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Journal articles on the topic 'Neorealismus'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

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1

Falke, Gustav. "Neorealismus im italienischen Film." Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 7, no. 2 (2013): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1863-8937-2013-2-21.

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Wohl jeder, der zum ersten Mal die Fahrraddiebe von Vittorio De Sica sieht, wird den Kopf schütteln, wie dieses Melodram zu seinem Ruhm kommen konnte. Der Protagonist ist ein armer Vorstadtrömer, der endlich eine Arbeit als Filmplakatkleber findet. Für seine neue Arbeit muss er ein Fahrrad stellen, das ihm jedoch gestohlen wird. Auf der Suche nach dem gestohlenen Rad irrt er zusammen mit seinem kleinen Sohn umher. Tatsächlich kommt er dem Dieb auf die Spur. Doch kann er ihm nichts nachweisen. Schließlich unternimmt er selbst – deshalb der Plural im Filmtitel – unter den beschämenden Blicken des Kindes einen erfolglosen Diebstahlsversuch.

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2

Falke, Gustav. "Neorealismus im italienischen Film." Zeitschrift für Ideengeschichte 7, no. 4 (2013): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1863-8937-2013-4-21.

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3

Masala, Carlo. "Neorealismus und Internationale Politik im 21. Jahrhundert." Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 16, no. 1 (2006): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1430-6387-2006-1-87.

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4

Scherrer, Christoph. "Critical International Relations. Kritik am neorealistischen Paradigma der internationalen Beziehungen." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 24, no. 95 (1994): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v24i95.1004.

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»Critical International Relations« versuchen positivismuskritische Theorien für das Fach Internationale Beziehungen fruchtbar zu machen. Bezugspunkte sind dabei u. a. Gendertheorien, Gramscianische Ansätze, die Kritische Theorie und der Poststrukturalismus. Vorgestellt werden die CIR-Arbeiten anhand ihrer Kritik am vorherrschenden Paradigma der Internationalen Beziehungen, dem Neorealismus.

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5

Eichler, Jan. "Neorealism and Contemporary US–Russian Military Competition in the Post-Soviet Space." Vojenské rozhledy 26, no. 2 (2017): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.26.2017.02.089-105.

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6

Gebhardt, Andrea. "Auf dem Weg in die selbsternannte Mündigkeit. Die Englische Schule zwischen Realismus, Neorealismus und Konstruktivismus." Zeitschrift für Politik 55, no. 3 (2008): 267–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0044-3360-2008-3-267.

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7

Freire, Lucas G. "Is Neorealism a Deterministic Theory of International Relations?" International Studies 56, no. 1 (2019): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881718824760.

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This article is a contribution to the clarification of the central claim of Kenneth Waltz’s neorealist international relations theory. Over the years, the notion that Waltz’s Theory of International Politics postulates a deterministic connection between the configuration of the structure of the international system and the behaviour of each of the units has gained traction in textbooks and in straw-man critiques of the neorealist approach. Two major groups of critics of neorealism’s alleged determinism have formed. The first group focuses on instances where predicted balancing behaviour did not occur in order to refute neorealism’s central claim about the link between structure and behaviour. The second group objects to any strong claims about structural features as such. In response, this article shows that a careful reading of Waltz’s writings suffices to indicate that the presupposition adopted by both groups of critics is flawed. Neorealism was never presented by its main proponent as a deterministic international relations theory.

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Brūveris, Klāra. "Alternative Networks of Globalisation: Latvian Neorealism in the Films of Laila Pakalniņa." Baltic Screen Media Review 4, no. 1 (2016): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsmr-2017-0003.

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Abstract This paper examines the development of neorealist tendencies in the oeuvre of contemporary Latvian filmmaker Laila Pakalnina. Her work is positioned within the global dissemination of cinematic neorealism, and its local manifestations, which, it is argued, develop in specific national contexts in reaction to dramatic societal and political changes. Pakalniņa’s films are examined as a documentation of the change from a communist satellite state to an independent democratic, capitalist country. Heavily influenced by the Riga School of Poetic Documentary, a movement in Latvian cinema that adhered to the conventions of poetic documentary filmmaking, the article analyses how her films replicate and further develop the stylistic and aesthetic devices of the Italian neorealists and the succeeding cinematic new waves. In doing so the argument is put forth that Pakalnina has developed neorealism Latvian style.

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9

BROWN, WILLIAM. "Africa and international relations: a comment on IR theory, anarchy and statehood." Review of International Studies 32, no. 1 (2006): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210506006954.

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It has become rather commonplace to read that, what is referred to as ‘traditional, western IR theory’, is problematic when taken to the African continent. At best, we are told, IR theory misrepresents or misunderstands African reality, at worst it participates in an exercise of neo-colonial theoretical hegemony. In this article I will seek both to assess this ‘Africanist critique’ and to mount something of a qualified defence of IR theory. However, I argue that in exploring the relevance of IR theory to Africa we need to distinguish between neorealism – the real target of the critics’ fire – and other strands of IR theory. Once we do this we can see that other theoretical standpoints within IR are relevant. Moreover, I argue that while trying to question neorealism, the critics in fact maintain neorealism’s conceptualisations of the state and anarchy, simply inverting the picture. I argue that this represents a theoretical step backwards. Problematic issues in IR theory do not simply appear when one moves one’s focus to Africa, they are there to begin with.

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10

Crawford, Neta C. "Human Nature and World Politics: Rethinking `Man'." International Relations 23, no. 2 (2009): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117809104639.

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While realists acknowledge that their theories of world politics are rooted in specific assumptions about human nature, neorealists tend to discount human nature in favor of an emphasis on systemic forces. Nevertheless neorealism has assumptions about human nature that shape neorealist theorizing. Specifically, in Man, the State, and War and Theory of International Politics, Waltz make essentially the same assumptions about human nature as the realists — that our human natures are fixed, that we cannot trust others, and that decision-makers are rational calculators who seek to promote their narrowly defined self-interests. Moreover, for Waltz, human nature determines world politics as much or more than its anarchic structure. A review of biology, specifically human neuroscience, suggests that these assumptions about human nature, and its relation to world politics, ought to be challenged. Our `natures' are much more complex and flexible than realism and neorealism assumes.

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11

David, Steven R. "Internal War: Causes and Cures." World Politics 49, no. 4 (1997): 552–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100008054.

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Since the end of the cold war internal conflicts have received unprecedented attention. Of special interest has been the effort of neorealists to employ an approach traditionally used to explain interstate conflict to make internal war understandable. While neorealism has been useful in explaining the behavior of groups in anarchic conditions, it is inadequate in explaining internal wars occurring in states that retain a strong government and that stem from motives other than power and security. Neorealism also does little to explain how anarchy is created in the first place and what can be done to restore central control. Another approach offers “bad leaders” as a proximate cause of internal war. There is much to this explanation, but more work needs to be done in understanding just what makes leaders “bad” and whether leaders have the latitude to be “good.” Finally, the diverse nature of internal wars has frustrated efforts to develop an overall means of settling them. At a point in which armed conflict has become almost exclusively an internal affair, useful generalizations for causes and cures remain elusive.

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12

Fischer, Markus. "Feudal Europe, 800–1300: communal discourse and conflictual practices." International Organization 46, no. 2 (1992): 427–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300027776.

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The discipline of international relations faces a new debate of fundamental significance. After the realist challenge to the pervasive idealism of the interwar years and the social scientific argument against realism in the late 1950s, it is now the turn of critical theorists to dispute the established paradigms of international politics, having been remarkably successful in several other fields of social inquiry. In essence, critical theorists claim that all social reality is subject to historical change, that a normative discourse of understandings and values entails corresponding practices, and that social theory must include interpretation and dialectical critique. In international relations, this approach particularly critiques the ahistorical, scientific, and materialist conceptions offered by neorealists. Traditional realists, by contrast, find a little more sympathy in the eyes of critical theorists because they join them in their rejection of social science and structural theory. With regard to liberal institutionalism, critical theorists are naturally sympathetic to its communitarian component while castigating its utilitarian strand as the accomplice of neorealism. Overall, the advent of critical theory will thus focus the field of international relations on its “interparadigm debate” with neorealism.

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Selis, Lara Martim Rodrigues. "SIGNOS EM DESMONTE: Sobre os fundamentos sociais e históricos do realismo estrutural/BEHIND THE SIGNS:A study of the social and historical foundations of structural realism." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 4, no. 2 (2015): 300–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2015.v4n2.07.p300.

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O presente artigo visa elaborar uma investigação sociológica sobre a teoria neorrealista de Kenneth Waltz. Presume-se que, uma vez descontextualizado, todo conhecimento torna-se potencialmente absoluto; por isso, a necessidade de analisarmos os significados daquela teoria, esclarecendo suas práticas fundantes. Para tal, articula-se os argumentos do campo da sociologia do conhecimento a uma investigação sobre a estrutura política e social dos EUA. Ao fim, conclui-se que a tendência metódica e ontológica do neorrealismo pode ser associada ao seu contexto original da Guerra Fria, implicando um pensamento que constitui, basicamente, um baluarte dos interesses norte-americanos. Palavras-chave: Teoria de Relações Internacionais; Sociologia do conhecimento; Neorrealismo; Kenneth WaltzAbstract: Drawing on insights from the sociology of scientfic knowledge, the paper investigates the neorealist theory of Kenneth Waltz. Through these lenses, the paper suggests that the studies of the neorealist’s foundational practices constitute an important exercice to problematize the naturalized and universalized concepts that prevail in the IR discipline. In this sense, the paper concludes that the methodical and ontological tendency of neorealism can be associated to its original context of the Cold War, implying a thought that basically constitutes a bulwark of American interests. Key words: Theory of International Relations, Sociology of scientfic knowledge; Neorealism; Kenneth Waltz.DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n2p300-329

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14

Wendt, Alexander E. "The agent-structure problem in international relations theory." International Organization 41, no. 3 (1987): 335–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002081830002751x.

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While neorealism and world-system theory both claim to be “structural” theories of international relations, they embody very different understandings of system structure and structural explanation. Neorealists conceptualize system structures in individualist terms as constraining the choices of preexisting state agents, whereas world-system theorists conceptualize system structures in structuralist terms as generating state agents themselves. These differences stem from what are, in some respects, fundamentally opposed solutions to the “agent-structure” or “micromacro” problem. This opposition, however, itself reflects a deeper failure of each theory to recognize the mutually constitutive nature of human agents and system structures—a failure which leads to deep-seated inadequacies in their respective explanations of state action. An alternative solution to the agent-structure problem, adapted from “structuration theory” in sociology, can overcome these inadequacies by avoiding both the reduction of system structures to state actors in neorealism and their reification in world-system theory. Structuration theory requires a philosophical basis in scientific realism, arguably the “new orthodoxy” in the philosophy of natural science, but as yet largely unrecognized by political scientists. The scientific realist/structuration approach generates an agenda for “structural-historical” research into the properties and dispositions of both state actors and the system structures in which they are embedded.

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15

Smith, John K., and Phil Hodkinson. "Challenging Neorealism." Qualitative Inquiry 15, no. 1 (2008): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077800408325416.

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16

Trachuk, K. V. "CONTEMPORARY ENERGY SECURITY STUDIES: THEORETICAL ASPECTS." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 219–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-219-226.

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The article represents an attempt to analyze the contemporary theoretical framework of energy security research as part of international relations and foreign policy studies. Neorealism and neoliberalism are the key theoretical schools having the strongest impact on energy security research. Authors inspired by the neorealist approach, including J. Russell, D. Moran and M.Clare, insist on the role of individual state actors that seek to maximize their energy supply or their position as an energy exporter. The key areas of study of the neorealist school include military aspects of energy security and resource nationalism. The neoliberal framework, represented by such scholars as A. Goldthau and J.M.Witte, focuses on the role of institutions, international cooperation and liberal markets. Unlike neorealists, neoliberals believe that global energy markets provide the necessary conditions for the peaceful cooperation of all players. Constructivist approaches represent an interesting alternative to the “neo-neo” debate, but still remain marginal. Although proponents of neorealist and neoliberal frameworks disagree on several key points, a large number of scholars, both in Russia and abroad, prefer a combined approach based on elements on neorealist and neoliberal theories. The combined analytical framework is used by such leading Western researchers as D.Yergin, J. Stanislaw, A.Korin and G.Luft, as well as many Russian scholars, including N.Mironov, S.Zhiznin and Y.Borovsky.

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17

Herhiieva, V. "Application of the ideas of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism in Iranian nuclear policy." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 2(46) (December 14, 2020): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.2(46).226605.

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The article examines two antagonistic theories of international relations – neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism using the case of Iran's nuclear policy. The author compares the approaches of neorealists and neoliberal institutionalists to the problem of nuclear proliferation and analyzes how these approaches can explain the evolution of Iran's military nuclear program. Iran is a country with significant energy resources, namely second place after Saudi Arabia in terms of oil reserves and second in terms of natural gas reserves after Russia; Iran also has a unique geographical location in such regions as the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. Also, a certain policy of Iran is formed on the basis of the Shiite branch of Islam, which already distinguishes this country, given the particularly unfavorable historical conditions under which the Shiite Islam was formed and the events of the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 and the Iran-Iraq War of 1980–1988, when Iran faced Iraq alone and use of chemical weapons by Iraq, which deepened Iranian isolation thoughts. The fact that there has been no international response to Iraq's use of chemical weapons has heightened Iran's sense of isolation. This experience was certainly imprinted in the Iranian national psyche and caused even greater distrust in international arms control treaties. Relations with the United States in Iran are extremely tense and unstable, depending on the US administration and the political situation in Iran, as Iran has traditionally maneuvered between radical conservatives and more moderate politicians. The US elections in 2020 and the elections in Iran in 2021 will be an important stage in the further development of relations and the fate of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The article examines the extent to which the theoretical considerations of proponents of theories of neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism are reflected in Iran's practical nuclear policy and what impact these two theories may have on the future nuclear strategy of the Iranian leadership.

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18

Shimko, Keith I. "Realism, Neorealism, and American Liberalism." Review of Politics 54, no. 2 (1992): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500017848.

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Neorealism has recently been portrayed as an attempt to systematize the insights of classical realism in order to put them on a more solid theoretical foundation. This essay rejects this common characterization of the emergence of neorealism by arguing that neorealism constitutes a fundamentally different conceptualization of international politics than that provided by classical realists. Neorealism is best understood as an alternative to classical realism shaped by enduring liberal traditions in the United States, which is where neorealism emerged and thrives.

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Garst, Daniel. "Thucydides and Neorealism." International Studies Quarterly 33, no. 1 (1989): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600491.

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20

Nye, Joseph S. "Neorealism and Neoliberalism." World Politics 40, no. 2 (1988): 235–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010363.

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The classic dialectic between Realist and Liberal theories of international politics, as expressed by Robert O. Keohane, ed., in Neorealism and Its Critics and Richard Rosecrance The Rise of the Trading State, can be transcended. Neither paradigm singularly explains international behavior: Realism is the dominant approach, but liberal theories of transnationalism and interdependence help to illuminate how national interests are learned and changed. Keohane and fellow critics argue that Neorealism—articulated definitively in Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics (1979)—elegantly systematizes Realism, but concentrates on international system structure at the expense of system process. Focused tightly on the concept of bipolarity, Waltz's theory tends toward stasis; the unit (state) level unproductively becomes an analytical “dumping ground.” As a Neoliberal counterpoint, Rosecrance's argument does not go far enough. In the tradition of commercial liberalism, he argues that an open trading system offers states maneuverability through economic growth rather than through military conquest. He tempers his argument with Realist considerations of prudence, but fails to clarify Realist-Liberal links in his theory, or to explore fully the connections between power and non-power incentives influencing states' behavior. A synthesis of Neorealism and Neoliberalism is warranted: a systemic theory using the former to analyze at the level of structure, the latter more often at the level of process.

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Weinberger, Stephen. "Neorealism, Iranian Style." Iranian Studies 40, no. 1 (2007): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210860601138590.

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22

Parent, Joseph M., and Sebastian Rosato. "Balancing in Neorealism." International Security 40, no. 2 (2015): 51–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00216.

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Does neorealism offer a convincing account of great power balancing behavior? Many scholars argue that it does not. This conclusion rests on a misunderstanding of neorealist theory and an erroneous reading of the evidence. Properly specified, neorealism holds that great powers place an overriding emphasis on the need for self-help. This means that they rely relentlessly both on arming and on imitating the successful military practices of their peers to ensure their security. At the same time, they rarely resort to alliances and treat them with skepticism. There is abundant historical evidence to support these claims. Since 1816, great powers have routinely achieved an effective balance in military capabilities with their relevant competitors and promptly copied the major military innovations of the period. Case studies show that these outcomes are the product of states' efforts to ensure security against increasingly capable rivals. Meanwhile, the diplomatic record yields almost no examples of firm peacetime balancing coalitions over the past 200 years. When alliances have formed, great powers have generally doubted the reliability of their allies and of their opponents' allies. Thus neorealism provides a solid foundation for explaining great power balancing behavior.

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23

Maliki, Musa. "The Ideology Critique of Mearsheimer’s Theory of Offensive Neorealism: The Case of Russia-Ukraine War and Its Ideologization in Indonesia." Journal Of Global Strategic Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v2i2.1212.

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This article examines the ideology critique of Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive neorealism because his theory preoccupies the reality of world politics, especially in the Russia-Ukraine War case. In the International Relations (IR) discipline, we have problems with a methodology and its assumptions, especially mainstream theories which reduces the reality of world politics. In this regard, we view neorealism has problems. After Waltz’s theory of defensive neorealism, Mearsheimer’s theory is becoming the ideology of IR to make sense of world politics, especially in Indonesia where scholars of IR mostly quote Mearsheimer as the master who knows deeply, the Russia-Ukraine War. By using the critical theory approach, we argue that the theory of offensive neorealism is ideological because this theory is believed as a ‘faith’ to make sense of the reality of the Russia-Ukraine War without questioning the epistemological and methodological assumptions. Neorealism is still a mainstream theory in IR, especially in Indonesia. We will conduct the ideology critique of Mearsheimer’s theory in order to argue that offensive neorealism is a theory that supports great-power countries, including their ideological practice to maintain their positions. In the frame of offensive neorealism, whether you are against or pro-Ukraine, it does not matter because, in the end, this theory only represents, sees, and observes great power countries like Russia and America while the weak states should realistically accept big power countries. Therefore, the theory of offensive neorealism does not seem to consider small countries.

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Mahmood, Anwar Mohammed Faraj, and Bakhan Ako Najmalddin. "Explanation of Neorealism Theory of International Actors: An Applied Study on Selected Models)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 18 (March 26, 2020): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i18.202.

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The field of international relations has been assessed through diverse theoretical framework including realism. Classical realism has been reformed by neorealists for analyzing current actors and interactions in international relations. For neorealists, the most essential characteristic of the international arena is anarchy, which they argue exists because the international system lacks a world government with the capability of making and imposing international law, which in turn makes cooperating among states difficult. Then, competition and conflict can never be avoided in such situation. Thus, states must eventually guarantee their own survival and security.  Neorealists describe states as the main actors in international relations and they have a negative view about non-state actors, in particular international and regional organizations; they state that organizations have no capacity to control a states' attitude or to prevent war or at least minimize anarchy in the international politics. Moreover, neorealists emphasize that organizations are ineffective because the agendas they set tend to be controlled by the superpower states, and they are in fact tools for increasing superpower influence. Neorealists support their argument by highlighting many case studies such as the United Nations, the European Union, North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and World Trade Organization.

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25

Schweller, Randall L. "Neorealism's status‐quo bias: What security dilemma?" Security Studies 5, no. 3 (1996): 90–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636419608429277.

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Конышев, Валерий. "On Kenneth Waltz’ Neorealism." Полис. Политические исследования, no. 2 (2004): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2004.02.14.

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Buzan, Barry. "Neorealism and its critics." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620239.

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Aksić, Sava. "Neorealism of Karl Lewellin." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 57, no. 79 (2018): 377–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfni1879377a.

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Hillman, R. "The Penumbra of Neorealism." Forum for Modern Language Studies 38, no. 2 (2002): 221–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fmls/38.2.221.

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Leavitt IV, Charles L. "Recent Work on Neorealism." Italianist 33, no. 2 (2013): 325–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0261434013z.00000000041.

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Wiener, Harry. "Rota's Book and Neorealism." Politics and the Life Sciences 6, no. 1 (1987): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400003038.

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32

Bonsaver, Guido. "Recent Work on Neorealism." Italian Studies 63, no. 2 (2008): 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/007516308x344405.

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33

Dyas Bintang Perdana, Rizaldi Dolly Ramasandi, and Maria Evangelina Setiawan. "Posisi Indonesia Terhadap Aliansi Amerika, Inggris dan Australia (AUKUS) Dalam Perspektif Neorealisme." DEFENDONESIA 5, no. 2 (2021): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54755/defendonesia.v5i2.111.

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Laut Tiongkok Selatan menjadi sebuah persoalan panas yang telah melahirkan konflik dengan keterlibatan sejumlah negara di sekitar kawasan tersebut hingga negara di luar kawasan. Manuver terbaru untuk memperkuat hegemoni di Laut Tiongkok Selatan adalah disepakatinya sebuah pakta keamanan yang diusung sebagai aliansi Amerika Serikat, Inggris, dan Australia (AUKUS). Penelitian ini menganalisis posisi Indonesia beserta langkah kebijakan dan persiapan yang proporsional terhadap fenomena Aliansi AUKUS dalam perspektif teori neorealisme. Metode penelitian yang digunakan oleh peneliti adalah pendekatan kualitatif secara penuh. Data dalam penelitian ini diperoleh dari berbagai literatur yang berkaitan dengan kebijakan pertahanan dan keamanan maupun teori neorealisme melalui jurnal nasional hingga internasional. Penelitian ini turut membahas beberapa poin strategis yang potensial untuk dimanfaatkan oleh Indonesia dalam menyikapi Aliansi AUKUS. Perspektif neorealisme menuntut Indonesia untuk berpandangan lebih holistik, bahwa kekuatan (power) suatu negara adalah akumulasi dari seluruh sumber daya untuk memaksa dan mengontrol negara lain dalam sistem internasional. Hal tersebut meliputi faktor kondisi geografis, postur militer yang dimiliki Indonesia, hingga bagaimana langkah politik yang dapat dianjurkan bagi Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Indonesia, Neorealisme, AUKUS, Laut Tiongkok Selatan

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Kartal, Esma. "Defining Italian Neorealism: A Compulsory Movement." CINEJ Cinema Journal 2, no. 2 (2013): 140–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2013.73.

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Being one of the most influential cinematic movements in film history, Italian neorealism has not been very easy to define. Although one can easily recognize a neorealist film, not all neorealist films share the exact same characteristics. In this paper, four films that have often been labeled as neorealist will be discussed in light of their makers’ views on neorealism and the general characteristics of neorealism as a movement. These films are Roberto Rossellini’s Germania anno zero (1948), Vittorio De Sica’s Ladri di biciclette (1948) and Umberto D. (1952), and lastly Federico Fellini’s La strada (1954).

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HEILKE, THOMAS. "Realism, Narrative, and Happenstance: Thucydides' Tale of Brasidas." American Political Science Review 98, no. 1 (2004): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055404001042.

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Neorealism and some versions of realism seek to furnish nomothetic theories of the international system at the same time that they also strive to prescribe policy for political leaders. Insofar as practical advice is insufficiently articulated by means of either nomothesis or the structural theoretical framework that (neo-)realist paradigms supply, these two aspirations seem contradictory. This essay is an examination of what contemporary realism and, especially, neorealism require to make practical wisdom available for practitioners. It argues that narrative, which is exemplified in the so-called classical realism of Thucydides, remains a crucial component of practical realism and neorealism.

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Boccara, Paolo. "Ladri di biciclette. Neorealismo dell'inconscio." INTERAZIONI, no. 2 (November 2019): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/int2019-002012.

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Moran, Theodore H. "An Economics Agenda for Neorealists." International Security 18, no. 2 (1993): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2539102.

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Deudney, Daniel. "Left Behind: Neorealism’s Truncated Contextual Materialism and Republicanism." International Relations 23, no. 3 (2009): 341–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117809340476.

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Landy, Marcia. "Italian Neorealism: A Cultural History." Italian Culture 39, no. 1 (2021): 99–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01614622.2021.1909910.

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Sedita, Giovanni. "Vittorio Mussolini, Hollywood and neorealism." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 15, no. 3 (2010): 431–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13545711003768618.

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Bertellini, Giorgio, and Courtney Ritter. "Zavattini, above and beyond Neorealism." Cinema Journal 54, no. 3 (2015): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cj.2015.0040.

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Tonneau, François. "Neorealism: Unifying Cognition and Environment." Review of General Psychology 17, no. 2 (2013): 237–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0032939.

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Keating, Patrick. "The Fictional Worlds of Neorealism." Criticism 45, no. 1 (2003): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/crt.2003.0031.

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LITTLE, RICHARD. "Neorealism and the English School:." European Journal of International Relations 1, no. 1 (1995): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066195001001002.

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Kinder, Marsha. ": What Is Neorealism? A Critical English-Language Bibliography of Italian Cinematic Neorealism . Bert Cardullo." Film Quarterly 46, no. 1 (1992): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fq.1992.46.1.04a00290.

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Novicic, Zaklina. "Neorealism and neoliberalism in the contemporary international relations theory." Medjunarodni problemi 59, no. 2-3 (2007): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0703211n.

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The author explores some fundamental aspects of international cooperation its functional incentives and structural limitations, by describing the discussion between two most influential approaches in international relations theory: neorealism and neoliberalism, or to be more precise between defensive neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism. During the discussion on possibilities and limitations of international co-operation neorealism and neoliberalism showed their differences, but also similarities of views that resulted in their approach, which is called the neo-neo synthesis in international relations theory. The discussion, that has been going on for three decades in USA also reflects on the practical foreign policy decision making in this country. The discussion contains the ideas that can serve as means to explain some foreign policy approaches in our country as well.

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WOODS, MATTHEW. "Reflections on nuclear optimism: Waltz, Burke and proliferation." Review of International Studies 28, no. 1 (2002): 163–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502001638.

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Proliferation optimism is the controversial theoretical and worrisome practical product of neorealism. This article reviews and ultimately rejects proliferation optimism by showing how it actually reproduces what it seeks to eliminate: pessimism. This article interprets proliferation optimism through the lens of Burkean conservatism and contends—adopting the formative reasoning of neorealism and optimism—that as the ideal nuclear society which optimism envisions resembles the ideal conservative society Burke describes in his Reflections, that optimism reproduces a core belief of conservatism: flawed human nature. The article contends that, contrary to the first principles of neorealism, an unheralded view of human nature operates within optimism to yield its reservations about widespread proliferation which, in turn, reveal optimism's essential pessimism. Illustrating how optimism is pessimism may diminish its theoretical and practical allure.

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Alhammadi, Abdullah. "THE NEOREALISM AND NEOLIBERALISM BEHIND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DURING COVID-19." World Affairs 185, no. 1 (2021): 147–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00438200211065128.

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The literature contains much discussion on the contemporary differences between neorealism and neoliberalism, especially in the context of international relations. However there have, as yet, been limited attempts to investigate how these international relations theories fare in explaining state responses to the COVID-19 outbreak. This study reviews the conceptual frameworks underpinning neorealism and neoliberalism and applies them to key state behaviors during the COVID-19 outbreak. Some examples of neorealism attached to the current pandemic include: criticism of the role of the World Health Organization, the closure of international borders, international competition to collect pharmaceutical products, bans on exports, richer states protecting their national interests, the international misuse of power during emergency orders, restrictions placed on the international media, and the deployment of military forces. By contrast, neoliberalism's focus on international cooperation is noted in U.S., Chinese, and other countries’ attempts to distribute knowledge and aid internationally, as well as in the efforts of key international organizations like the World Health Organization and the global Covax initiative. I offer an evidence-based conceptual framework using neorealism and neoliberalism to show how both have informed international behavior during the COVID-19 outbreak—although continued emphasis on the former shows few signs of abating as the pandemic approaches its third year.

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Manzoor Khan Afridi and Ali Jibran. "Russian Response to Syrian Crisis: A Neorealist Perspective." Strategic Studies 38, no. 2 (2018): 56–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.02.00150.

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This research aims to study the causes of military intervention of Russia into the Syrian crisis from the perspective of neorealism. Neorealism suggests that great powers are very careful about their structural position in an anarchic international system. This theory opines that self-help is the only rational behaviour of a state for its survival in anarchy. This study found that Russia has larger strategic and economic interests in Syria, particularly the fall of Assad’s regime could be detrimental to Moscow, which could threaten its position in international system. The protection of the Russian Tartus naval facility in Syria, sale of weapons, energy interests and a shield against Qatar gas pipeline in Syria are considered as a larger economic interest of Russia in Syria. The research will discuss Russia’s strategic and economic interests, which are directly related to its global position, by applying neorealism theory of international relations.

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Bessner, Daniel, and Nicolas Guilhot. "How Realism Waltzed Off: Liberalism and Decisionmaking in Kenneth Waltz's Neorealism." International Security 40, no. 2 (2015): 87–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00217.

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Neorealism is one of the most influential theories of international relations, and its first theorist, Kenneth Waltz, a giant of the discipline. But why did Waltz move from a rather traditional form of classical realist political theory in the 1950s to neorealism in the 1970s? A possible answer is that Waltz's Theory of International Politics was his attempt to reconceive classical realism in a liberal form. Classical realism paid a great deal of attention to decisionmaking and statesmanship, and concomitantly asserted a nostalgic, anti-liberal political ideology. Neorealism, by contrast, dismissed the issue of foreign policymaking and decisionmaking. This shift reflected Waltz's desire to reconcile his acceptance of classical realism's tenets with his political commitment to liberalism. To do so, Waltz incorporated cybernetics and systems theory into Theory of International Politics, which allowed him to develop a theory of international relations no longer burdened with the problem of decisionmaking.

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