Academic literature on the topic 'Nepal Civil War, 1996-2006'
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Journal articles on the topic "Nepal Civil War, 1996-2006"
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Eck, Kristine. "Recruitment and Violence in Nepal’s Civil War." Asian Survey 58, no. 2 (March 2018): 261–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.2.261.
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This article shows that the statistical correlation between poverty and violence during the conflict in Nepal (1996–2006) is unlikely to be explained by grievances or low opportunity costs among the poor, but is better explained by considering the rebels’ strategy. This underscores the importance of validating arguments from statistical studies.
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Adhikari, Sonika. "Security and development: Role of the Nepali Army in nation building." Unity Journal 1 (February 1, 2020): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v1i0.35704.
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This paper aims to highlight the integral role of Nepali Army towards national security and development. The researcher has applied secondary source of research design to collect the information. The result suggested that the Nepali Army played a major role in the formation as well as the development of Nepal as a strong stable nation–state. For the national security, the Nepali Army had fought many battles. Their contribution was visible from the unification campaign initiated by Prithvi Narayan Shah in 1740 AD to the Nepalese Civil war fought between the Communist Party of Nepal and the government of Nepal from 1996 to 2006. Similarly, for the development of the nation, their role is visible in infrastructure development, building civil military relation, disaster management, nature conservation and so on. Nepali Army along with the national security has been expanding its role in sectors like education, health and recreation with the interest of serving the people.
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Khan, Adrian A., and Jennifer Hyndman. "Navigating Civil War through Youth Migration, Education, and Family Separation." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 31, no. 2 (December 2, 2015): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40311.
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Why did youth move from their trans-Himalayan villages at very young ages to attend school with the risk of prolonged family separation? An in-depth study of youth from rural trans-Himalayan villages who travelled to Kathmandu, capital of Nepal, to live and study at a (free) boarding school, funded by both national and international donors, provides a starting point to address this question. The “People’s War” from 1996 to 2006 in Nepal contextualizes the study, given that the Maoist insurgency in the Himalayan hinterland aimed to recruit youth to the rebel cause. The study of youth from the trans-Himalayan region living at the boarding school as students was conducted between April and July 2014 in Kathmandu. The youth arrived at the school between the ages of four and ten years, and did not see their families for several years after their arrival, given the significant distances between their villages and the associated costs of travel. Drawing on scholarship in children’s geographies, the narratives of these youth are employed to underscore their agency in these biographies of migration and better understand these difficult separations during political uncertainty and civil war.
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Guragain, Yuba Raj. "International Support for Democracy in Nepal." Global Focus 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2021): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.6.
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This study explores the roles of international communities in the democratization process particularly in the post-conflict contexts of Nepal. Based on the main courses of Constituent Assembly Elections of 2008 and 2013 on the background of the civil war (1996 - 2006) and peace process, the analyses of related data showed that international community assisted not only to the peace process through playing different roles such as of a facilitator, a technical supporter, a monitor, a diplomatic good office in the peace process but also as a technical and generous supporter to Election Commission for managing free, fair and credible elections. The support was to the Election Commission, the peace process, to the legislature parliament and all these have made more contributions on institutional and managerial aspects for democracy promotion while equal focus has to be on the people’s level for deliberative democracy.
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SNELLINGER, AMANDA. "From (Violent) Protest to Policy: Rearticulating authority through the National Youth Policy in post-war Nepal." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (May 2018): 1043–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000937.
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AbstractYouth frustration was a front-running issue during Nepal's decade-long civil war (1996–2006) and democratic protests (2003–2006). Young activists were mobilized as foot soldiers in these political battles, but they also capitalized on their position to establish themselves politically. They earned public recognition for their direct action; however, they have struggled to stay relevant as their parties shifted from protesting against the government to running the government. In response, youth activists leveraged the public support they earned and general concern over youth disenfranchisement to demand an active role in state restructuring. The Maoist-majority Constituent Assembly government partially heeded them by handing over the task of drafting the National Youth Policy to their youth wings and other youth activists. This policy shaped the youth-focused agenda of the newly designed Ministry of Youth and Sports and other government bureaus. This article uses the National Youth Policy as the context for an examination of how youth activists are establishing public authority beyond (violent) protest. By focusing on the micro-politics of the committee appointed to draft the Policy, I analyse the techniques its members used to assert their political values and agendas through policymaking in order to secure their positions during politically turbulent times. This article elucidates how formalized governing practices and revolutionary politics blend to reconstitute state order in the aftermath of civil war.
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Gellner, David N. "Nepal and Bhutan in 2006: A Year of Revolution." Asian Survey 47, no. 1 (January 2007): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.1.80.
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2006 saw the final collapse of King Gyanendra's attempt to re-establish monarchical rule. The beneficiaries were the Seven-Party Alliance and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). There followed the re-establishment of Parliament, removal of sovereignty from the king, fluctuating negotiations with the Maoists, a cessation of civil war punctuated by considerable lawlessness, and a final peace agreement.
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Bhattacharya, Srobana, and Courtney Burns. "What’s War Got to Do with It? Post-conflict Effects on Gender Equality in South and Southeast Asia, 1975–2006." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 6, no. 1 (March 26, 2019): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797018824948.
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Does gender equality get better or worse following civil conflict? Given the plethora of research linking gender equality to less bellicosity, we aim to look at the relationship between post-conflict situations and gender equality. Specifically, we argue that circumstances surrounding how a conflict ends can better explain gender equality levels in a country in the post-conflict set up. We discuss whether outright victory for rebel groups will have the best impact for women due to the regime change and democratic process that typically follows. We conduct a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of 13 cases of intrastate conflicts in South and Southeast Asia for the years 1975–2006 along with an in-depth case study of Nepal. We find that rebel victory does have a positive impact on women in post-conflict situations when religious freedom was high, the conflict was centre seeking and wanted to establish a democratic regime.
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SHNEIDERMAN, SARA, LUKE WAGNER, JACOB RINCK, AMY L. JOHNSON, and AUSTIN LORD. "Nepal's Ongoing Political Transformation: A review of post-2006 literature on conflict, the state, identities, and environments." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 6 (November 2016): 2041–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000202.
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AbstractThis review article provides a reading guide to scholarly literature published in English about Nepal's political transformation since 2006, when Nepal's decade-long civil conflict between Maoist and state forces formally ended. The article is structured around four major themes: (1) the Maoist insurgency or ‘People's War’; (2) state formation and transformation; (3) identity politics; and (4) territorial and ecological consciousness. We also address the dynamics of migration and mobility in relation to all of these themes. Ultimately, we consider the Maoist movement as one element in a much broader process of transformation, which with the benefit of hindsight we can situate in relation to several other contemporaneous trajectories, including: democratization, identity-based mobilization, constitutional nationalism, international intervention, territorial restructuring, migration and the remittance economy, and the emergence of ecological and other new forms of consciousness. By looking across the disciplines at scholarship published on all of these themes, we aim to connect the dots between long-standing disciplinary traditions of scholarship on Nepal and more recent approaches to understanding the country's transformation.
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Sharma, Rajendra. "Contract for Peace: Peace Agreements and its Security Implication." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 3, no. 1 (February 3, 2020): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v3i1.27527.
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Negotiated settlements have been increasingly accepted as the preferred way of ending civil wars. Studies show that only 50 percent of negotiated settlements last beyond five years, while in others, negotiated settlements have been shown to keep the peace for only three and half years. Contrary to this, the peace agreements/understandings were universally considered as the pivotal blue print for conflict transformation and peace buildings. In our case, the management of arms and armies, reintegration of few former rebels in the national army, promulgation of the constitution from the constituent assembly etc. are the crucial tasks of the peace process. In this context, this paper highlights the major peace agreements (2005-2010) reached between the then Communist Party of Nepal (CPN)-Maoist and the seven parliamentary party alliance’s government and simultaneously tries to analyze these agreements’ influence on security. The 12-point understanding of 2005 concluded in New Delhi is the guiding framework of the Nepalese peace process and has its geostrategic implication as well. Likewise, the Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA) of 2006 is a milestone in bringing about an end to the decade of old civil war and beginning an inclusive, secular, peaceful and democratic nation-building process. Despite everything, delaying the transitional justice process and staling the social reconciliation can be the potential reason for a reprisal of conflict
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Khanal, Prem Raj. "Human Rights Violations during Armed Conflict in Nepal." KMC Research Journal 1, no. 1 (June 29, 2017): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/kmcrj.v1i1.28247.
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The armed conflict of Nepal was a conflict between government forces and Maoist rebels which started from 13 February 1996 and lasted 21 November 2006. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) had begun the war with the aim of overthrowing the Nepalese monarchy and establishing the “People’s Republic of Nepal.” A decade-long armed conflict was formally ended with signing of the “Comprehensive Peace Accord (CPA)” between government of Nepal and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) on 21 November 2006. This article does not describe the political, economic and other dimension of the armed conflict in Nepal. However, it tells about the different aspects of the human rights violations by State and Maoists in a decade-long (from 1996 to 2006) war in Nepal.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nepal Civil War, 1996-2006"
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Luintel, Gyanu Gautam. "Intrastate Armed Conflict and Peacebuilding in Nepal: An Assessment of the Political and Economic Agency of Women." PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2747.
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The proliferation of intrastate armed conflicts has been one of the significant threats to global peace, security, and governance. Such conflicts may trigger resource exploitation, environmental degradation, human rights violations, human and drug trafficking, and terrorism. Women may suffer disproportionately from armed conflicts due to their unequal social status. While they endure the same effects of the conflict as the rest of the population, they also become targets of gender-based violence. However, women can also be active agents of armed conflict and perpetrate violence. Therefore, political and scientific communities at the national and international levels are now increasingly interested in developing a better understanding of the role of women in, and effect on them from, armed conflict. A better understanding of the roles of women in conflict would help to prevent conflicts and promote peace. Following in-depth interviews with civil society members who witnessed the decade-long armed conflict between Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist (CPN-M) and the Government of Nepal (GoN) (1996-2006) and thereafter the peacebuildng process, I assess the political and economic agency of women particularly in terms of their role in, and impact on them from, the armed conflict and peacebuilding processes.
My research revealed that a large number of women, particularly those from rural areas, members of socially oppressed groups, poor and productive age (i.e., 14 - 45 years) - participated in the armed conflict as combatants, political cadres, motivators, and members of the cultural troupe in CPN-M, despite deeply entrenched patriarchal values in Nepali society. The GoN also recruited women in combatant roles who took part in the armed conflict. Women joined the armed conflict voluntarily, involuntarily, or as a survival strategy. Women who did not participate directly in the armed conflict were affected in many different ways. They were required to perform multiple tasks and unconventional roles at both household and community levels, particularly due to the absence or shortage of men in rural areas as they were killed, disappeared, or displaced. At the household level, women performed the role of household head- both politically and economically. However, in most cases the economic agency of women was negatively affected. At the community level, women's role as peacebuilders, members of community based organizations and civil society organizations either increased or decreased depending on the situation. Despite active participation of women in formal and informal peacebuilding processes at different levels, they were excluded from most of the high level formal peace processes. However, they were able to address some of the women's issues (e.g., access to parental property, inclusion in the state governance mechanism) at the constitutional level. The armed conflict changed gender relations to some extent, and some women acquired new status, skills and power by assuming new responsibilities. However, these changes were gained at the cost of grave violations of human rights and gender-based violence committed by the warring sides. Also, the gains made by women were short-lived and their situation often returned to status quo in the post-conflict period.
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Huang, Reyko. "The Wartime Origins of Postwar Democratization: Civil War, Rebel Governance, and Political Regimes." Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D84F1X26.
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Despite widespread depiction of civil war as a pathway to autocracy or state failure, the empirical record shows significant variation in post-civil war states' regime trajectories. While some states settled into durable authoritarianism, others went on to enter the ranks of electoral democracies shortly after belligerents laid down their arms. What explains this variation? In the extreme, how is it that a state that is staunchly autocratic at the war's outbreak can emerge from it a nascent democracy? This study proposes that post-civil war regime outcomes have wartime origins. Differences in the nature of rebel governance of civilians generate different social and institutional legacies across civil wars. These legacies can endure into peacetime politics, affecting the latter in often unintended ways. The theory centers on two wartime transformations that result from different forms of rebel governance. First, where rebels depend heavily on civilian material support, civilians become mobilized as a political force. Widespread social mobilization can in turn create political pressures on postwar elites to respond with a democratization strategy. Second, where rebel groups engage in extensive wartime "statebuilding," they create formal and informal institutions of governance which they can carry over into postwar politics should they prevail in the war. Because institutions are sticky, how they govern civilians in times of war can affect how they will govern in times of peace. These arguments are tested using both quantitative and qualitative methods. An original cross-national dataset on rebel governance for all civil wars ending between 1950 and 2006 serves as the basis, first, for a novel empirical analysis of rebel governance in civil war, then for statistical tests of the theory. To further probe the theory's causal claims, the study engages in an in-depth analysis of the Nepalese civil war and its political aftermath based on field interviews. The theory is further tested in a comparative analysis of the Ugandan, Tajik, and Mozambican civil wars. Together, empirical findings show that rebel governance in civil war can catalyze significant social and political change, with enduring impacts on postwar political regimes. The study offers theoretical and practical implications for our understanding of, and response to, the politics of violent rebellion and its effects on regime development.
Books on the topic "Nepal Civil War, 1996-2006"
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Hāmi yo ratkapāta rokna cāhanchauṃ. [Kathmandu]: Vicāra Adhyayana Kendra, Nepāla, 2006.
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Upreti, B. C. Maoists in Nepal: From insurgency to political mainstream. New Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, 2008.
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Washington, East-West Center, ed. Civil society in uncivil places: Soft state and regime change in Nepal. Washington, DC: East-West Center Washington, 2008.
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Politics of People's War and human rights in Nepal. Kathmandu: BIMIPA Publications, 2005.
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Hausner, Sondra L. The movement of women: Migration, trafficking, and prostitution in the context of Nepal's armed conflict. Kathmandu: [Save the Children], 2005.
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Save the Children (U.S.), ed. The movement of women: Migration, trafficking, and prostitution in the context of Nepal's armed conflict. Kathmandu: [Save the Children], 2005.
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Hausner, Sondra L. The movement of women: Migration, trafficking, and prostitution in the context of Nepal's armed conflict. Kathmandu: [Save the Children], 2005.
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Group, International Crisis. Nepal's peace agreement: Making it work. Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2006.
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Shrestha, Anil, Izumi Wakugawa, and Prawash Gautam. From conflict to peace in Nepal: Peace agreements 2005-10. Kathmandu: Asian Study Center for Peace & Conflict Transformation, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Nepal Civil War, 1996-2006"
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Gellner, David N., and Chiara Letizia. "Hinduism in the Secular Republic of Nepal." In The Oxford History of Hinduism: Modern Hinduism, 275–304. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790839.003.0016.
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Since its creation in the mid-eighteenth century, the state of Nepal has claimed to be Hindu. This chapter describes how the assertion of Nepal’s Hindu identity became an explicit and politicized state strategy from 1960 to 1990. The definition of the state as Hindu was increasingly challenged after 1990, culminating in the declaration of secularism in the aftermath of the civil war (1996–2006). The dominant position of Hindu high castes (Bahuns and Chhetris) has remained, however, and support for a Hindu state remains high. This support is sustained by recurrent arguments, many borrowed from India, that reposition the Hindu majority as an embattled community. The new constitution of 2015 reflects conflicting understandings of and struggles over secularism. It simultaneously institutionalizes a clear shift in the understanding of Hinduism. Hinduism is today beginning to be conceptualized as one religion among equals, and a personal choice, rather than as a collective and inherited identity.
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Slater, Jerome. "The Lebanon Wars." In Mythologies Without End, 182–91. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190459086.003.0012.
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From the onset of the Arab-Israeli conflict, the major Israeli leaders looked for opportunities to invade and annex southern Lebanon and install a friendly Christian and anti-PLO government in the rest of the country, working closely with Israel in its conflict with the Palestinians and other Islamic organizations. After the PLO established its main bases and headquarters in the region, there were a series of Israeli-PLO-Hezbollah cross-border attacks, culminating in the 1978, 1982, 1993, 1996, and 2006 wars. Although Israel “won” the wars and the PLO was expelled from Lebanon, Hezbollah recovered and grew stronger after each one. It now has an estimated 130,000 rockets and missiles and can hit almost every part of Israel in case of new wars. As a result, since 2006 a state of acknowledged mutual deterrence and an uneasy peace has emerged between Israel and Hezbollah, except for Israeli attacks on Hezbollah forces cooperating with Iran in the Syrian civil war.
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Lennon, John. "Dark Tourism and Sites of Crime." In Tourism and Crime. Goodfellow Publishers, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.23912/978-1-906884-14-7-1274.
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Dark tourism (sometimes referred to as thanatourism) has become established in the last decade as a niche tourism area. Death, suffering, visitation and tourism have been interrelated for many centuries (Foley and Lennon, 1996a; Seaton, 1999). Indeed for many years, humans have been attracted to sites and events that are associated with death, disaster, suffering, violence and killing. From ancient Rome and gladiatorial combat to attendance at public executions, sites of death have held a voyeuristic appeal. As previously recorded, the site of hte first battle in the American Civil War was sold as a potential tourist site the following day (Lennon and Foley, 2000) and viewing of the battlefield of Waterlook by non-combatants was recorded in 1816 (Seaton, 1999). These sites associated with death and disaster that exert a dark fascination for visitors are frequently linked to crime locations and the perpetration of lawful and unlawful acts. The sheer diversity of forms of dark tourism sites are significant and have been the subject of emergent research (see for example: Foley and Lennon, 1996a; Lennon and Foley, 2000; Seaton, 1996; Seaton and Lennon, 2004; Dann and Seaton, 2006; Ashworth, 1996; Sharkley and Stone, 2009). However the relationship to criminal acts and punishment for crimes is an important one that has received limited direct attention.
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Orr, David W. "Governance." In Down to the Wire. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195393538.003.0007.
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The u.s. constitution and the bill of rights were drafted in an agrarian era by a small group of men as collectively brilliant as any in history. The government they created was designed with checks and balances and divided authority in order to prevent executive tyranny, sometimes override popular majorities, and avoid quick action on virtually anything. From its agrarian origins it has grown incrementally ever since in response to particular issues, economic necessity, and above all war, but not as a result of much planning, foresight, or effort to create a coherent political architecture. Nonetheless, the framework they created has survived and even thrived through sectional rivalry and the Civil War, the excesses of the Robber Baron era, two world wars, and the rise and fall of fascism and communism. The Constitution, for some, is a scripture hence beyond reform. Historian Charles Beard, less reverential, once argued that it was written to protect private wealth, especially that of the founders. That may not have been as true as Beard assumed for the founders, but it is clear that “By the middle of the nineteenth century the legal system had been reshaped to the advantage of men of commerce and industry at the expense of farmers, workers, consumers, and other less powerful groups within the society” (Horwitz, 1977, pp. 253–254). More recently, political scientists Robert Dahl, Sanford Levinson, Daniel Lazare, and Larry Sabato have questioned the inclusiveness of the Constitution as well as its effectiveness and future prospects. Dahl, for example, argues that undemocratic features were built into the Constitution because the founders “overestimated the dangers of popular majorities . . . and underestimated the strength of the developing democratic commitment among Americans” (Dahl, 2002, p. 39; Lazare, 1996, p. 46). While somewhat pessimistic about the prospects for greater democratization, he argues that “it is time—long past time—to invigorate and greatly widen the critical examination of the Constitution and its shortcomings” (pp. 154–156). Constitutional law expert Sanford Levinson agrees: “the Constitution is both insufficiently democratic . . . and sufficiently dysfunctional, in terms of the quality of government that we receive . . . [that] we should no longer express our blind devotion to it” (Levinson, 2006, p. 9).