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Journal articles on the topic 'Neoplatonic'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Bregman, Jay. "Synesius of Cyrene and the American “Synesii”." NUMEN 63, no. 2-3 (March 9, 2016): 299–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341424.

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This article explores the Hellenic/Christian synthesis of bishop Synesius and its later influence, especially on nineteenth-century America. Synesius accepted a bishopric despite Neoplatonic reservations concerning Christian doctrine: the uncreated soul pre-exists; the uncreated cosmos is eternal; and the “resurrection” an ineffable mystery, beyond the vulgar. Whether or not born a Christian, his study under Hypatia brought about a conversion to “pagan” Neoplatonism. His attempted synthesis of Hellenism and Christianity was unique, unlike that of any other late antique Christian Platonist. Later, Renaissance thinkers scanned a new religious horizon reviving Hellenic Neoplatonism, Hermetic thought, Pythagoreanism, etc., included in a “primordial revelation,” contemporaneous with the Mosaic revelation and thereby in harmony with Christianity. In Romantic-era England, Thomas Taylor revived Hellenic Neoplatonism as the “true” religion, in the spirit of the anti-Christian theurgic Neoplatonist Roman emperor, Julian. Taylor had a significant influence on the American “Synesii,” Transcendentalists and Neoplatonists, e.g., on Bronson Alcott’s Platonic/Pythagorean lifestyle. Reading Taylor’s translations, Ralph Waldo Emerson spoke of the “Trismegisti” whose Neoplatonic religion predated and superseded “parvenu” Christianity. Later Transcendentalists continued the work of Taylor, sympathizing with late antique “pagan” Neoplatonism, but, in the spirit of Synesius, synthesizing it with Christianity and with other religions. They sought a non-sectarian, universal “cosmic theism,” notably through Thomas M. Johnson’s journal, The Platonist, which included translations of Synesius and other Neoplatonists. One of its contributors, Alexander Wilder, also influenced Theosophy on its Neoplatonic side. More recent Anglophone “Synesii” include Hilary Armstrong, who was a major presence in Neoplatonic scholarship, both in the uk and North America. He argued for a return to Hellenic inclusive monotheism, in which a Christian Platonist, like himself, could also venerate Hindu or Isis’ holy images as being true reflections of the divine.

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2

Catana, Leo. "Thomas Taylor’s Dissent from Some 18th-Century Views on Platonic Philosophy: The Ethical and Theological Context." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 7, no. 2 (2013): 180–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341262.

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Abstract Thomas Taylor’s interpretation of Plato’s works in 1804 was condemned as guilty by association immediately after its publication. Taylor’s 1804 and 1809 reviewer thus made a hasty generalisation in which the qualities of Neoplatonism, assumed to be negative, were transferred to Taylor’s own interpretation, which made use of Neoplatonist thinkers. For this reason, Taylor has typically been marginalised as an interpreter of Plato. This article does not deny the association between Taylor and Neoplatonism. Instead, it examines the historical and historiographical reasons for the reviewer’s assumption that Neoplatonic readings of Plato are erroneous by definition. In particular, it argues that the reviewer relied on, and tacitly accepted, ethical and theological premises going back to the historiography of philosophy developed by Jacob Brucker in his Historia critica philosophiae (1742-44). These premises were an integral part of Brucker’s Lutheran religiosity and thus theologically and ethically biased. If these premises are identified, articulated and discussed critically—which they have not been so far in connection with Taylor’s reception—it becomes less obvious that the reviewer was justified in his assumption that the Neoplatonic reading was erroneous by definition. This, in turn, leaves Taylor’s Plato interpretation in a more respectable position.

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3

Stępień, Tomasz. "Ciało ludzkie i jego udział w szczęściu nieba – koncepcja Pseudo-Dionizego Areopagity wobec poglądów neoplatoników pogańskich." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3559.

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In seventh chapter of his On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy Pseudo Dionysius the Areopagite treats on the ceremony of burial. While explaining the rites he makes a few remarks on the Christian understanding of the body and its fate after death, and how it is inconsistent with some pagan views on the matter. He discusses several opposite statements of the complete disintegration of the body, metempsychosis and seeing the life of the body after death exactly like the life on earth (On the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy VII 3, 1). This polemic is pointed against Neoplatonic philosophers who held such opinions, and to understand the difference between pagan and Christian view on the matter, the second part of the article considers the Neoplatonic view of the life after death. At Neoplatonic schools there were a different opinions of whether the embodiment is good or rather damaging to the intellectual soul. Philosophers like Plotinus and Porphyry explained descend of the soul as being evil, while Iamblichus and Damaskios thought otherwise. However there were points in which Neoplatonics were completely in agreement. All of them admitted that the happiness of the soul after death is possible only without the material body, and that the soul can reincarnate. Analysis of Neoplatonic view shows that the negative approach to the body is not the feature that could be ascribed to all Late Greek philosophers. Pseudo-Dionysius sees the problem in the Christian perspective. The soul at the moment of death does not loose completely the connection with the body and thus death does not mean the dissolution of the substance. However the new body that will be given to believers after resurrection will not be exactly the same with the earthly one.

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4

Weiner, Sebastian. "Eriugenas Innovation." Vivarium 46, no. 1 (2008): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853407x217614.

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AbstractJohn Scot Eriugena's work Periphyseon is commonly regarded as having introduced Neoplatonism into early medieval thinking. Eriugena's theory of the reunification of the Creator and his creation is then viewed as being based on the Neoplatonic scheme of procession and reversion. However, this interpretation falls short of Eriugena's intentions. Above all, he denies any ontological difference between Creator and creation without taking recourse to the Neoplatonic considerations of procession and reversion. Surprisingly, according to Eriugena's explanation, God is not only the Creator but he is also created. He is created insofar as he alone, possessing all being, is the essence of all created things. Moreover, the fourfold division of nature, presented at the beginning of the work, is not Eriugena's own innovation, but a common Carolingian concept. It is rather his aim to show that from an ontological point of view this division has to be resolved.

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5

Steinhart, Eric. "Neoplatonic Pantheism Today." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11, no. 2 (June 20, 2019): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v11i2.2975.

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Neoplatonism is alive and well today. It expresses itself in New Thought and the mind-cure movements derived from it. However, to avoid many ancient errors, Neoplatonism needs to be modernized. The One is just the simple origin from which all complex things evolve. The Good, which is not the One, is the best of all possible propositions. A cosmological argument is given for the One and an ontological argument for the Good. The presence of the Good in every thing is Spirit. Spirit sits in the logical center of every body; it is surrounded by the regulatory forms of that body. Striving for the Good, Spirit seeks to correct the errors in its surrounding forms. To correct the errors in biological texts, modern Neoplatonists turn to the experimental method. This Neoplatonism is pantheistic not because of some theoretical definition of God but rather because of its practical focus on the shaping of Spirit.

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6

Man, Andrei‑Tudor. "Neoplatonic Demons and Angels." Chôra 17 (2019): 311–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora20191716.

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7

Van den Berg, R. M. "RECONSTRUCTING NEOPLATONIC POLITICAL THEORY." Classical Review 54, no. 2 (October 2004): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/54.2.351.

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8

Martin, John N. "Malebranche’s Neoplatonic Semantic Theory." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 8, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 33–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341273.

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Abstract This paper argues that Malebranche’s semantics sheds light on his metaphysics and epistemology, and is of interest in its own right. By recasting issues linguistically, it shows that Malebranche assumes a Neoplatonic semantic structure within Descartes’ dualism and Augustine’s theory of illumination, and employs linguistic devices from the Neoplatonic tradition. Viewed semantically, mental states of illumination stand to God and his ideas as predicates stand in Neoplatonic semantics to ideas ordered by a privative relation on “being.” The framework sheds light on interpretive puzzles in Malebranche studies such as the way ideas reside in God’s mind, the notion of resemblance by which bodies imitate their exemplar causes, and the issue of direct vs. indirect perception through a mechanism by which agents can see bodies by “seeing” ideas. Malebranche’s semantics is of interest in its own right because it gives a full (if implausible) account of the mediating relations that determine indirect reference; lays out a correspondence theory of truth for necessary judgments; defines contingent truth as based on an indirect reference relation that is both descriptive and causal but that does not appeal to body-mind causation; and within his theory of perception, works out an account of singular reference in which singular terms carry existential import, refer indirectly via causal relations, but describe their referents only in a general way.

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9

Sprutta, Justyna. "La dimension néoplatonicienne du Fondement Ignatien (au contexte du tout des Exercices spirituels de saint Ignace de Loyola." Poznańskie Studia Teologiczne, no. 34 (August 28, 2020): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pst.2019.34.11.

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God is the foundation and goal of man. The way to God, from the state of disgrace to a happy relationship with God, is also the “foundation” of the Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius of Loyola, including the Foundation. In the Foundation there is a Neoplatonic way to God as absolute Good− Truth−Beauty. The spiritual way, continued in Weeks of the Ignatian retreat, includes the stages of purification, enlightenment and unification. This way is thus also an existential principle present in Christian Neoplatonism, having its reception in all cycle of Ignatian Exercises. The article to concern the relationship between the theology of the Foundation and Christian Neoplatonism, with reference to the whole of the Spiritual Exercises of St. Ignatius of Loyola.

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10

MCGINNIS, JON. "A PENETRATING QUESTION IN THE HISTORY OF IDEAS: SPACE, DIMENSIONALITY AND INTERPENETRATION IN THE THOUGHT OF AVICENNA." Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 16, no. 1 (February 15, 2006): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423906000233.

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Avicenna's discussion of space is found in his comments on Aristotle's account of place. Aristotle identified four candidates for place: a body's matter, form, the occupied space, or the limits of the containing body, and opted for the last. Neoplatonic commentators argued contra Aristotle that a thing's place is the space it occupied. Space for these Neoplatonists is something possessing dimensions and distinct from any body that occupies it, even if never devoid of body. Avicenna argues that this Neoplatonic notion of space is untenable on the basis of three arguments. In general he maintains that bodies' impenetrability is explained by reference to dimensionality. Consequently, if it is dimensionality that explains impenetrability, and yet as the Neoplatonists hold space inherently possesses dimensions, material bodies could never interpenetrate space and so occupy it and thus bodies could never have a place. The conclusion is patently false. In additions Avicenna argues that the method used to arrive at the possibility of space is illicit, and so Neoplatonist cannot show that space is even possible. Thus, concludes Avicenna, Aristotle's initial account must be correct. The paper outlines the historical context of this debate and then treats Avicenna's arguments against space in detail.

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11

Park, Jae-Eun. "Schleiermacher’s Perspective on Redemption." Journal of Reformed Theology 9, no. 3 (2015): 270–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697312-00903001.

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This article analyzes the philosophical background of Schleiermacher’s doctrine of redemption. The two philosophical strands of dialectic Neoplatonism and Romanticism form the basis of Schleiermacher’s soteriology, in which Christ’s redemption is seen not just as an act to liberate from sin, but the fulfillment of the coincidentia oppositorum (the coincidence of opposites) between the finite (individual) and the Infinite (the whole) within the dynamic dialectical interrelationship between them. By participating in Christ’s perfect God-consciousness through receptivity to “absolute dependence,” the individual experiences redemption. In its philosophical context, Schleiermacher’s soteriology may be labeled as Christ-Centered Dialectic-Neoplatonic-Romantic-Soteriology.

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12

Timotin, Andrei. "A Hymn to God Assigned to Gregory of Nazianzus and Its Neoplatonic Context." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 12, no. 1 (April 20, 2018): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341396.

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AbstractThe paper deals with an anonymous Hymn to God, which is attributed to Gregory of Nazianzus by some authors, but was most probably composed by a Christian Neoplatonist such as Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. The paper explores the hymn’s relation to Neoplatonic theories of prayer and shows that these affinities are broader in scope than has previously been recognised. Some Pagan and Christian Neoplatonists, including the author of the Hymn to God, seem to have shared the idea of a cosmic prayer by which all beings tend towards God, a prayer founded on the knowledge of the ‘signatures’ (synthemata) that God rooted in our souls.

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13

Martin, John N. "Proclus and the Neoplatonic Syllogistic." Journal of Philosophical Logic 30, no. 3 (June 2001): 187–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.1023/a:1017521712962.

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14

Stamatellos, Giannis. "Computer Ethics and Neoplatonic Virtue." International Journal of Cyber Ethics in Education 1, no. 1 (January 2011): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcee.2011010101.

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In normative ethical theory, computer ethics belongs to the area of applied ethics dealing with practical and everyday moral problems arising from the use of computers and computer networks in the information society. Modern scholarship usually approves deontological and utilitarian ethics as appropriate to computer ethics, while classical theories of ethics, such as virtue ethics, are usually neglected as anachronistic and unsuitable to the information era and ICT industry. During past decades, an Aristotelian form of virtue ethics has been revived in modern philosophical enquiries with serious attempts for application to computer ethics and cyberethics. In this paper, the author argues that current trends and behaviours in online communication require an ethics of self-care found in Plotinus’ self-centred virtue ethics theory. The paper supports the position that Plotinus’ virtue ethics of intellectual autonomy and self-determination is relevant to cyberethics discussions involved in computer education and online communication.

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15

Dobieszewski, Janusz. "Neoplatonic tendencies in Russian philosophy." Studies in East European Thought 62, no. 1 (February 6, 2010): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11212-010-9103-1.

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16

Treiger, Alexander. "From Dionysius to al-Ġazālī." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 9, no. 1-2 (December 19, 2019): 189–236. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00801102.

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Abstract The present article reports the discovery of a previously unknown ninth-century Arabic paraphrase of Dionysius the Areopagite and demonstrates that this paraphrase was accessible to al-Ġazālī (and, probably, to other authors, notably the Brethren of Purity). It also proves that this paraphrase was produced by the same translator as the Doxography of Pseudo-Ammonius. The doctrinal content of the Arabic Dionysian paraphrase is then analyzed in relation to Arabic Neoplatonic texts as well as al-Ġazālī’s writings. The influence of Gregory of Nyssa and John of Damascus on some Arabic philosophical texts (notably al-Kindī’s Book of Definitions) is also considered. The origin of “Interpositional Neoplatonism” (i.e., the kind of Neoplatonism that interposes an intermediate hypostasis between the First Principle and the Intellect) is examined. The Appendix discusses the relationship between the Doxography of Pseudo-Ammonius and Hippolytus of Rome’s Refutatio omnium haeresium.

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17

Russell, Jesse. "Edmund Spenser’s Ancient Hope: The Rise and Fall of the Dream of the Golden Age in The Faerie Queene." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 44, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 73–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-04401004.

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In the later twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, a debate has rumbled over the sources and significance of Platonic and Neoplatonic motifs in Edmund Spenser’s poetry. While this debate has focused on the presence (or absence) of various aspects of Platonism and/or Neoplatonism, critics have largely ignored the hints of magic derived from Neoplatonism. Through the probable influence of John Dee, Marsilio Ficino, and Giordano Bruno as well as Spenser’s own wide-ranging and particular reading, The Faerie Queene makes it evident that the English poet found himself attracted to an ancient hope in the restoration of a Golden Age that would be inaugurated by a great monarch. However, by the end of the poem, Spenser has largely lost faith in the restoration of this Golden Age; what he has uncovered along the way forces a retreat to Christian hope in his personal salvation.

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18

Triantari, Sotiria. "Stoicism and Byzantine philosophy." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 17 (December 31, 2014): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.17.04tri.

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Was the Byzantine thinker Nicephorus Blemmydes (1197–1272) directly influenced in his views about human “proairesis” by the Stoic Epictetus (50–138 AD) or did he take over his views from the Neoplatonic Simplicius? After exploring Blemmydes’ reception of Epictetus, one can say that Blemmydes drew elements in a brief treatise under the title “De virtute et ascesi” from the mainly Neoplatonic Simplicius, who commented on the handbook by the Stoic Epictetus (50–138 AD). Blemmydes, following Simplicius identifies “ἐφ’ ἡμῖν” with “aftexousion” and he designates “proairesis” as an activity, which emanates from “aftexousion”. Blemmydes shows the moral power of “proairesis” as a transforming factor of human existence and the mediatory factor to the dialectical relation between man and God. For the completion of the study, the following sources have been used: Blemmydes’ De virtute et ascesi, Epictetus’ Handbook, and Neoplatonic Simplicius’ commentaries on the Handbook. I specifically focus on the views of Aristotle, Epictetus, and Neoplatonic Simplicius about “proairesis” and compare the views of Blemmydes to Simplicius’ ideas. I conclude that Blemmydes drew ideas from Simplicius, with regard to human “proairesis” and in the context of the practising and cultivating virtues in everyday life.

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Jeck, Udo Reinhold. "Frater Bercaldus – Berealdus – Bertholdus de Maisberch." Bochumer Philosophisches Jahrbuch für Antike und Mittelalter 20 (December 31, 2017): 87–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/bpjam.00005.jec.

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Zusammenfassung In early modernity, church historians initially showed little interest in Berthold of Moosburg. They knew him as a commentator of Proclus, but they did not recognise his importance for the history of Neoplatonism. The librarians and bibliographers who came across Berthold’s commentary on Proclus in the Balliol College Library at Oxford showed no interest in the philosophical content of this work. An article on Berthold in the monumental work Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum (1719) summarised the available information. It was Johann Albert Fabricius (1668–1736) who took notice of it. Fabricius was very interested in Proclus as well as in Neoplatonic theology and its narration in the Elements of Theology; he had started to collect all available information regarding this issue and had also come across Berthold’s commentary. However, he did not ignore him, as many had done before, but properly recognised the importance of Berthold for the history of the reception of Proclus’s philosophy. Fabricius always referred to the Dominican thinker when dealing with Proclus’s Elements of Theology, in particular in his own Bibliotheca graeca. One of the attentive readers of this work was the German philologist Friedrich Creuzer. In 1822, within the framework of publishing Neoplatonic writings, Creuzer reedited Proclus’s Elements of Theology. As a consequence of this new edition, Proclus together with his medieval commentator came into the focus of leading representatives of classical German philosophy.

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Hankey, Wayne J. "Philosophy as Way of Life for Christians ?" Dossier 59, no. 2 (December 18, 2003): 193–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/007419ar.

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Abstract Pierre Hadot’s purpose in developing the notion of ancient philosophy as exercice spirituel was to provide an alternative to religion. Within this framework Hadot blames the triumph of Christianity and medieval scholasticism as exemplified in Aquinas for the perte de la philosophie comme manière de vivre. The judgment he applies to Aquinas falls equally on ancient Neoplatonism. In fact, however ; for both, there is nothing abstract about the theory philosophy gives to the ascent to God : philosophy is a way of life which transforms us towards deiformity. Like its Neoplatonic predecessor, the mediaeval university contained philosophy as exercice spirituel within a Christian spirituality which also directed intellectuals towards a supernatural felicity.

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Fotiou, A. S. "Plato's Philosopher King in the Political Thought of Sixth-Century Byzantium." Florilegium 7, no. 1 (January 1985): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.7.002.

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The substance of this paper will be the fragments of an Anonymous dialogue entitled On Politica Science which was written probably in Constantinople during Justinian’s time from the viewpoint of the senatorial class. On the basis of internal evidence, the dramatic date of the work can be more securely placed at the beginning of Justinian's reign, certainly before the Nika Riot of A.D. 532. Nothing is known about the author. He probably received his higher education in Plato's Academy in fifth-century Athens where he was taught the late Neoplatonic philosophy by the best known head of the Academy, Proclus (died ca. A.D. 485). The author was a Christian philosopher who presented his ideas in terms of contemporary Neoplatonism.

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Griffin*, Michael J. "What Has Aristotelian Dialectic to Offer a Neoplatonist? A Possible Sample of Iamblichus at Simplicius on the Categories 12,10-13,12." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 6, no. 2 (2012): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341234.

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Abstract Simplicius in Cat. 12,10-13,12 presents an interesting justification for the study of Aristotle’s Categories, based in Neoplatonic psychology and metaphysics. I suggest that this passage could be regarded as a testimonium to Iamblichus’ reasons for endorsing Porphyry’s selection of the Categories as an introductory text of Platonic philosophy. These Iamblichean arguments, richly grounded in Neoplatonic metaphysics and psychology, may have exercised an influence comparable to Porphyry’s.

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23

Bäck, Allan. "Themes in Neoplatonic and Aristotelian Logic." Ars Disputandi 5, no. 1 (January 2005): 93–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15665399.2005.10819871.

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24

Shaw, Gregory. "Neoplatonic Theurgy and Dionysius the Areopagite." Journal of Early Christian Studies 7, no. 4 (1999): 573–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1999.0093.

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Gerson, Lloyd P. "The ‘Neoplatonic’ Interpretation of Plato’s Parmenides." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 10, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 65–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341333.

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In his highly influential 1928 article ‘The Parmenides of Plato and the Origin of the Neoplatonic “One”,’ E.R. Dodds argued, inter alia, that among the so-called Neoplatonists Plotinus was the first to interpret Plato’s Parmenides in terms of the distinctive three ‘hypostases’, One, Intellect, and Soul. Dodds argued that this interpretation was embraced and extensively developed by Proclus, among others. In this paper, I argue that although Plotinus took Parmenides to contain a sort of outline of the true metaphysical principles, he understood the One of the first hypothesis of the second part of the dialogue in a way importantly different from the way that Proclus understood it. The characterization of this One, especially its identity with the Idea of the Good of Republic, has significant ramification for Plotinus’ philosophy that set it apart from Proclus’ philosophy in ways hitherto infrequently noted. The widely accepted reasons for rejecting Proclus’ interpretation do not apply to the interpretation of Plotinus. The two different interpretations help explain why Proclus’ notorious proliferation of entities in the intelligible realm is not found in Plotinus.

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O’Meara, Dominic J. "Aristotelian and Neoplatonic Ethics in Michael Psellos and John Italos." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Orthodoxa 66, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbto.2021.1.06.

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"This paper examines the use made by Michael Psellos and John Italos of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics together with Neoplatonic sources (in particular Porphyry’s Sentences) on the subject of virtue. Examining chapters 66-81 of Psellos’ De omnifaria doctrina and Essays 81 and 63 of Italos’ Problems and Solutions, I argue that both philosophers have a coherent theory of virtue which integrates Aristotelian ethical virtue in the Neoplatonic hierarchy of the virtues. Keywords: Psellos, Italos, Aristotle, ethics. "

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Schroeder, Frederic M., and Robert B. Todd. "The De Intellectu Revisited." Dossier 64, no. 3 (July 14, 2009): 663–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037698ar.

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Abstract The author of the De Intellectu is acquainted with the De Anima of Alexander of Aphrodisias and offers a Neoplatonic interpretation of that document in its consideration of the noetic doctrine at Aristotle, De Anima 3.5. That interpretation reveals that philosophical independence from a purely philological examination of Aristotelian texts which the present volume is exploring. The De Intellectu, because of its Neoplatonic character, is to be dated some two to four centuries after Alexander. There is no reference to an Aristotle of Mytilene, teacher of Alexander, as has been supposed.

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McGinnis, Jon. ""For Every Time there is a Season: John Philoponus on Plato's and Aristotle's Conception of Time"." KronoScope 3, no. 1 (2003): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852403322145397.

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AbstractThe originality of John Philoponus' temporal theory has been underestimated.The paper emphasizes Philoponus' creativity, especially in his reconciliation of Plato's and Aristotle's temporal theories (or at least one possible interpretation of Aristotle's account of time). To this end, the paper sketches both Plato's (and later Neoplatonic interpretations of Plato) and suggests an interpretation of Aristotle's accounts of time, which is at odds with the Platonic and Neoplatonic view of time. It next presents Philoponus' reconstruction of Aristotle's account along Platonic lines and concludes with the relevance of these ancient theories to contemporary temporal discussions.

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Lauritzen, Frederick. "The mixed life of Plato’s Philebus in Psellos’ Chronographia (6a.8)." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 50-1 (2013): 399–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350399l.

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Michael Psellos (1018-1081) used neoplatonic ethics in Chronographia 6a8 in order to discredit Leo Paraspondylos. He was accused of being too strict and distant from the real world of politics. By claiming that the intellect also needs a natural environment, Psellos endorses the neoplatonic reading of Plato?s Philebus and at the same time the contemplation of nature of Maximus the Confessor. In other words he claims the Leo was neither a philosopher nor an accurate theologian and therefore could not be in charge of political affairs.

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Eisenberg, Merle, and David Jenkins. "The philosophy of Constantine the Philosopher of Nicaea." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-9006.

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Abstract The two extant works of Constantine the Philosopher of Nicaea reveal a late twelfth century thinker of the Neoplatonic sensibility typically seen only in those who reached the pinnacle of Byzantine literacy during this period. We argue that he is of particular interest because he coined two philosophical terms that, while mirroring controversial Neoplatonic concepts, better accommodate their Orthodox acceptance.We offer here some background on the author, a short discussion of the philosophical content of these works, and for the first time an English translation of both texts.

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Ponirakis, Eleni. "Echoes of Eriugena in the Old English Boethius." Neophilologus 105, no. 2 (February 23, 2021): 279–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11061-021-09674-w.

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AbstractThis article identifies a passage from Eriugena’s Periphyseon as a source for an interpolation in the Old English Boethius. The interpolation introduces an unambiguous reference to the Neoplatonic idea of reditus, the return of all created creatures to God. This is not the first such evidence of Neoplatonic ideas in Old English texts and the article explores the significance of this new identification as further evidence for the presence of eastern mystical traditions in early English monastic and courtly circles, challenging the idea that English mysticism began in the Middle English period.

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COSTARELLI BRANDI, Hugo. "Elementos esenciales de lo bello en la Summa de Bono de Ulrico de Estrasburgo / Essential Elements of the Beautiful in the Summa de Bono of Ulrich of Strasbourg." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 22 (January 1, 2015): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v22i.6221.

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Within the deep philosophical reflection of the thirteenth century are commonly heard names such as Albertus Magnus, Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventure. However, little is said of those disciples of lesser brilliance who spread the thought of their teachers. Such is the case of Ulrich of Strasbourg. This Dominican friar, a fellow student of Thomas Aquinas in Cologne, studied under Albertus Magnus the De Divinis nominibus of Pseudo-Dionysius. Years later, Ulrich wrote a work called Summa de bono where, in dealing with beauty, a unique Neoplatonic synthesis operates, but from the original perspective of his master. This paper analyses the concept of beauty present in Ulrich of Strasbourg to show how there is as much clear dependence on Albertian Neoplatonism as there is originality in the presentation of the topic.

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GUERRERO, Rafael R. "Elementos Neoplatónicos en el Sirr al-Asrār (Secretum Secretorum). Atribuido a Aristóteles." Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v0i1.5173.

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Inheritors of the Alexandrian and Athenian Hellenistic tradition, the Arabs drew from a Neoplatonized Aristotle systematized through different attributed works, among them, the Sirr al-asrār, the Secretum secretorum in the Latin translation in which some genuine Aristotle doctrines are blended with Platonic, Neoplatonic, Neopythagorean and Hermetic elements. Brought in as a letter from Aristotle to Alexander, one of its chapters provides a Neoplatonic explanation of the Universe: while claiming that God’s nature is a simple spiritual substance from which the rest of the creation arisen, man is viewed as the unifying element of all created essences.

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Majercik, R. "Chaldean Triads in Neoplatonic Exegesis: Some Reconsiderations." Classical Quarterly 51, no. 1 (July 2001): 265–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/51.1.265.

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Edward P. Butler. "Offering to the Gods: A Neoplatonic Perspective." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 2, no. 1 (2008): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.0.0029.

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Marback, Richard C. "Rethinking Plato's legacy: Neoplatonic readings of Plato'ssophist1." Rhetoric Review 13, no. 1 (September 1994): 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350199409359173.

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Chad Schrock. "Neoplatonic Theodicy in Chaucer’s “Legend of Philomela”." Studies in Philology 108, no. 1 (2011): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sip.2011.0003.

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Clark, Dennis. "Iamblichus' Egyptian Neoplatonic Theology in De Mysteriis." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 2, no. 2 (2008): 164–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254708x282358.

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AbstractIn De Mysteriis VIII Iamblichus gives two orderings of first principles, one in purely Neoplatonic terms drawn from his own philosophical system, and the other in the form of several Egyptian gods, glossed with Neoplatonic language again taken from his own system. The first ordering or taxis includes the Simple One and the One Existent, two of the elements of Iamblichus' realm of the One. The second taxis includes the Egyptian (H)eikton, which has now been identified with the god of magic, Heka, glossed as the One Existent. The Egyptian god Kmeph is also a member of this taxis, and is the Egyptian Kematef, a god of creation associated with the solar Amun-Re. Iamblichus refers to this god also as the Hegemon of the celestial gods, which should be equated to Helios, specifically the noeric Helios as described by Julian in his Hymn to Helios. Iamblichus describes Kmeph as an “intellect knowing himself”, and so the noeric Kmeph/Helios should also be seen as the Paternal Demiurgic Zeus, explicitly described also by Proclus as an intellect knowing himself. This notion of a self-thinking intellect may offer a solution to the problematic formulation by Proclus in his Timaeus commentary of Iamblichus' view of the Demiurgy encompassing all the noeric realm. The identification of Kmeph as the noeric Helios now also allows the first direct parallels to de Mysteriis to be found in extant Hermetica. In addition it can be inferred from the specific Neoplatonic terminology employed that the noetic Father of Demiurges, Kronos, appears, as well as the secondary Demiurgic triad of Zeus, Poseidon, and Pluto, in the forms of the Egyptian Amun, Ptah, and Osiris, thus raising the question that much of the theology documented only in Proclus might appear already to have been established by Iamblichus.

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Cardullo, R. Loredana. "Evil as Privation in Neoplatonism. Simplicius and Philoponus in Defense of Matter." Peitho. Examina Antiqua 8, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2017.1.25.

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The aim of this paper is to highlight the decisive contribution of Simplicius and Philoponus to the resolution of the problem of evil in Neoplatonism. A correct and faithful interpretation of the problem, which also had to agree with Plato’s texts, became particularly needed after Plotinus had identified evil with matter, threatening, thus, the dualistic position, which was absent in Plato. The first rectification was made by Proclus with the notion of parhypostasis, i.e., “parasitic” or “collateral” existence, which de-hypostasized evil, while at the same time challenging the Plotinian theory that turned evil into a principle that was ontologically opposed to good. In light of this, the last Neoplatonic exegetes, Simplicius and Philoponus, definitely clarified the “privative” role of kakon, finally relieving matter from the negative meaning given to it by Plotinus and restoring metaphysical monism.

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Cardullo, R. Loredana. "Evil as Privation in Neoplatonism. Simplicius and Philoponus in Defense of Matter." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(8) (October 24, 2017): 391–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/peitho.2017.12239.

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The aim of this paper is to highlight the decisive contribution of Simplicius and Philoponus to the resolution of the problem of evil in Neoplatonism. A correct and faithful interpretation of the problem, which also had to agree with Plato’s texts, became particularly needed after Plotinus had identified evil with matter, threatening, thus, the dualistic position, which was absent in Plato. The first rectification was made by Proclus with the notion of parhypostasis, i.e., “parasitic” or “collateral” existence, which de-hypostasized evil, while at the same time challenging the Plotinian theory that turned evil into a principle that was ontologically opposed to good. In light of this, the last Neoplatonic exegetes, Simplicius and Philoponus, definitely clarified the “privative” role of kakon, finally relieving matter from the negative meaning given to it by Plotinus and restoring metaphysical monism.

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Bonfiglioli, Stefania, and Costantino Marmo. "Symbolism and Linguistic Semantics. Some Questions (and Confusions) from Late Antique Neoplatonism up to Eriugena." Vivarium 45, no. 2 (2007): 238–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853407x217740.

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AbstractThe notion of 'symbol' in Eriugena's writing is far from clear. It has an ambiguous semantic connection with other terms such as 'signification', 'figure', 'allegory', 'veil', 'agalma', 'form', 'shadow', 'mystery' and so on. This paper aims to explore into the origins of such a semantic ambiguity, already present in the texts of the pseudo-Dionysian corpus which Eriugena translated and commented upon. In the probable Neoplatonic sources of this corpus, the Greek term symbolon shares some aspects of its meaning with other words inherited from the ancient tradition, such as synthēma , eikōn , homoiotēs. Some of them, such as eikōn and homoiotēs, belong to the field of images and are associated with linguistic semantics in the Neoplatonic commentaries not only to Plato but also to Aristotle's logical works. Among the late ancient Neoplatonists, particular attention is paid to Proclus and to his use of the term agalma. In fact, the textual history of this word seems to be a privileged perspective from which to reconstruct the Neoplatonic semantic blending of symbol and image, as well as the main role played by linguistic issues in this conflation.

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Santos, Maria Célia. "Breves notas sobre a mística agostiniana." Civitas Augustiniana 8, no. 1 (2019): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/civitas/8a4.

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I addition to the fact that Augustine never wrote specifically about mysticism, wemay consider, for instance, the absence in Augustine's time of a systematic character concept of the infused prayer effects which will shape the later Mystical Theology. However, such effects seem to influence the terms used by Augustine: overly an indicative sign of the philosophical, intellectual, and Neoplatonic influence, which leads to a criticism about the similarity of his narrations to the religious experiences described by the mystics themselves, according to the later Christian tradition. This work presents a brief introduction regarding Augustine as a master of Western mysticism, giving it a new Latin and genuinely Christian expression of the Neoplatonic contemplation conceptual structure.

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Turnbull, Neil. "Light and Illumination." Cultural Politics 11, no. 2 (July 1, 2015): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/17432197-2895819.

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In contemporary philosophical and theoretical debates, Paul Virilio is relegated to a minor figure, often to a kind of “lesser Baudrillard” or a “diminutive Foucault.” This article contests this view and repositions Virilio as a leading intellectual of the so-called theological turn. More specifically, in an “esoteric reading” of his work, read here through the optics of late medieval Neoplatonism, the article claims that the key to understanding Virilio’s work resides in a Neoplatonic metaphysics of light rather than a social-theoretics of speed. As such, it argues that Virilio is a philosopher whose primary concern is with the ontological and epistemological effects of what it refers to as “technological illumination” and how the latter stands in stark contrast with those traditional ideas of (self/divine) illumination that were the basis of a traditional urbanity and the point of departure for all forms of philosophizing in the premodern world.

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Ebstein, Michael. "The Human Intellect: Liberation or Limitation?" Journal of Sufi Studies 8, no. 2 (October 22, 2020): 198–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105956-bja10004.

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Abstract The article discusses various attitudes towards the human intellect (ʿaql) in classical Islamic mysticism, as reflected in key mystical writings composed from the third/ninth century to the rise of Ibn al-ʿArabī in the sixth/twelfth. It begins by presenting the basic challenge that the concept of ʿaql posed for the mystics of Islam and then proceeds to analyze diverse approaches to the intellect in works that were written in both the east (mashriq) and the west (al-Andalus). Special attention is given to the impact of Neoplatonism on mystical attitudes towards the intellect. The conclusion to the article offers general observations on the problem of ʿaql in classical Islamic mysticism, and attempts to explain the tendency of certain sixth/twelfth-century mystics who were exposed to Neoplatonic thought to reduce the role of the intellect in the mystical quest for God.

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MacLennan, Bruce J. "Neurophenomenology and Neoplatonism." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 13, no. 1 (April 29, 2019): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341422.

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Abstract The worldview emerging from neurophenomenology is consistent with the phenomenological insights obtained by Neoplatonic theurgical operations. For example, gods and daimons are phenomenologically equivalent to the archetypes and complexes investigated in Jungian psychology and explicated by evolutionary psychology. Jung understood the unconscious mind and physical reality to have a common root in an unus mundus (with physical and psychical aspects). Parallel reductions in the phenomenological and neurological domain imply elementary constituents of consciousness associated with simple physical systems, that is, natural processes experienced both externally (objectively) and internally (subjectively). Analysis reveals they have both an eternal formal structure and a material substrate that allows the formal structure to evolve in time with both phenomenal and physical aspects. Since all physical processes fit this description, a form of panpsychism is implied. These developments can inform our understanding of the Forms, the World Soul, and individual souls in Neoplatonism.

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Cardullo, R. Loredana. "On Aristotelian Category of Substance. Exegetic Variations from Plotinus to Ammonius." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(5) (January 24, 2015): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2014.1.3.

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One of the main difficulties that Neoplatonic commentators of Aristotle face is the different treatment that the Categories and the Metaphysics offer to the question of the substance. After describing briefly the status quaestionis ousiae in Aristotle, and after tracing the main Neoplatonic interpretations of this doctrine (from Plotinus’ negative one to Porphyry’s positive and “conciliatory” one), this article attempts to demonstrate that the Neoplatonists of Athens and Alexandria, Syrianus and Ammonius, inaugurate a new interpretation of the Aristotelian doctrine. With regard to the category of substance in general and to the question of substantiality of “immanent form” in particular, this new interpretation goes beyond the positions of Plotinus and Porphyry and returns the ontological value to the Aristotelian substances. Unlike Plotinus, who recognized as ousia only that one intelligible, that is five genres of the Platonic Sophist, and unlike Porphyry, who defused the anti–Platonic fuse of the Categories, giving to this treaty a mainly semantic skopos, these philosophers, through their original study of the theory of the three states of katholou, already shed in the Porphyrian Eisagôgê, fit the immanent forms of Aristotle, recognized as substances and as a reflection of the transcendental universal, into the late antique Neoplatonic metaphysical triadic structure.

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Granata, Daniele. "The Practice of ὀνοματοποιεῖν: Some Peculiar Statements in the Ancient Neoplatonic Commentators on Aristotle." Peitho. Examina Antiqua 7, no. 1 (March 17, 2016): 217–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2016.1.11.

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This paper shows the role of ὀνοματοποιεῖν in Neoplatonism and how this practice is ruled by an onto-logical canon. While ὀνοματοποιεῖν itself means the making of a brand new name, its usage is manifold. As Aristotle explains in Rh. III 2, poets take advantage of ὀνοματοποιεῖν to catch the undefined and give it a recognisable image, by means of a metaphorical name. In science, this practice, codified by Aristotle, is twofold: ὀνοματοποιεῖν meant both to re-semanticize words wellknown and to create names ex novo for things not discovered or studied yet. After analysing ὀνοματοποιεῖν’s recurrence in Aristotle, I illustrate that, according to Neoplatonic Commentators, impositio can be, both natural and technical, only of things in actuality, having a solid consistency. Intermediates between contraries, presumed relatives and powers as qualities are nameless – as Philoponus notices in his In Categorias – since they haven’t an independent status and aren’t definable. This bond between the original rhetorical practice and the ontological perspective, sketched in Int. 1, was strengthened by Alexander, who filled Aristotle’s gaps, stating that names signify things’ being, i.e. the form acquired in actuality.

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Alcalde, Celia. "Self-Knowledge in Petrus Hispanus’ Commentary on the De anima." Patristica et Mediævalia 41, no. 2 (December 9, 2020): 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.34096/petm.v41.n2.8364.

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In the Sententia cum questionibus in libros De anima I-II Aristotelis (c. 1240), attributed to Petrus Hispanus, the recovered Aristotelian understanding of the soul does not completely replace the old Neoplatonic frame. Indeed, the commentary holds the existence of self-knowledge from the very beginning of the existence of the soul, before the acquisition of species. The aim of this paper is to describe Sententia’s view on self-knowledge analysing it in the context of its eclectic psychology and epistemology. I will attempt to demonstrate that, although the commentary is set in an explicit Neoplatonic framework, Petrus Hispanus seems to be quite uncomfortable within this framework and becomes increasingly committed to the Aristotelian doctrine and its vision of science.

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Austin, Scott. "Some Eleatic Features of Platonic and Neoplatonic Method." Ancient Philosophy 34, no. 1 (2014): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil20143415.

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Gorman, Peter. "The 'Apollonios' of the Neoplatonic Biographies of Pythagoras." Mnemosyne 38, no. 1-2 (1985): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852585x00050.

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