015): 493–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580915598100a.

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Suárez Nieves, Sergio Agustín. "Fundamentos filosófico científicos de la teoría neopatrimonialista de la contabilidad." Saber, Ciencia y Libertad 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2012): 145–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18041/2382-3240/saber.2012v7n2.1859.

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Con la intención de observar algunas fronteras de la investigación y el conocimiento contable, bajo una perspectiva epistemológica, este trabajo tiene como propósito evidenciar los elementos filosóficos y científicos que sirven de base a la teoría Neopatrimonialista de la Contabilidad y sus perspectivas metodológicas y científicas, haciendo énfasis en su filosofía y cientificidad. La teoría Neopatrimonialista postula que la Contabilidad es la ciencia encargada de estudiar el patrimonio de las células sociales y como la prosperidad depende de la eficacia de este, y uno de los responsables del progreso y estabilidad de las naciones. El Neopatrimonialismo presenta un conjunto de planteamientos científicos, para ayudar que empresas e instituciones satisfagan las necesidades humanas y el equilibrio social. El abordaje permitirá penetrar en los fundamentos teóricos, axiomas y teoremas que componen su estatuto científico, su trasfondo epistemológico, metodológico y teleológico, para finalmente concluir en una meta crítica teórica.

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