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Journal articles on the topic 'Nepal. Constituent Assembly, 2007'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2025

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1

Whelpton, John. "Nepal and Bhutan in 2007: Seeking an Elusive Consensus." Asian Survey 48, no. 1 (2008): 184–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2008.48.1.184.

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Amid continuing unrest in Nepal's Tarai (Lowlands) region and elsewhere, eventual abolition of the monarchy looks certain. But implementation of the country's peace process remains stalled with postponement of the Constituent Assembly elections originally scheduled for June 2007 and disagreement between the Nepali Congress Party and leftist parties over the electoral system to be adopted for these polls. In Bhutan, the process of democratization appears to be deepening and the economy is growing, but the issue of Bhutanese refugees living in Nepal continues to be an irritant both domestically

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2

Mistry, Asis. "Quest for Identity: Re-Examining the Process of Federal Restructuring of the Nepali State." Social Inquiry: Journal of Social Science Research 2, no. 2 (2020): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/sijssr.v2i2.33043.

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The agenda of restructuring the state has been the most deliberated issue for all intellectuals, political leaders and civil society activists in Nepal. The restructuring of Nepali state became a central component of the 2006 peace deal. Federalism was, however, included in the interim constitution as a binding principle for the Constituent Assembly on the verge of violent protests in the Tarai in 2007. The fundamental question during the Maoist insurgency remained whether federalism based on ethnic affiliation will be materialized. But after the Madhesh mutiny, the question that dominated the

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3

Ghimire, Tara Nath. "Impact of the Peace Agreement 2005 in Nepal." Patan Pragya 11, no. 02 (2022): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/pragya.v11i02.52143.

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This study is related to the significance and importance of Nepal's peace agreement. The peace agreement and the interim constitution led politics from a precarious situation to the constituent assembly. The constituent assembly had appeared as a base to take on dialogue whether the state was trying to search for a solution to the boorish problem. The peace agreement that followed the Maoist war is very important in the politics of Nepal. The study has tried to find out whether the government has been able to operate after that time according to the comprehensive peace agreement in Nepal. This

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Adhikari, Hemant Raj. "Development Practices under Different Political Regimes in Nepal: Theoretical Explanation." Spectrum of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (2025): 69–80. https://doi.org/10.3126/shss.v1i1.79799.

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The government of Nepal has introduced and implemented many development plans, policies, and programs so far. Nepal has witnessed various development practices during different political systems. This paper is intended to review and analyse the development practices under different political regimes in Nepal. The paper employed an analytical review approach based on secondary sources to assess and analyse the development practices in Nepal. The study reveals that Nepal has implemented fifteen periodic development plans and policies; however, it still needs excellent efforts for economic progre

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5

Vollan, Kåre. "Group Representation and the System of Representation in the Constituent Assembly and Future Parliaments of Nepal." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 18, no. 3 (2011): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181111x583323.

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AbstractA broad representation of all people of Nepal have been a main objective of the system of representation, first of the Constituent Assembly and then of the future Parliament, since the first agreements between the Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance was entered into at the end of 2005. The specific rules have been subject of controversies and the implementation of quotas for the Constituent Assembly elections 2008 represented major challenges. The rules as they were formulated did work towards more inclusiveness in 2008, but there were still groups which were left out of the Assembly.

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Upadhyay, Prakash. "Quandary in Nepal: A Conflict Perspective." Himalayan Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 3 (November 25, 2008): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hjsa.v3i0.1497.

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This article, under the theoretical parasol of conflict perspective, converses on veracities of current Nepal, rising conflicts, paradigm shifts and deepening crisis amidst the proposed constituent assembly elections. It is astringent veracity that after the successful movement of 2006 and the country being on the threshold of constituent assembly elections, in the present, the major segments of precautious civil society and commoners are questioning the validity of politics, operation pattern of political parties, and the distribution of rights and scarce resources among the elites rather tha

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7

Whelpton, John. "Nepal and Bhutan in 2008: A New Beginning??" Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (2009): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.53.

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In Nepal, the twice-postponed elections for the Constituent Assembly were successfully held in April 2008. The Maoists, who obtained a plurality of seats, took office at the head of a multi-party coalition following the formal abolition of the monarchy. Yet, fundamental issues still remained unresolved, including integrating the guerilla forces into the national army. In Bhutan, elections for the lower house were won decisively by the party led by Jigme Thinley, and the country's new Constitution was promulgated.

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8

Kanel, Tara. "Women's Political Representation in Nepal: An Experience from the 2008 Constituent Assembly." Asian Journal of Women's Studies 20, no. 4 (2014): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.2014.11666197.

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9

Guragain, Yuba Raj. "International Support for Democracy in Nepal." Global Focus 1, no. 1 (2021): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.6.

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This study explores the roles of international communities in the democratization process particularly in the post-conflict contexts of Nepal. Based on the main courses of Constituent Assembly Elections of 2008 and 2013 on the background of the civil war (1996 - 2006) and peace process, the analyses of related data showed that international community assisted not only to the peace process through playing different roles such as of a facilitator, a technical supporter, a monitor, a diplomatic good office in the peace process but also as a technical and generous supporter to Election Commission

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10

Tamang, Seira. "Exclusionary Processes and Constitution Building in Nepal." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 18, no. 3 (2011): 293–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181111x583297.

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AbstractThe current constitution building exercise in Nepal must be seen in the context of a history of an exclusionary state run by high-caste, hill, male elites. Past democratic transitions, including the 1990 change, failed to ensure the rights, participation and representation of excluded groups. The April 2006 peoples' movement, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, the election to the Constituent Assembly of the most representative elected body in Nepal's history and the establishment of a Republic has raised hopes for real change. However, current tendencies to narrowly define the peace pr

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11

Sapkota, Yamuna. "From Global Archives to Grassroots Mobilization: The Evolution of Feminist Movements in International and Nepali Contexts." NPRC Journal of Multidisciplinary Research 2, no. 5 (2025): 1–10. https://doi.org/10.3126/nprcjmr.v2i5.78536.

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This study investigates how international women’s movements have shaped women’s political participation in Nepal, analyzing the complex interplay of gender, caste, ethnicity, and class. Spanning from the 1940s democratic movements to the post-2006 constitutional reforms, the research traces the development of feminist consciousness, legal frameworks, and grassroots activism in Nepal. While international instruments like CEDAW (1992) and domestic gender quotas (e.g., 33% representation in the Constituent Assembly) have formalized women’s political inclusion, substantive equality remains elusive

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12

SNELLINGER, AMANDA. "From (Violent) Protest to Policy: Rearticulating authority through the National Youth Policy in post-war Nepal." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (2018): 1043–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000937.

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AbstractYouth frustration was a front-running issue during Nepal's decade-long civil war (1996–2006) and democratic protests (2003–2006). Young activists were mobilized as foot soldiers in these political battles, but they also capitalized on their position to establish themselves politically. They earned public recognition for their direct action; however, they have struggled to stay relevant as their parties shifted from protesting against the government to running the government. In response, youth activists leveraged the public support they earned and general concern over youth disenfranch

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13

Ghai, Yash. "Ethnic Identity, Participation and Social Justice: A Constitution for New Nepal?" International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 18, no. 3 (2011): 309–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181111x583305.

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AbstractFor nearly two centuries Nepal has been governed under the hegemony of three upper caste communities: Brahmins, Chettries and Newars. Under the influence of Hinduism and the monarchy, other communities, Dalits, women, indigenous peoples and the people of the southern parts were marginalised. Struggles of democracy in the 1950s were less about social justice than the access of the elite communities to increasing shares in the spoils and administration of the state, which was achieved in the 1990 Constitution. The Maoist rebellion in the mid 1990s seriously hampered the working of the Co

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14

Ghimire, Tara Nath, Jagat Nepal, and Dol Raj Kafle. "Accomplishments and Media Coverage of Nepal's First Elected Government." European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 2, no. 5 (2024): 440–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2024.2(5).45.

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This article examines the work and impact of Nepal's first elected government following the 2007 revolution, which ended 104 years of family Rana rule and established democracy in the country. The revolution set the stage for a transition to a political system based on multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy. Initially, King Tribhuvan promised to advance the country through a constitution created by representatives elected to a Constituent Assembly within two years. However, both King Tribhuvan and his successor, King Mahendra, avoided holding the Constituent Assembly elections out o

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Tara, Nath Ghimire, Nepal Jagat, and Raj Kafle Dol. "Accomplishments and Media Coverage of Nepal's First Elected Government." European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 2, no. 5 (2024): 440–48. https://doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2024.2(5).45.

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This article examines the work and impact of Nepal's first elected government following the 2007 revolution, which ended 104 years of family Rana rule and established democracy in the country. The revolution set the stage for a transition to a political system based on multi-party democracy and constitutional monarchy. Initially, King Tribhuvan promised to advance the country through a constitution created by representatives elected to a Constituent Assembly within two years. However, both King Tribhuvan and his successor, King Mahendra, avoided holding the Constituent Assembly elections out o

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16

Sharma, Rajendra. "Contract for Peace: Peace Agreements and its Security Implication." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 3, no. 1 (2020): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v3i1.27527.

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Negotiated settlements have been increasingly accepted as the preferred way of ending civil wars. Studies show that only 50 percent of negotiated settlements last beyond five years, while in others, negotiated settlements have been shown to keep the peace for only three and half years. Contrary to this, the peace agreements/understandings were universally considered as the pivotal blue print for conflict transformation and peace buildings. In our case, the management of arms and armies, reintegration of few former rebels in the national army, promulgation of the constitution from the constitue

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17

Neupane, Deepak, and Li Zeng. "Condition of Nepali journalists after the 2008 Constituent Assembly Election." Journal of International Communication 20, no. 1 (2014): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2014.880362.

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18

Jayshwal, Vijay Pd. "AN APPLICATION OF DOCTRINE OF NECESSITY: PREVIOUS CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY OF NEPAL AND ITS TIME EXTENSION TO AVOID CONSTITUTIONAL UNCERTAINTY." Mimbar Hukum - Fakultas Hukum Universitas Gadjah Mada 27, no. 1 (2015): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jmh.15900.

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This paper aims to investigate issues in relation of constitutional doctrine which had potential debate among the jurists of Nepal for the issues of time extension. The paper will also argue some weaknesses in the constituent assembly and their role expected by the people of Nepal. This paper will discuss about the evolution of constitution in Nepal, its features, the principle of Constitutionalism embodied in Nepalese constitution. This paper will further argue about the legitimacy of Doctrine of Necessity and its application in Nepal. In last, this paper will show the possibility of constitu

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19

Hangen, Susan. "Nepal and Bhutan in 2010." Asian Survey 51, no. 1 (2011): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.1.125.

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Nepal made little headway in its peace process in 2010. The Constituent Assembly missed the May deadline for completing the new Constitution, and a crisis in governance followed the prime minister's resignation in June. Repeated rounds of voting failed to elect a new leader. Meanwhile, democratization in Bhutan progressed slowly because local elections were delayed.

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20

Kantha, Pramod K. "Nepal and Bhutan in 2013." Asian Survey 54, no. 1 (2014): 206–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.1.206.

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The political stalemate prevailing in Nepal since the dissolution of the first Constituent Assembly (CA) in 2012 ended with the second CA polls in November. Bhutan’s second parliamentary elections in July and the opposition People’s Democratic Party’s victory over the outgoing Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (Bhutan Peace and Prosperity Party) were signs of consolidation of Bhutan’s nascent democracy.

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21

Kantha, Pramod K. "Nepal and Bhutan in 2012." Asian Survey 53, no. 1 (2013): 84–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.84.

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Nepal’s political transition switched into crisis mode as the Constituent Assembly (CA) dissolved on May 27 without delivering a constitution. While new elections for the CA appeared most likely, people’s confidence in the ability of ever-feuding politicians to lead the troubled nation plunged to a new low. Anticipations grew in Bhutan over parliamentary elections in 2013. Bhutan’s decision to establish diplomatic relations with China was a historic milestone.

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22

Amrit, Kumar Shrestha, Prasad Phuyel Shyam, and Kumar Poudel Kamal. "Vote Shifting Patterns: Comparative Cases from the Constituent Assembly Elections in Nepal." Journal of Social and Political Sciences 3, no. 1 (2020): 1–12. https://doi.org/10.31014/aior.1991.03.01.141.

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As the literature on electoral politics reveals, vote shifting is one of the most politically sensitive issues. This article focuses on the vote shifting pattern of electoral politics of Nepal. It is based on the secondary data from the first and the next Constituent Assembly (CA) elections held in 2008 and 2013 respectively, published by the Election Commission of Nepal. It aligns with the mixed of quantitative and qualitative approaches. It is limited to the data that belong to the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system covering 240 constituencies and party-wise vote shifting pattern. T

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23

Guragain, Govinda Prasad. "Analyzing Women Issues in the second Constituent Assembly Elections (CAE) in Nepal." Rural Development Journal 2, no. 1 (2017): 95–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/rdj.v2i1.67294.

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This research explores the status of women based primarily on the Constituent Assembly Election (CAE). It provides a framework for future policy and decision-making during national elections to enhance women's empowerment through the electoral system, ensuring their political representation based on democratic principles. The article examines the portrayal of women in Nepali politics by the media from September to December 2013, focusing on the coverage related to the second CA elections. The study employs a qualitative explanatory analysis to argue that the failure of the first CAE to draft a

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24

ADHIKARI, KRISHNA P., and DAVID N. GELLNER. "New Identity Politics and the 2012 Collapse of Nepal's Constituent Assembly: When the dominant becomes ‘other’." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 6 (2016): 2009–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x15000438.

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AbstractThis article explores the politicization of ethnicity in Nepal since 1990. In particular it looks at how ideas of indigeneity have become increasingly powerful, leading to Nepal becoming the first and—to date—only Asian country to have signed International Labour Organization Convention number 169 (hereafter ILO 169). The rise of ethnic politics, and in particular the reactive rise of a new kind of ethnicity on the part of the ‘dominant’ groups—Bahuns (Brahmans) and Chhetris (Kshatriyas)—is the key to understanding why the first Constituent Assembly in Nepal ran out of time and collaps

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25

Guragain, Govinda Prasad. "Gender Parity Progress: Assessing Women's Representation in Nepal's Second Constituent Assembly Elections (CAE)." Samsad Journal संसद जर्नल 1, no. 1 (2024): 78–90. https://doi.org/10.3126/sj.v1i1.75905.

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This research provides a comprehensive examination of the status of women in Nepal, focusing particularly on their participation in the second Constituent Assembly Elections (CAE). It offers insights into the need for future policy and decision-making processes to prioritize women's empowerment through the electoral system, ensuring their meaningful political representation in line with democratic principles. The study analyzes media coverage of women in politics from September to December 2013, during the period of the second CAE. Through qualitative explanatory analysis, it argues that the f

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26

Thapa, Ganga Bahadur, and Jan Sharma. "Nepal’s Democratic Deficit and Federalism Is it a cure or part of the problem?" Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 1 (2011): 39–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.1.39-66(2011).

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Since the second democratic opening in 1990, Nepal has suffered from a democratic deficit due to the new leaders’ failure to institutionalise democracy by promoting inclusion, representation, and responsiveness. The concept of federalism, as argued in Nepal today, reflects the failure of the past and the determination to give local governance the real political and economic power. The fringe leftist and rightist parties oppose federalism, arguing that it will create deep divisions. Some of them even assume that the country may ultimately disappear altogether. In view of the widespread popular

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27

Webber, Jeffery. "Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Part III: Neoliberal Continuities, the Autonomist Right, and the Political Economy of Indigenous Struggle." Historical Materialism 16, no. 4 (2008): 67–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x357738.

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This article presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year (January 2006–January 2007) of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the changing character of contemporary capitalism imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers at a general level the overarching dilemmas of revolution and reform. Part III examines the complexities of the politics of indigenous

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28

Chhetri, Gyanu. "Perceptions About The “Third Gender” In Nepal." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 11 (December 31, 2017): 96–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v11i0.18824.

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This paper is built around the argument that negative attitudes of family and society towards the third gendered persons could lead to unacceptance, discrimination, exclusion and ostracization of the third gendered persons in the family and society. This paper presents an analysis of the causes of abandonment of one’s own family by the third gendered persons. Third Gendered Persons could open-up, come out and organize themselves for equality in par with other genders, when they get support from an organization. The third gendered persons in Nepal are getting organized under the umbrella of Blu

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Thapamagar, Ram Bahadur. "Indigenous nationalities and politics in Nepal: constitution assembly to parliament." Journal of Nepalese Studies 16, no. 1 (2024): 152–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jns.v16i1.71788.

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This article is a descriptive analysis of the political representation of the Indigenous Nationalities in the legislative bodies Constituent Assembly, Federal Parliament, and Provinces Assembly. The data presented in the paper are based on secondary sources, primarily the election result books and reports. The overwhelming representation of the Indigenous people in the first CA shed a new hope towards the end of all forms of subjugation and injustice against the hitherto marginalized groups, including Indigenous people. However, the representation in the House of Representatives and the Provin

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Gyawali, Gokarna P. "Federalism: Challenges and Opportunities in Nepal." Molung Educational Frontier 8 (December 3, 2018): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/mef.v8i0.22439.

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It is assumed that the main aspect of the Constitution of Nepal promulgated on September 20, 2015 is the transfer of power from central/federal to the provincial and local government. However, the devolution process has not been satisfactorily experienced as had been expected when it was promulgated by the overwhelming majority of the then Constituent Assembly. One of the reasons for this slow progress might be some confusion and/ or problem in matters of power sharing between different levels of governments. So, the primary objective of the researcher is to review the power sharing modality e

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31

Baran, Enrique J., Oscar E. Piro, and Juan Zinczuk. "A New Supramolecular Assembly Obtained by Reaction Between Thiosaccharin and Hexamethylenediamine." Zeitschrift für Naturforschung B 62, no. 12 (2007): 1530–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znb-2007-1210.

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The crystal structure of hexamethylenediammonium bis(thiosaccharinate) dihydrate, [H3N-(CH2)6-NH3](tsac)2 · 2H2O (tsac=C7H4NO2S2, the anion of thiosaccharin), was determined by single-crystal X-ray diffraction. It crystallizes in the monoclinic space group P21/a with Z = 4. The thiosaccharinate moiety is planar and shows small but significant modifications in the bonding of the thioamide functional group as compared with the protonated neutral molecule. The ionic crystal is further stabilized by an extensive H-bonding network, which links the anions and cations into an infinite three-dimension

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32

Føllesdal, Andreas. "Federalism, Ethnicity and Human Rights in Nepal. Or: Althusius meets Acharya." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 18, no. 3 (2011): 335–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181111x583314.

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AbstractThe article addresses one of the difficult tasks of the Nepal Constituent Assembly: how to translate the idea and mechanisms of federalism in ways that are faithful to the best interests of the Nepal people into a constitution of a democratic, human rights-respecting Nepal republic. The reflections concern four varieties of federal elements, discussing arguments in favour and against each drawn from an interpretation of other states' experiences. Two of the four are territorial: constitutional: an entrenched split of powers, and political: decentralised autonomy. Two are non-territoria

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Guragain, Govinda Prasad, Saroj Pokharel, and Bhawani Shankar Adhikari. "Towards Inclusive Democracy: Reforming Nepal's Electoral System for Fair Representation and Governance." European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 2, no. 5 (2024): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2024.2(5).07.

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The purpose of this research paper is to examine various electoral systems used worldwide and to determine the most suitable electoral system for Nepal as it transitions into a federal system. It aims to explore inclusive democracy and the electoral practices observed in contemporary politics and Constituent Assembly (CA) polls. The discussion centers on the challenges faced in Nepal's political landscape, particularly focusing on the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) and List Proportional Representation (List PR) systems utilized in the CA elections of 2008 and 2013. The paper evaluates the merits a

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Govinda, Prasad Guragain, Pokharel Saroj, and Shankar Adhikari Bhawani. "Towards Inclusive Democracy: Reforming Nepal's Electoral System for Fair Representation and Governance." European Journal of Theoretical and Applied Sciences 2, no. 5 (2024): 66–77. https://doi.org/10.59324/ejtas.2024.2(5).07.

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The purpose of this research paper is to examine various electoral systems used worldwide and to determine the most suitable electoral system for Nepal as it transitions into a federal system. It aims to explore inclusive democracy and the electoral practices observed in contemporary politics and Constituent Assembly (CA) polls. The discussion centers on the challenges faced in Nepal's political landscape, particularly focusing on the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) and List Proportional Representation (List PR) systems utilized in the CA elections of 2008 and 2013. The paper evaluates the merits a

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35

Subedi, Girdhari. "Practices and Key Aspects of Intergovernmental Relations in Nepal: Major Challenges and Way Forward in Advancing Federalism." ACADEMIA 5, no. 1 (2025): 53–69. https://doi.org/10.3126/ta.v5i1.77114.

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After the promulgation of the constitution through the Constituent Assembly in 2015, Nepal became a federal state by establishing seven provinces. Following the resolution of a decade-long conflict and a long political movement for complete democracy, Nepal implemented the three levels of government system as part of its federal model. The fundamental characteristics of federalism and intergovernmental interactions are outlined in Nepal's constitution. However, there are some gaps in the constitution that need to be addressed for its broader acceptability and make it functional. The major cons

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Timalsina, Saroj Kumar, and Jantraj Karki. "Contemporary Nepal-India Relations: From Constitution Proclamation to Cartographic Dispute." Third Pole: Journal of Geography Education 24 (December 31, 2024): 126–44. https://doi.org/10.3126/ttp.v24i1.73376.

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This paper explores the reasons behind Indian dissatisfaction with Nepal's 2015 federal constitution and the cartographic controversy, focusing on contemporary Nepal-India relations. Nepal and India's shared history, culture, and geography are strained by territorial disputes over Kalapani, Lipulekh, and Limpiyadhura, causing geopolitical strains and diplomatic standoffs. The ongoing territorial dispute significantly impacts political, economic, and social relations in South Asia, potentially affecting regional stability. The data has been gathered from systematic reviews of articles published

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Oli, Sudan Kumar. "Political Disorders and Economic Growth Nexus during 1960-2020: An Empirical Analysis of South-Asian Countries." Quest Journal of Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (2022): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/qjmss.v4i1.45870.

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Background: The election is a process of transferring power and authorities to lead the public position in democratic practice. This process not only hands over the power for the decision making but also introduces changes in the governing system that influence either way to the individual, firms, community, society, and the entire nation through various governing tools. An election affects the economic system from within and outside in south-Asian countries. Therefore, the south-Asian economy keeps tracking the different types of elections to adjust their economic system accordingly grounded

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Lamichhane, Bimal Prasad. "Models of Constitution Making with Reference to Nepal." Journal of Political Science 20 (October 4, 2020): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jps.v20i0.31793.

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Constitution is commonly called as the foundation, framework, guideline, roadmap, charter, established rule or legal order of government. It is the supreme and fundamental law of the state because constitution gives legitimacy or validity to all laws and no laws surviving against the constitution. Law is valid only if it is in conformity with the constitution. Constitution being the basic and organic law of land the process of its making is quite important. Constitution making is the act of creating and reforming the body of fundamental principles that govern a state. Constitution making is, t

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Lamichhane, Dron Prasad. "Revisiting India’s Neighborhood First Policy in the Context of Growing US China Engagement in Nepal." Nepal Public Policy Review 3, no. 2 (2023): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.59552/nppr.v3i2.70.

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Where does India’s Neighborhood First policy stand in the context of U.S.-China’s growing strategic engagement in Nepal? It has been realized that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Neighborhood First Policy was unable to deliver on its economic and developmental promises in a multifaceted manner. Mr. Modi’s initial engagements with Nepal were perceived as accommodating policies, and it was believed that they would bring about a “paradigm shift” that would replace the “Nehru Doctrine.” However, going against the spirit of the speech delivered by Mr. Modi in Nepal’s Constituent Assembly, Ind

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Marattha, Purushotam. "Quest for Political Stability: Party Leadership Role in CA." Tribhuvan University Journal 29, no. 1 (2016): 161–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v29i1.25967.

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The political parties of Nepal have never been able to move as an engine of social transformation process, much like their inability to give a stable government. After replacing the Party-less regimes, with them multiparty system the country has mainly witnessed drawbacks of parliamentary system. The political parties have failed to promote democracy and they have hammered on the root of constitution. However, a new constitution was demanded through a Constituent Assembly (CA) and after nearly a decade long exercise, the constitution of Nepal, 2015, was promulgated on September20, 2015. Since

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Kandel, Ishwori Prasad. "Nepal–India Relationship After The Rise of Modi." Historical Journal 11, no. 1 (2020): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hj.v11i1.34630.

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This paper has attempted to define Nepal, being a sovereign country would like to deal with India on an equitable basis. Geographically, culturally and economically, Nepal is closer to India. Nepal also realizes that it can’t ignore its southern neighbor India. The Republic of India and the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal initiated their relationship with the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship and accompanying secret letters that defined security relations between the two countries, and an agreement governing both bilateral trade and trade transiting Indian territory. The Indo

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Prasad, Uma Shankar. "Nepal's Fiscal Federalism Model in the New Constitution: Agenda for Amendments." NRB Economic Review 27, no. 2 (2015): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/nrber.v27i2.52563.

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The first Constituent Assembly (CA) was dissolved without producing the constitution. The Constitution of Nepal as Federal Democratic Republic was promulgated on September 20, 2015 by the second CA. The primary objective of this study is to review the modality presented in the new constitution on the natural resources, economic rights and revenue allocation and recommend some amendments. The study finds that the fiscal decentralization initiatives have not been successful in minimizing the political, social, economic, regional and ethnic inequalities inherent for nearly 240 years of a unitary

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Rai, Prakash. "Unity in Diversity: Federalism in Multiethnic Country Nepal." Prāgyik Prabāha 11, no. 1 (2023): 102–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/pp.v11i1.55513.

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Federalism, in general and multiethnic federalism, in particular is supposed to be a device to create unity in diversity in multiethnic country. Multiethnic federalism, a form of federalism, in which the territorial government or state is carved out based on nation or ethnic category to enable national minorities to exercise indigenous and ethnic minority rights like self-rule and autonomy is supposed to be a device to create unity in diversity in multiethnic country like Nepal. In Nepal, indigenous nationalities, and Madhesi communities who, historically, have been excluded in state’s institu

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Flores, Alexandra Martinez, Guido Ruivenkamp, and Joost Jongerden. "Drafting a Law, Dissolving a Proposal: Food Sovereignty and the State in Ecuador." Agrarian South: Journal of Political Economy: A triannual Journal of Agrarian South Network and CARES 7, no. 3 (2018): 351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2277976018800590.

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Upon being sworn in as the 56th Ecuadorian President on 15 January 2007, Rafael Correa immediately convened, through a referendum, a National Constituent Assembly to draw up a new constitution. One of the concerns of the assembly was to translate into law a food-sovereignty proposal put forward by social movements. In the process of becoming law, the food-sovereignty proposal was much changed. How is it possible that the final version, the law, so far fell short of the food-sovereignty movement’s original proposal? Addressing this question implies a reflection on the role of the state. We argu

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Khaniya, Bharat, and Arun Kumar Sharma. "Election and Development in Federal Nepal: Perspective of APF in Election Security." Journal of APF Command and Staff College 1, no. 1 (2018): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v1i1.26711.

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Free and fair elections are the elements that contribute in strengthening the democracy. They are more important for the fragile democracies like Nepal. The new constitution promulgated in 2015 by Constituent Assembly led the country to federal state. Elections of all three tiers of government were to be held within two years from the date of promulgation. The constitution granted a number of tasks to be performed by local bodies for the development of the country. Elections and development are interrelated and connected. Elections elect candidates and those candidates are the vehicle of devel

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Joshi, Dipak Raj. "Construction of Ethnic Religious Borders, Cognitive Disruption and Resultant Suffering of People in Indian and Nepali Texts." Studies in Social Science & Humanities 3, no. 7 (2024): 50–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.56397/sssh.2024.07.08.

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Religious-ethnic diversity makes human society beautiful; however, the sensitive area can also be the site of potential conflict and violence. Researcher is interested in observing the politics how ethnic religious borders are constructed among harmoniously settled races, how due to cognitive disruption they turn into each others’ enemies, and as a result, the divisive strategy results in the suffering of people. The portrayal of politics staged on the ground of religious diversity in Indian partition literature and the utilization of ethnic diversity for the political benefits after 1990 poli

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Pathak, Bishnu. "Impacts of India’s Transit Warfare against Nepal." World Journal of Social Science Research 2, no. 2 (2015): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v2n2p266.

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<p><em>Nepal promulgated the New Constitution with signatures of 90 percent of the Constituent Assembly (CA) II members on September 20, 2015</em><em>.</em><em> The world congratulated Nepal for its success, but Nepal’s roji-roti-beti closest neighbor India sent a cold-note and a mild-warning. India informally conveyed a proposed 7-point constitutional amendment the following day supporting 10 percent of Nepal’s CA II, which are agitating Madhesi groups. Such amendments interfere with landlocked Nepal’s sovereign and internal affairs, but Nepal was full of c

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Zhu, Guobin, and Antonios Kouroutakis. "The Role of the Judiciary and the Supreme Court in the Constitution Making Process: the Case of Nepal." Stanford Journal of International Law 55, no. 1 (2019): 69–82. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10647656.

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This article examines the role of the judiciary in Nepal after the adoption of the new Constitution and examines its position via the lenses both of the separation of powers and the rule of law. By comparing the present Constitution with the previous constitutional documents of Nepal, it seems that the constitutional drafters on the one hand aimed to enhance the institutional independence of the Supreme Court, the head of the judiciary, but on the other hand, they limited its jurisdiction pertaining to the interna corporis and to the constitutionality review of constitutional amendments.Furthe

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Webber, Jeffery. "Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia. Part I: Domestic Class Structure, Latin-American Trends, and Capitalist Imperialism." Historical Materialism 16, no. 2 (2008): 23–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920608x296060.

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AbstractThis article, which will appear in three parts over three issues of Historical Materialism, presents a broad analysis of the political economy and dynamics of social change during the first year (January 2006–January 2007) of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia. It situates this analysis in the wider historical context of left-indigenous insurrection between 2000 and 2005, the class structure of the country, the changing character of contemporary capitalist imperialism, and the resurgence of anti-neoliberalism and anti-imperialism elsewhere in Latin America. It considers, at a genera

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Guerrero Salgado, Efrén Ernesto. "Narrativas de la legalidad en el hiperpresidencialismo constitucionalizado ecuatoriano = Narratives of legality in the Ecuadorian constitutionalized hyper-presidentialism." EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad, no. 14 (March 19, 2018): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2018.4162.

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Resumen: La llegada al poder de Rafael Correa en el 2007 supuso diversos cambios en Ecuador, no sólo ideológicos sino también políticos, canalizados a través de una Asamblea Constituyente con el fin de ajustarse a los preceptos de la llamada “Revolución Ciudadana”. La nueva Carta Magna estableció un mayor número de controles sobre el Ejecutivo y creó nuevas funciones, como el Poder Electoral y de Transparencia y Control Social, que también girarían en torno a las decisiones del presidente de turno. Esto, combinado con la personalidad de Correa, generó un escenario de hiperpresidencialismo, amp

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