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1

Żelichowski, Ryszard. "Królestwo Niderlandów – trudne „przepraszam” za przeszłość kolonialną." Politeja 20, no. 6(87) (December 20, 2023): 45–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.20.2023.87.03.

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THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS – DIFFICULT “I AM SORRY” FOR THE COLONIALPAST On 19 December 2022, Mark Rutte, as the first Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, officially apologized for the harm suffered by the descendants of slaves brought to work in colonies in the Caribbean, Suriname, Asia and the European Netherlands. The Prime Minister announced state celebrations on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the Kingdom’s colonies on 1 July 2023. The slave trade brought great profits. After World War II, only Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles remained within the colonial empire of the Netherlands (New Dutch Guinea was a dependent territory until 1962). As a result of the political reforms of 2010, the Netherlands Antilles were dissolved. Currently, the Kingdom of the Netherlands consist of four autonomous countries and special (overseas) municipalities that are part of the European Netherlands. The decision to apologize for the Kingdom’s colonial past will not end deep-seated disputes. In 2021, a report was issued stating that slavery was a crime against the population and calling for the creation of a Kingdom fund for the families of people affected by slavery. Its adoption will have far-reaching effects on Dutch society.
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2

Scott, Cynthia. "Renewing the ‘Special Relationship’ and Rethinking the Return of Cultural Property: The Netherlands and Indonesia, 1949–79." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 3 (November 30, 2016): 646–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416658698.

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This article questions how the return of cultural property from metropolitan centers of former colonial powers to the successor states of former colonies have been considered positive – if rare – examples of post-colonial redress. Highlighting UNESCO-driven publicity about the transfer of materials from the Netherlands to Indonesia, and tracing nearly 30 years of diplomacy between these countries, demonstrates that the return of cultural property depended on the ability of Dutch officials to vindicate the Netherlands’ historical and contemporary cultural roles in the former East Indies. More than anything, returns were influenced by the determination of Dutch officials to find and maintain a secure cultural role in Indonesia in the future. This article also considers how Dutch policies were initially independent from, but later coincided with, the anti-colonial activism that emerged within the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) around the issue of cultural property return to former colonies. Yet, rather than reveal a mediating role for UNESCO, this article re-positions the return debate within a broader framework of shifting post-colonial cultural relations negotiated bilaterally between the Netherlands – as a former colonial power – and the leaders of the newly independent state of Indonesia.
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3

Ariwibowo, Andika. "PENDIDIKAN SELERA DALAM PERKEMBANGAN RESTORAN HINDIA BELANDAPENDIDIKAN SELERA DALAM PERKEMBANGAN RESTORAN HINDIA BELANDA DAN RIJSTTAFEL DI BELANDA PADA PERIODE KOLONIAL DAN RIJSTTAFEL DI BELANDA PADA PERIODE KOLONIAL." Paradigma: Jurnal Kajian Budaya 14, no. 1 (April 30, 2014): 56–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v14i1.1382.

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This article discusses the early development of rijsttafel and Dutch East Indies restaurants in the Netherlands during colonial period between the mid-19th and mid-20th centuries. The study takes a closer look at the early development of rijsttafel and Dutch East Indies restaurants in the Netherlands during the colonial period, as well as the role of actors in introducing rijsttafel and Dutch East Indies ethnic food in the Netherlands. This study aims to provide an alternative way of studying the history of culinary and gastronomic development and the influence of Dutch East Indies culture in the Netherlands. The historical sources used are newspapers, cookbooks, and guidebooks on Dutch East Indies cuisine, gastronomy, and restaurants in the Netherlands in the colonial period. The development of rijsttafel and Dutch East Indies restaurants in the Netherlands demonstrates the strong influence of colonial cultural imperialism in diversifying flavors in Europe in the mid-19th to mid-20th centuries. The early trajectory of rijsttafel in the Netherlands also shows that culinary dishes and gastronomic cultures from colonies such as the Dutch East Indies can be adapted and modified into various flavors that suit the tastes of Dutch society.
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4

Shatokhina-Mordvintseva, Galina. "“All Things Considered, the General Standing of the Kingdom is Most Favorable…”: Neutrality of the Netherlands against the Background of German Empire Genesis." ISTORIYA 12, no. 6 (104) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016150-4.

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The Kingdom of the Netherlands, being a small European kingdom with vast colonial possessions, was watching the process of unification of Germany with certain anxiety. With the beginning of the Franco-Prussian (Franco-German) War of 1870—1871 the Netherlands, mostly dominated by pro-German moods, declared its neutrality. And although a mobilization campaign had been carried out in the country, neither its government nor its people had any major concerns that the Netherlands as well as the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, that was tied to the House of Orange-Nassau through a personal union, could be drawn into the military conflict. Sustainable increase of income obtained from colonies, directing financial flows mostly to the benefit of external loans, proactive foreign trade — together these factors reduced the possibility of great powers infringing the neutrality of the Netherlands almost to zero. However, having successfully maintained its neutral status, the Netherlands still failed to avoid inner political crises that vividly demonstrated the incapability of the liberal cabinets steering the country at that time.
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5

Vermeulen, Han F. "Anthropology in the Netherlands." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 111–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ayec.2007.160108.

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Dutch anthropology is a rich field of studies of culture and society in Europe and beyond, with hundreds of participants, today and for the past two centuries.1 It is the result of a complex interaction between scholarly interests in distant peoples, several centuries of colonialism and international trade, and political decisions on the structuring of higher education and research in the Netherlands and its former colonies.2 To a large extent, this historical background has shaped the way research is organised and funded nowadays.
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6

Udasmoro, Wening, Setiadi Setiadi, and Aprillia Firmonasari. "Between Memory and Trajectory: Gendered Literary Narratives of Javanese Diaspora in New Caledonia." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 5, no. 1 (June 2, 2022): 74–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol5.iss1.2022.2851.

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The purpose of this research is to explore the memory and the trajectory of the Javanese diaspora on the novels written by two female authors of Javanese descent in New Caledonia using a gender perspective. The Javanese diaspora in New Caledonia is a community that has left their homeland (Java) to start a new life in their destination land (New Caledonia) since 1896. They are descendants of the contract coolies (laborers) sent by the Dutch colonial government who controlled the Dutch Indies, including Java, at the request of French colonial government. The delivery of contract coolies was based on an agreement called the “Koeli Ordonatie” which had become a legal regulation and was implemented since the 1880s. It was a regulation signed by the Governor-General of the Netherlands Number 138 whose purpose was to fid unskilled laborers willing to work in the Dutch colonies, especially in the plantations and mining. The coolies, especially from Java, were mostly used as manual laborers in various parts of Dutch colonies, such as in Suriname. Seeing that this Dutch policy brought positive results for the exploitation of natural resources in the Dutch colonies, the French colonial government asked the help from the Dutch colonial government to recruit the laborers to be sent to French colonial region, New Caledonia.
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7

Booth, Anne. "Accumulation, Development, and Exploitation in Different Colonial and Post-Colonial Contexts: Taiwan, Indonesia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1900-80." Economics and Finance in Indonesia 61, no. 1 (April 11, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/efi.v61i1.494.

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The Belgian Congo (Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo), the Netherlands Indies (Indonesia), and Taiwan/Formosa (now the Republic of China) experienced policies during the 19th and early 20th century which could be termed exploitative or extractive, although some policies in these colonies could also be termed developmental. All three colonies had a troubled passage to independence, and the immediate post-independence era was marked by considerable political and economic turmoil. But the growth performance of the three former colonies has been very different. Taiwan has seen very rapid growth sustained over decades; Indonesia’s economic growth since 1970 has been quite robust; the Congo has seen a growth collapse which is extraordinary even by African standards. The paper suggests some explanations for this divergence in terms of policies pursued by the Japanese, Dutch and Belgian colonial regimes, and by postindependence governments in these countries.
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8

Nelissen, Frans A., and Arjen J. P. Tillema. "The Netherlands Antilles and Aruba, an Embarrassing Legacy of the Dutch Colonial era? Dutch Duties Revisited." Leiden Journal of International Law 2, no. 2 (November 1989): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500001254.

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Decolonization in the late twentieth century sometimes differs markedly from the classicalpost-war decolonizationphenomenon. While colonies were then fighting for their independence, today (ex) colonies might have to spend their energy on efforts to prevent being forced into independence. In the case of the Antilles and Aruba, the Dutch seem to view the islands as a somewhat embarrassing legacy of the Dutch colonial era and are seeking to sever all constitutional links with the islands although sofar the Netherlands Antilles have refused to discuss independence at all, while Aruba appears to have some second thoughts about its 1996-independence choice. The issue raises questions of international law, most of them concerning the right of all peoplestoself-determination. The authorsdescribeandanalyze Dutch policy and conclude that it is not in line with Dutch duties under international law.
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9

van der Eng, Pierre. "Exploring Exploitation: The Netherlands and Colonial Indonesia 1870–1940." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 291–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007138.

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Studies of the economic relations between Great Britain and its colonies, such as Hopkins (1988) and O'Brien (1988), have revitalised controversy about the relevance of economic factors in the history of imperialism. Some have denigrated the relevance of the Hobson-Lenin thesis that capitalists required new overseas investment opportunities to postpone the collapse of capitalism, and the argument that colonies were a paying proposition. This article assesses the economic relations between the Netherlands and its colony Indonesia. It aims to raise the profile of this connexion in the controversy mentioned above, and to explore whether and to what extent the economic relationship may be crucial to explaining «metropolitan» economic development and «peripheral» underdevelopment.
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10

Bosma, Ulbe. "The HSN and the Netherlands Indies: Challenge and Promise." Historical Life Course Studies 10 (March 31, 2021): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.51964/hlcs9565.

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In 2000 Kees Mandemakers and I started a project to trace the life courses of Dutch migrants to the Netherlands Indies. This article describes the process of data collection, the research questions and the project's main findings that have been published in various articles and a monograph. Two conclusions stand out: the first pertains to the heavily urban provenance of this migration and the second emphasizes the relatively educated and skilled background of colonial Dutch migration. This second finding contradicts earlier assumptions about the Dutch colonies as a place where undesirable elements were shovelled off. The current article further discusses findings of projects on Swiss and Luxembourger military migrations to the Netherlands Indies. An important difference between Dutch military migrants and those from other European countries regards the role of their service within a life course. While Dutch colonial military service was often the first step to make a career in colonial Indonesia, for Europeans from abroad it was rather a move of desperation as well as an attempt to earn some money that would enable them to start a business and a family in their country of birth. Their migration experience was rather a 'life cycle' migration. The article finally describes attempts to extend the HSN to the Dutch citizens born in the Netherlands Indies.
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11

Fitzpatrick, Matthew P. "Colonialism, Postcolonialism, and Decolonization." Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 83–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000092.

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In the past two decades, colonial studies, the postcolonial turn, the new imperial history, as well as world and global history have made serious strides toward revising key elements of German history. Instead of insisting that German modernity was a fundamentally unique, insular affair that incubated authoritarian social tendencies, scholars working in these fields have done much to reinsert Germany into the broader logic of nineteenth-century global history, in which the thalassocratic empires of Europe pursued the project of globalizing their economies, populations, and politics. During this period, settler colonies, including German South West Africa, were established and consolidated by European states at the expense of displaced, helotized, or murdered indigenous populations. Complementing these settler colonies were mercantile entrepôts and plantation colonies, which sprouted up as part of a systematic, global attempt to reorient non-European economies, work patterns, and epistemological frameworks along European lines. Although more modestly than some of its European collaborators and competitors, Germany joined Britain, France, the Netherlands, and the United States in a largely liberal project of global maritime imperialism.
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12

Overgaauw, P. A. M., and J. H. Boersema. "A survey oftoxocarainfections in cat breeding colonies in the Netherlands." Veterinary Quarterly 20, no. 1 (January 1998): 9–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01652176.1998.9694826.

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13

Hartono, Samuel, and Handinoto Handinoto. ""THE AMSTERDAM SCHOOL" DAN PERKEMBANGAN ARSITEKTUR KOLONIAL DI HINDIA BELANDA ANTARA 1915-1940." DIMENSI (Journal of Architecture and Built Environment) 35, no. 1 (July 9, 2007): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.9744/dimensi.35.1.46-58.

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The Amsterdam School is an architectural stream developed in the Netherlands between 1915 and 1930. The influence was so wide that the whole European continent and the United States of America were affected. Indonesia as one of the colonies of the Netherlands also experienced its influence directly and indirectly. This article is an early study dealing with how far the Amsterdam School has influenced the colonial architecture in the then Dutch East Indies. Abstract in Bahasa Indonesia : Amsterdam School adalah aliran arsitektur yang berkembang di Belanda antara th. 1915-1930. Pengaruhnya sangat luas, bahkan sampai keseluruh benua Eropa dan Amerika Serikat. Indonesia sebagai negara bekas jajahan Belanda waktu itu tidak luput dari pengaruh langsung maupun tidak langsung dari aliran tersebut. Tulisan ini merupakan studi awal yang membahas sampai sejauh mana pengaruh Amsterdam School pada perkembangan arsitektur kolonial di Hindia Belanda waktu itu. Kata kunci: Amsterdam School, Arsitektur Kolonial di Hindia Belanda.
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14

van Nederveen Meerkerk, Elise. "Grammar of Difference? The Dutch Colonial State, Labour Policies, and Social Norms on Work and Gender, c.1800–1940." International Review of Social History 61, S24 (December 2016): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000481.

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AbstractThis article investigates developments in labour policies and social norms on gender and work from a colonial perspective. It aims to analyse the extent to which state policies and societal norms influenced gendered labour relations in the Netherlands and its colony, the Netherlands Indies (present-day Indonesia). In order to investigate the influence of the state on gender and household labour relations in the Dutch empire, this paper compares as well as connects social interventions related to work and welfare in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Indies from the early nineteenth century up until World War II. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, work was seen as a means to morally discipline the poor, both in the Netherlands and the Netherlands Indies. Parallel initiatives were taken by Johannes van den Bosch, who, in 1815, established “peat colonies” in the Netherlands, aiming to transform the urban poor into industrious agrarian workers, and in 1830 introduced the Cultivation System in the Netherlands Indies, likewise to increase the industriousness of Javanese peasants. While norms were similar, the scope of changing labour relations was much vaster in the colony than in the metropole.During the nineteenth century, ideals and practices of the male breadwinner started to pervade Dutch households, and children’s and women’s labour laws were enacted. Although in practice many Dutch working-class women and children continued to work, their official numbers dropped significantly. In contrast to the metropole, the official number of working (married) women in the colony was very high, and rising over the period. Protection for women and children was introduced very late in the Netherlands Indies and only under intense pressure from the international community. Not only did Dutch politicians consider it “natural” for Indonesian women and children to work, their assumptions regarding inherent differences between Indonesian and Dutch women served to justify the protection of the latter: a fine example of what Ann Stoler and Frederick Cooper have called a “grammar of difference”.
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15

Hoefte, Rosemarijn. "Thrust Together: The Netherlands Relationship with Its Caribbean Partners." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 38, no. 4 (1996): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166258.

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In December 1942, the Dutch Queen Wilhelmina announced, in a radio address, that the Netherlands was revising its relationship with its colonies, employing the famous words: “Relying on one’s own strength, with the will to support each other” [Steunend op eigen kracht, metde wil elkander bij te staan] (Schenk and spaan, 1945: 56). Some 52 years later, her granddaughter, Queen Beatrix, returned to this theme in a televised speech delivered to mark the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the Charter of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, when she referred to relations betweenThe Netherlands and its Caribbean partners as one of “a genuine relationship and mutual commitment” (een echte verwantschap en onderlinge betrokkenheid). This Charter, signed in 1954, had been drawn up to establish that henceforth the Kingdom of the Netherlands would be comprised of three equal partners: the Netherlands itself, Suriname, and the Netherlands Antilles. Back in 1954, when it was signed, the Charter was widely viewed as constituting a first, major step towards eventual independence for the Dutch partners in the Caribbean. Nor could anyone have foreseen that, 40 years later, only Suriname would have achieved independence, while the islands of the Netherlands Antilles were renouncing that option and expressing a desire to remain Dutch.
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Schrauwers, Albert. "Colonies of benevolence: A carceral archipelago of empire in the greater Netherlands." History and Anthropology 31, no. 3 (May 13, 2020): 352–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2020.1762592.

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17

Hoefte, Rosemarijn. "The Difficulty of Getting it Right: Dutch Policy in the Caribbeans." Itinerario 25, no. 2 (July 2001): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008822.

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Dutch colonialism has traditionally focused on the East Indies, rather than the West Indies. Thus when Queen Wilhelmina, while in exile in London, declared in 1942 that the colonies should become autonomous with the words ‘relying on one's own strength, with the will to support each other,’ she was thinking of the East and not so much about Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles. Yet as it turned out, all constitutional plans, culminating into the Statuut or Charter of the Kingdom of 1954, even though conceived and drafted with the East in mind, was ultimately only applied to the West. The Netherlands East Indies, occupied by Japan during World War II, opted for independence after the War. The Hague did not accept this step and waged both hot and cold wars to fight against Indonesia's independence. This, for the Netherlands traumatic, experience left its traces in Dutch policy regarding its Caribbean territories.
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18

Koot, Christian J. "Constructing the Empire: English Governors, Imperial Policy, and Inter-imperial Trade in New York City and the Leeward Islands, 1650–1689." Itinerario 31, no. 1 (March 2007): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300000061.

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AbstrsctThis article uses a comparative perspective to consider the role that English governors played in facilitating inter-imperial trade with the Dutch in New York City and the ports of the English Leeward Islands, including Bridgetown, Barbados, during the seventeenth century. As governors struggled to establish viable colonies these men worked to supply needed trade goods, often allowing their colonists to turn to Dutch colonies and the Netherlands as trading partners, understanding the ways in which these executives negotiated between imperial policies, primarily the Navigation Acts, and the needs of their charges is crucial to understanding how colonies developed. Further, investigating the ways in which governors fostered, regulated, or prevented inter-imperial trade with the Dutch illustrates how governors and colonists implemented and adapted mercantile policy in different colonies, places that depended upon the transfer of culture, goods and entrepreneurial activities across imperial boundaries. Complementing recent scholarship describing the extent of inter-imperial and cross-national trade in the seventeenth-century Atlantic, this article examines the impact English governors had on local merchant communities and their efforts to trade with the Dutch.
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van Rooden, Peter. "Public Orders into Moral Communities: Eighteenth-Century Fast and Thanksgiving Day Sermons in the Dutch Republic and New England." Studies in Church History 40 (2004): 218–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002898.

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In the eighteenth century, both in the Dutch Republic and in the colonies of New England, collective repentance and social reconciliation with God were institutionalized in great common rituals. In both polities, Fast and Thanksgiving Days were proclaimed by civil authority, and these occasions brought people together into churches to hear ministers interpret their common situation. These rituals were the main way in which the New England colonies and the Dutch Republic expressed their unity as political communities. It was this aspect of these sermons that made them of interest to nineteenth-century American and Dutch historians. In the nineteenth-century Kingdom of the Netherlands, N. C. Kist, the first holder of the newly instituted chair of Church History at Leiden University, finished his career with his two-volume Neêrlands Bededagen en Biddagsbrieven, offering both an interpretation and an antiquarian overview of all the Fast Days proclaimed in the Netherlands. In the United States, William de Loss Love published his exquisite The Fast and Thanksgiving Days of New England in 1895, similarly offering both an antiquarian list of all Fast and Thanksgiving Days and an analysis. Kist was deeply involved with the nation-building project of the early nineteenth-century Kingdom of the Netherlands. De Loss Love, the first chaplain of the Connecticut Society of the Sons of the American Revolution, was as inspired by modern nationalism as Kist was. Both scholars interpreted the Fast-day ritual as an indication of the high moral purpose and commitment to the nation of their ancestors.
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de Valk, J. P. "Sources for the History of the Dutch Colonies in the Ecclesiastical Archives of Rome (1814–1903)." Itinerario 9, no. 1 (March 1985): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003430.

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The source material for the history of Catholic missionary activities in the Dutch colonies during the last century is hardly available in much abundance in the mother country. The Dutch archivist and bibliographer, Marius Roessingh, had to make do in his U.N.E.S.C.O. archival guide on Netherlandish Latin American materials with a “memorandum,” in which he signalled utility of the Vatican archives. Another author in the same series, Frits Jaquet, in his second volume on Asia and Oceania, could be more explicit: he pointed to the materials kept in the state archives at Utrecht, in the Catholic Documentation Centre at Nijmegen University, and in various ecclesiastical archives. In nearly all cases, his emphasis falls within the first half of the 20th century. Such is also true with the detailed survey of materials available in the Catholic Documentation Centre that was featured two years ago in Itinerario, with only one important exception: the archive of the apostolic prefecture, later Apostolic Vicarate of Batavia (1807–1949, on microfiche), that obviously forms an essential source for the mission history of the Netherlands Indies.
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Kunkeler, Nathaniël. "Dietsland Empire?" Locus: Revista de História 28, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 124–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.37259.

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Dutch fascism was marked by an international outlook and character from the outset in the 1920s. Rather than a purely Netherlands affair, it had proponents in multiple countries, particularly Belgium and the East Indies (Indonesia). For many of these, the idea of a Great Netherlands territory uniting all Dutch-speaking nations – Dietsland – was central to their international vision. There were a number of Dutch fascist parties and other organisations spread across the globe which experienced limited success throughout the 1920s, notably Flemish fascists in Belgium, and the reactionary Fatherland Club in the Dutch Indies. The latter was the most important, successfully mobilising the white settler population against perceived weakness in the face of Indonesian nationalism and communism. In the early 1930s they became influenced by fascism. The dominant fascist force of the 1930s however was Anton Mussert’s National Socialist Movement, which became a considerable force in the Netherlands, but proportionally even greater in the East Indies. Permitting mixed-race members in the party, it established integrated branches in the colonies where it became the largest political party. An inclusive culturalist notion of Dietsland was central to the party’s international vision and plans for a future fascist Imperium. It took a broadly positive stance towards the colonial administration, pointing to it as a model of fascist rule. This international Dutch fascism was underpinned by a transnational network of members and colonial administrators and army veterans which moved around the Dutch empire. This had a real impact on the development of party ideology, as leaders had to reckon with the influence of the transnational fascist network. However, ultimately metropolitan chauvinism and white supremacism determined the ultimate failure of Dutch fascism in the Indies and the hollowness of the Dietsland myth.
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SÁNCHEZ, J. M., A. MUNOZ DEL VIEJO, C. CORBACHO, E. COSTILLO, and C. FUENTES. "Status and trends of Gull-billed Tern Gelochelidon nilotica in Europe and Africa." Bird Conservation International 14, no. 4 (November 25, 2004): 335–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095927090400036x.

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Gull-billed Tern Gelochelidon nilotica is classed as Endangered in Europe (Tucker and Heath 1994, Hagemeijer and Blair, 1997), but there have been no detailed studies of the trends in the different populations occurring in Europe and Africa. Here we study the status and trends of the species in Europe and north and north-east Africa. We estimate the total population at 10,500–12,900 breeding pairs, and recognize two biogeographical populations in this region. The western population, comprising colonies in northern Europe (Denmark, Netherlands, Germany), France, Italy, Spain, and north and north-east Africa, consists of at most 6,200 pairs, 1,800 of which are in African colonies. The eastern population, comprising colonies in the Balkan Peninsula, Greece, shores of the Black Sea and Sea of Azov, and Turkey, consists of at most 6,800 pairs. Two trends were observed: a first phase from 1900 up to the mid-1970s in which the northern European populations practically disappeared; and a second phase of stabilization, or even increase, in some of the western colonies, while the eastern population continued to decline. There is a marked concentration of the species in just a few localities in the countries of the Mediterranean basin.
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van Loo, I. H. M., S. van Dijk, I. Verbakel-Schelle, and A. G. M. Buiting. "Evaluation of a chromogenic agar (MRSASelect) for the detection of meticillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus with clinical samples in The Netherlands." Journal of Medical Microbiology 56, no. 4 (April 1, 2007): 491–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1099/jmm.0.47016-0.

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A novel chromogenic medium for the detection of meticillin-resistant Staphylococcus aureus (MRSA), MRSASelect (Bio-Rad), was evaluated with clinical samples in a public health laboratory in The Netherlands. In total, 3000 samples were tested in the period January to March 2005, including 972 nose, 972 throat, 968 perineum, and 88 wound or urine samples. Presumptive MRSA colonies appeared pink/mauve on the MRSASelect medium. The performance of MRSASelect medium was compared with the routine screening method. Evaluation of the colony morphology showed that all confirmed MRSA isolates grew as pink/mauve colonies. None of the white colonies were MRSA strains. The number of false-positive pink/mauve colonies increased after prolonged incubation from 20 to 48 h. The specificity decreased from 92 % after 20 h incubation to 89 % after 48 h incubation. In total 70 MRSA strains were isolated, 55 of which were detected by the MRSASelect medium and 55 were detected by the routine screening method. Sensitivity was 78.6 % for both test procedures, and specificities were 99.5 and 100 %, respectively for the MRSASelect medium and the routine screening method. The addition of an enrichment broth to the MRSASelect medium increased the number of MRSA strains detected by 12 %. In total, 18 patients were MRSA positive, 4 of these were detected by the MRSASelect medium only and 1 was detected by the routine screening method only. Sensitivity on patient level was 94.4 and 77.8 % for the MRSASelect medium and the routine screening method, respectively, while specificities were 99.7 and 99.0 %.
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Homan, Gerlof D., and Maarten Kuitenbrouwer. "The Netherlands and the Rise of Modern Imperialism: Colonies and Foreign Policy, 1870-1902." American Historical Review 98, no. 1 (February 1993): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166464.

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25

Supartono, Alexander, and Alexandra Moschovi. "Contesting colonial (hi)stories: (Post)colonial imaginings of Southeast Asia." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 51, no. 3 (September 2020): 343–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463420000508.

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This article seeks to explore the impact of digital technologies upon the material, conceptual and ideological premises of the colonial archive in the digital era. This analysis is pursued though a discussion of creative work produced during an international, multidisciplinary artist workshop in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, that used digital material from colonial photographic archives in the Netherlands to critically investigate the ways national, transnational and personal (hi)stories in the former colonies in Southeast Asia have been informed and shaped by their colonial past. The analysis focuses on how the artists’ use of digital media contests and reconfigures the use, truth value and power of the colonial archive as an entity and institution. Case studies include: Thai photographer Dow Wasiksiri, who questions the archive's mnemonic function by substituting early twentieth-century handcrafted association techniques with digital manipulation; Malaysian artist Yee I-Lann, who compresses onto the same picture plane different historical moments and colonial narratives; and Indonesian photographer Agan Harahap, who recomposes archival photographs into unlikely juxtapositions disseminated through social media. By repurposing colonial archival material and circulating their work online such a re-imag(in)ing of Southeast Asia not only challenges the notions of originality, authenticity, ownership and control associated with such archives, but also reclaims colonial-era (hi)stories, making them part of a democratic, expanding, postcolonial archive.
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van Zyl-Hermann, Danelle. "“Gij kent genoegt mijn gevoelig hart”. Emotional Life at the Occupied Cape of Good Hope, 1798-1803." Itinerario 35, no. 2 (August 2011): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115311000295.

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With the eighteenth century drawing to a close, Anglo-French hostilities were rapidly escalating in Europe. Besides competing for power on the continent, both the British and the French were concerned with expanding their influence in the East, where the once mighty trading empire of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) had been in steady decline for some decades. By the end of 1794, conflicts on the continent were turning firmly in France's favour and in January 1795 French troops invaded the Netherlands, forcing the ruling Prince of Orange to seek refuge in England. Members of the Dutch Patriot movement—the democratically-minded opponents of the Dutch monarchy and the old order in general—were sympathetic towards French revolutionary ideals and welcomed the French presence in their country. Meanwhile, the occupation of the Netherlands was of great concern to the British government, who suspected that the French would waste no time in also taking control of strategically-located Dutch colonies.
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Sysling, Fenneke. "Geographies of Difference: Dutch Physical Anthropology in the Colonies and the Netherlands, ca. 1900-1940." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 128, no. 1 (March 19, 2013): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.8357.

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Lefebre, Regis, Lina De Smet, Anja Tehel, Robert J. Paxton, Emma Bossuyt, Wim Verbeke, Coby van Dooremalen, et al. "Allele Frequencies of Genetic Variants Associated with Varroa Drone Brood Resistance (DBR) in Apis mellifera Subspecies across the European Continent." Insects 15, no. 6 (June 4, 2024): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/insects15060419.

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Implementation of marker-assisted selection (MAS) in modern beekeeping would improve sustainability, especially in breeding programs aiming for resilience against the parasitic mite Varroa destructor. Selecting honey bee colonies for natural resistance traits, such as brood-intrinsic suppression of varroa mite reproduction, reduces the use of chemical acaricides while respecting local adaptation. In 2019, eight genomic variants associated with varroa non-reproduction in drone brood were discovered in a single colony from the Amsterdam Water Dune population in the Netherlands. Recently, a new study tested the applicability of these eight genetic variants for the same phenotype on a population-wide scale in Flanders, Belgium. As the properties of some variants varied between the two studies, one hypothesized that the difference in genetic ancestry of the sampled colonies may underly these contribution shifts. In order to frame this, we determined the allele frequencies of the eight genetic variants in more than 360 Apis mellifera colonies across the European continent and found that variant type allele frequencies of these variants are primarily related to the A. mellifera subspecies or phylogenetic honey bee lineage. Our results confirm that population-specific genetic markers should always be evaluated in a new population prior to using them in MAS programs.
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Heron, Heronimus. "Tugu Ngejaman: Penanda Kuasa dan Pengingat Waktu di Yogyakarta." Retorik: Jurnal Ilmu Humaniora 10, no. 1 (September 16, 2022): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ret.v10i1.4850.

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Tugu Ngejaman or Stadsklok is a monument to commemorate a century of the return of Java to the Dutch colonial rule in 1916. This story begins with the French conquest of the Netherlands in January 1795 which led to the conquest of Java in 1808-1811. But France finally lost the war against Russia in 1814, so the Netherlands negotiated with Britain over its colonies. The British and the Dutch managed to reach an agreement to cede Java to the Dutch, while the British took control of Malacca in 1816. In this paper, I trace the history of the establishment of the Ngejaman monument, the meaning of the Ngejaman monument for the Dutch population in Yogyakarta, and the reasons for maintaining the Ngejaman monument today. I use Walter Benjamin's perspective on aura to explore the relationship between monuments and history and the technological revolution. The data in this paper comes from archival documents and existing scholarly literature, interviews, as well as field observations that elucidate the Ngejaman monument and the activities of the surrounding community. This study finds that the construction of the Ngejaman monument was related to the markers of Dutch colonial power in Yogyakarta and the "revolution of time" in the modern society. However, the Yogyakarta City Government maintains the Ngejaman monument without providing a narrative about the history of the monument's establishment in Malioboro. The government ignores historical literacy in tourism development in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, even when the importance of preserving the Ngejaman monument lies in its being a marker of the introduction of time as a regulator of modern human activity in Yogyakarta and a reminder that liberation has not necessarily meant freedom for all.
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Melzer, M. S., G. J. Boland, and M. J. Celetti. "First Report of Angular Leaf Spot Caused by Phaeoisariopsis griseola on Bean in Ontario, Canada." Plant Disease 85, no. 8 (August 2001): 919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis.2001.85.8.919d.

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During the summer of 2000, brown, angular-shaped leaf spots, frequently surrounded by a chlorotic halo, were observed in commercial fields of green bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) in Ontario, Canada. Brown synematta (30 to 60 μm × 160 to 330 μm) and brown conidia (2 to 5 septate, usually curved, 5 to 7.3 μm × 35 to 66 μm) from the underside of diseased leaves were plated onto V8 agar. Within 3 to 4 days, dark olive green colonies formed, and after 10 to 14 days, white mycelial growth occurred on the upper surface of colonies, and colonies appeared gray. The causal agent was tentatively identified as Phaeoisariopsis griseola (Sacc.) Ferraris, the cause of angular leaf spot of bean, and this identification was later confirmed by the Centraalbureau voor Schimmelcultures, The Netherlands. New colonies of the fungus were started by streaking conidia across plates of V8 agar and new conidia were produced within 36 h. Conidial suspensions of 1 × 105 conidia/ml were sprayed onto leaves of green bean varieties Goldrush, Strike, Bronco, and Gold Mine. Plants were placed in a mist chamber at 20 ± 2°C for 11 days and then kept at high humidity for four more days. Lesions were observed 8 to 10 days after treatment and synematta developed 12 to 14 days after treatment. Disease symptoms and synematta were observed on all bean varieties tested. P. griseola was reisolated from inoculated plants, fulfilling Koch's postulates. To our knowledge, this is the first report of angular leaf spot occurring on P. vulgaris in Ontario.
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Kroon, Sjaak, and Jeanne Kurvers. "Opvattingen Over Nederlands En Andere Talen Als Instructietaal Op Aruba En In Suriname." Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen 82 (January 1, 2009): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.82.06kro.

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The Republic of Suriname in South America and the Carribean island of Aruba are both former Dutch colonies. After its independence in 1975 Suriname opted for maintaining Dutch as an official language and a language of education and also in Aruba, which is nowadays an autonomous part of the Kingdom of The Netherlands, Dutch remained the official language and the language of instruction in education. The fact that Suriname and Aruba are both multilingual societies - Suriname has some twenty different languages and in Aruba, apart from Dutch, Papiamento is the main language - over the years gave rise to heated debates about what language or languages should best serve as a medium of instruction in schools. This question was investigated by means of a survey that was administered with 200 respondents in the case of Aruba (educational professionals and lay people living in Aruba) and 315 in the case of Suriname (partly living in Suriname and partly in The Netherlands). The investigation showed that on Aruba lay people, among which parents of school going children, are the main advocates of Dutch as language of instruction in schools whereas educational professionals show a clear preference for including Papiamento as a language of instruction. In Suriname on the other hand, both groups of respondents showed a clear preference for using Dutch as a language of instruction. These outcomes seem to be related to differences in the linguistic landscape in Suriname and Aruba and to the different colonial history of the two countries.
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Goncharenko, A. V., and T. O. Safonova. "Great Britain and the tvolution of the colonial system (end 19th – beginning 20th centuries)." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 60–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.60.

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The article investigates the impact of Great Britain on the evolution of colonialism in the late ХІХ and early ХХ centuries. It is analyzed the sources and scientific literature on the policy of the United Kingdom in the colonial question in the late ХІХ – early ХХ century. The reasons, course and consequences of the intensification of British policy in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s initiatives in the colonial question during the period under study is studied. It is considered the position of Great Britain on the transformation of the colonial system in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The resettlement activity of the British and the peculiarities of their mentality, based on the idea of racial superiority and the new national messianism, led to the formation of developed resettlement colonies. The war for the independence of the North American colonies led to the formation of a new state on their territory, and the rest of the “white” colonies of Great Britain had at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries had to build a new policy of relations, taking into account the influence of the United States on them, and the general decline of economic and military-strategic influence of Britain in the world, and the militarization of other leading countries. As a result, a commonwealth is formed instead of an empire. With regard to other dependent territories, there is also a change in policy towards the liberalization of colonial rule and concessions to local elites. In the late ХІХ – early ХІХ centuries the newly industrialized powers (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to seize the colonies to reaffirm their new status in the world, the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands) sought to retain what remained to preserve their international prestige, and Russia sought to expand. The largest colonial empires, Great Britain and France, were interested in maintaining the status quo. In the colonial policy of the United Kingdom, it is possible to trace a certain line related to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not to get involved in conflicts and costly measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government showed some flexibility and foresight – the relative weakening of the military and economic power of the empire due to the emergence of new states, as well as the achievement of certain self-sufficiency, made it necessary to reconsider traditional foreign policy. Colonies are increasingly no longer seen as personal acquisitions of states, and policy toward these territories is increasingly seen as a common deal of the international community and even its moral duty. The key role here was to be played by Great Britain, which was one of the first to form the foundations of a “neocolonial” system that presupposes a solidarity policy of Western countries towards the rest of the world under the auspices of London. Colonial system in the late ХІХ – early ХІХ century underwent a major transformation, which was associated with a set of factors, the main of which were – the emergence of new industrial powers on the world stage, the internal evolution of the British Empire, changes in world trade, the emergence of new weapons, general growth of national and religious identity and related with this contradiction. The fact that the First World War did not solve many problems, such as Japanese expansionism or British marinism, and caused new ones, primarily such as the Bolshevik coup in Russia and the coming to power of the National Socialists in Germany, the implementation of the above trends stretched to later moments.
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33

De Jong,, C. "Dullstroom 1884-1984." New Contree 17 (July 9, 2024): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v17i0.757.

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In 1883 a company was formed in the Netherlands to buy agricultural land in the Transvaal for the establishment of Dutch farming colonies. As a result in 1884 a number of Dutch families settled on the farms Groot Suikerboschkop and Elandslaagte and established the town of Dullstroom at the foot of Suikerboschkop. Despite serious teething problems the town eventually developed and was granted municipal status in 1891. However, during the Anglo-Boer War it was almost completely destroyed and after the war few of the original inhabitants returned. Although the rebuilt town has almost no essential Dutch character the memory of the pioneers is still honoured.
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Goncharenko, A. V. "GREAT BRITAIN AND COLONIAL CONTRADITIONS IN THE PERIOD OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR 1914-1918 (BACKGROUND IS THE DOCUMENTS OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE)." Sums'ka Starovyna (Ancient Sumy Land), no. 55 (2019): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/starovyna.2019.55.4.

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The article investigates Britain’s position in colonial contradictions during World War I, based on the use of documents from Russia’s foreign policy department. The causes, course and consequences of the intensification of British politics in the colonial problem are described. The process of formation and implementation of London’s foreign policy initiatives in the colonial issue during the study period is examined. There are analyzed the role of Great Britain in the intensification of the colonial struggle between the great states during the First World War (1914-1918) and its perception by diplomatic representatives of the Russian Empire. During the First World War of 1914-1918, a set of problems and approaches to them were crystallized, which had a serious impact on the colonial contradictions between the great states in general and the position of Great Britain in this problem in particular. There is a considerable contrast between the methods of politics and the aspirations of the leading countries of the world at that time - Japan and Russia - on the one hand, and the United Kingdom and France - on the other. France is increasingly convinced that close co-operation in these matters with London is the only guarantee of the success of its colonialism. In addition, during the First World War, the new industrial states (Germany, Italy, and Japan) sought to capture the colonies for the sake of confirming their new status in the world, and the great colonial powers of the past (Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands) - to hold on to the rest for the sake of preservation of ephemeral international prestige, Russia - to expansion. The largest colonial empires - Great Britain and France were interested in maintaining the status quo. Whitehall’s policy on the colonial issue, at the time, can be traced to a very definite line, confirming the message of Russian diplomats linked to attempts to preserve the situation in their remote possessions and not get involved in conflicts and expensive measures where this can be avoided. In this sense, the British government has shown some flexibility and foresight - the relative weakening of the empire’s military and economic power about of the emergence of new, rapidly developing industrial powers and the achievement of colonies of certain selfsufficiency, made it necessary to revise traditional foreign policy. London was already unable to fully control the situation at sea, as well as to ensure the security of its vast possessions. Therefore, block cooperation with countries with close geopolitical interests comes to the fore, and policy in the colonies is gradually transformed from an expansionist one to a stabilization one aimed at reducing the costs of the metropolis and preventing potential conflicts in strategically important areas. In addition, Britain’s interests in the colonial issue largely coincide with the position of the United States, which also seeks to ensure “open doors” and “equal opportunities” instead of military-political contest. Key words: the Great Britain, First World War, international relationships, foreign policy, colonialism, colonial contradictions.
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De Souza, Monique, Raghuwinder Singh, Nathan E. Harms, John McPhedran, and Alicyn N. Smart. "First Report of Leaf Spot Caused by Septoria villarsiae on Nymphoides peltata in the United States." Plant Health Progress 22, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/php-12-20-0104-br.

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Nymphoides peltata, commonly known as yellow floating heart, is a freshwater aquatic plant with floating leaves. It is a highly invasive aquatic weed that has been introduced into several countries, including Ireland, New Zealand, Sweden, and the United States. In September 2019, N. peltata plants exhibiting leaf spots were collected from a private pond near Buxton, York County, Maine. Leaf spots were present on a majority of plants, and pycnidia were observed in the center of the spots. Individual pycnidia were aseptically transferred to 1/4-strength potato dextrose agar. Dark gray to black slow-growing colonies were observed between 7 and 14 days. Based on the morphological characteristics, the fungus was identified as Septoria sp. Translation elongation factor 1-alpha gene was amplified, and a 570-bp sequence resulted in 100 and 99.74% homology with Septoria villarsiae strains CBS565.88 and CBS514.78 isolated from N. peltata in the Netherlands, respectively. Previously, S. villarsiae has been reported on Limnanthemum nymphoides from India and on N. peltata from Korea, Poland, Romania, and the Netherlands. To our knowledge, this is the first report of leaf spot caused by S. villarsiae on N. peltata in the United States.
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Wong, JB, S. Lisovski, RT Alisauskas, W. English, MA Giroux, AL Harrison, D. Kellett, et al. "Arctic terns from circumpolar breeding colonies share common migratory routes." Marine Ecology Progress Series 671 (August 5, 2021): 191–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3354/meps13779.

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The Arctic tern is an iconic seabird, famous for its annual migrations between the Arctic and the Antarctic. Its wide geographical range has impeded knowledge of potential population bottlenecks during its annual bi-hemispheric movements. Although Arctic terns breed in the Pacific, Atlantic, and Arctic coasts of North America, few tracking studies have been conducted on North American Arctic terns, and none in Canada, which represents a significant proportion of their circumpolar breeding range. Using light-level geolocators, we tracked 53 Arctic terns from 5 breeding colonies across a wide latitudinal and longitudinal range within North America. We compared the routes taken by birds in our study and migration timing to those previously tracked from Greenland, Iceland, The Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, Maine (USA), and S. Alaska (USA). Most Arctic terns tracked globally used one of 3 southbound migration routes: (1) Atlantic West Africa; (2) Atlantic Brazil; and (3) Pacific coastal, and one of 2 northbound migration routes: (1) Mid-ocean Atlantic and (2) Mid-ocean Pacific. Some other trans-equatorial seabirds also used these migration routes, suggesting that Arctic tern routes may be important for other species. The migration timing for southbound and northbound migrations was generally different between tracked tern colonies worldwide but generally fell within a 1-2 mo window. Our research suggests that conservation management of Arctic terns during their migration should dynamically adapt with the times of the year that terns use parts of their route. Future identification of common multi-species seabird flyways could aid the international negotiations required to conserve pelagic seabirds such as Arctic terns.
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37

Van Lieburg, Fred. "Voorbij de nationale kerkenstamboom: naar een inclusieve genealogie van het christendom in Nederland." Religie & Samenleving 18, no. 3 (January 8, 2024): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.16599.

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Since the sixteenth-century Reformation, Christianity in the Netherlands is characterized by pluriformity. Besides the Catholic Church of Rome and the Reformed ‘public church’, there were ecclesial bodies of ‘Protestant Dissenters’. The 1834 Secession provoked a lot of splits and (re)unions up to the present, whereas the breakthrough of religious freedom in 1848 enabled the establishment of many new groups (partly imported from abroad). In the past fifty years, several didactic and sometimes ecumenical or apologetical schemes of denominations were published, showing in particular the labyrinth of the Reformed world. At the same time, the Christian landscape underwent structural changes because of repatriation from former colonies, immigration from numerous countries, and regrouping of evangelical believers. Given the developments of secularization (and, as a result, declining knowledge of the national church map), internationalization (rising non-Dutchdenominations), and inclusivity (dealing with the colonial past), a new design of the Dutch ‘Christian family tree’ seems to be welcome. Therefore, this article offers a basis by discussing earlier examples, presenting a historically justified alternative, while welcoming feedback from the field and recommending a creative elaboration with digital tools.
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38

van Den Brink, Nico W., and A. (Bart) T. C. Bosveld. "PCB Concentrations and Metabolism Patterns in Common Terns (Sterna hirundo) from Different Breeding Colonies in The Netherlands." Marine Pollution Bulletin 42, no. 4 (April 2001): 280–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0025-326x(00)00151-x.

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39

Kobluk, David R., Roger J. Cuffey, Shirley S. Fonda, and Mary A. Lysenko. "Cryptic Bryozoa, leeward fringing reef of Bonaire, Netherlands Antilles, and their paleoecological application." Journal of Paleontology 62, no. 3 (May 1988): 427–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022336000059205.

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A collection of 6,151 bryozoan colonies (two cyclostome species from two families, and 73 cheilostome species from 30 families) from the leeward fringing reef of Bonaire, Netherlands Antilles, is largely, but not entirely, of Caribbean affinities, with some links to Indo-Pacific populations. The bryozoans from Bonaire show some relation to water depth at species and higher taxonomic levels, but these relations are not clear-cut. Many of the species are found through all or most of the 73 meter depth range sampled, but a few are limited to shallow water, and some to deeper water. At a higher taxonomic level, some families (e.g., Calloporidae, Bugulidae, Smittinidae) include wide depth-ranging species, shallow-water species, and deep-water species; this indicates some divergence between species and family-level depth distributions. Several calculated diversity indices show variable trends with increasing water depth, with at most only slight increases with depth. The bryozoans in this southern Caribbean reef assemblage do not show the well-defined depth zonation of corals. However, the recognition of deep- and shallow-water assemblages containing diagnostic species does show that cryptic reef-dwelling bryozoans have paleoecological utility as depth indicators in ancient reefs.
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40

Zhang, Jianhua, Alfons J. M. Debets, Paul E. Verweij, and Sijmen E. Schoustra. "Selective Flamingo Medium for the Isolation of Aspergillus fumigatus." Microorganisms 9, no. 6 (May 27, 2021): 1155. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/microorganisms9061155.

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For various studies in the clinic as well as the environment, it is essential to be able to selectively isolate Aspergillus fumigatus from samples containing bacteria as well as various other fungi (mainly Mucorales). Six agar media were compared for effectiveness in selectively isolating Aspergillus fumigatus from agricultural plant waste, woodchip waste, green waste, soil, grass and air samples collected in The Netherlands at a 48 °C incubation. The Flamingo Medium incubated at 48 °C, provided the most effective condition for the isolation of A. fumigatus from environmental samples, since it effectively inhibited the growth of competing fungi (mainly Mucorales) present in the environmental samples. Flamingo Medium reduced the number of colonies of Mucorales species by 95% and recovered an average of 20−30% more A. fumigatus colonies compared to the other media. We further confirmed that Flamingo Medium can inhibit the growth of clinical Mucorales, which occasionally present in patient’s tissue and can also be used for clinical applications. We suggest the use of Flamingo Medium as an efficient method for the study of A. fumigatus from important environmental niches for which there is increasing interest. Additionally, it can also be used in the clinic to isolate A. fumigatus especially from tissue contaminated with Mucorales.
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41

Jaramillo Ortiz, Laura, Lineke Begeman, Marcel Schillemans, Thijs Kuiken, and Willem Frederik de Boer. "Presence of coronaviruses in the common pipistrelle (P. pipistrellus) and Nathusius´ pipistrelle (P. nathusii) in relation to landscape composition." PLOS ONE 18, no. 11 (November 29, 2023): e0293649. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0293649.

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Changes in land use can modify habitat and roosting behaviour of bats, and therefore the transmission dynamics of viruses. Within bat roosts the density and contact rate among individuals increase and may facilitate the transmission of bat coronaviruses (CoVs). Landscape components supporting larger bat populations may thus lead to higher CoVs prevalence, as the number of roosts and/or roost size are likely to be higher. Hence, relationships between landscape composition and the presence of CoVs are expected to exist. To increase our understanding of the spread and shedding of coronaviruses in bat populations we studied the relationships between landscape composition and CoVs prevalence in the species Pipistrellus pipistrellus and Pipistrellus nathusii. Faecal samples were collected across The Netherlands, and were screened to detect the presence of CoV RNA. Coordinates were recorded for all faecal samples, so that landscape attributes could be quantified. Using a backward selection procedure on the basis of AIC, the landscape variables that best explained the presence of CoVs were selected in the final model. Results suggested that relationships between landscape composition and CoVs were likely associated with optimal foraging opportunities in both species, e.g. nearby water in P. nathusii or in areas with more grassland situated far away from forests for P. pipistrellus. Surprisingly, we found no positive association between built-up cover (where roosts are frequently found) and the presence of bat-CoVs for both species. We also show that samples collected from large bat roosts, such as maternity colonies, substantially increased the probability of finding CoVs in P. pipistrellus. Interestingly, while maternity colonies of P. nathusii are rarely present in The Netherlands, CoVs prevalence was similar in both species, suggesting that other mechanisms besides roost size, participate in the transmission of bat-CoVs. We encourage further studies to quantify bat roosts and colony networks over the different landscape compositions to better understand the ecological mechanisms involved in the transmission of bat-CoVs.
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42

Korsten, Jan. "Harro Maat, Science cultivating practice. A history of agricultural science in the Netherlands and its colonies, 1863-1986." Tijdschrift voor Sociale en Economische Geschiedenis/ The Low Countries Journal of Social and Economic History 1, no. 1 (March 15, 2004): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/tseg.811.

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43

Betts, Raymond F. "The Netherlands and the Rise of Modern Imperialism: Colonies and Foreign Policy, 1870-1902. Maarten Kuietenbrouwer , Hugh Beyer." Journal of Modern History 66, no. 4 (December 1994): 843–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/244982.

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44

Anwar, Anwar. "Strategi Kolonial Belanda Dalam Menaklukkan Kerajaan Aceh Darussalam." Jurnal Adabiya 19, no. 1 (July 17, 2020): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v19i1.7482.

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The Kingdom of Aceh Darussalam was proclaimed by Sultan Ali Mughayat Syah in 1514 AD The sultans succeeded in making this kingdom as a great, powerful and influential kingdom in Sumatra, Southeast Asia and the world. This region is famous not only of the world’s high export products, but its strategic locationserves as the foundation for Western imperialists to respect the sovereignty of the Kingdom of Aceh Darussalam and seek to establish political and economic cooperation with it, such as Portuguese, English and Dutch. The Netherlands has cooperated with Aceh, though not always running smoothly. Political and economic changes in Europe affected the colonies of the Indies. The Netherlands not only trade with Aceh, but conquered it. Various reasons and strategies are sought and organized systematically. First dragged England into the London Tractat as an entrance to instill its influence in Sumatra, including Aceh. Although the Dutch agreed that they would not disturb the sovereignty of Aceh. Then the Dutch also urged the British to make a treaty Soematra Tractat. Itaims to make Dutch more able to master Aceh. With this last treaty the Dutch bravely disrupted the sovereignty of Aceh, beginning with the provocation and subjugation of Aceh’s regional domains in Sumatra, such as Barus, Siak and Deli, and Trumon and Singkil in Aceh itself. Last pressed the sultan of Aceh and pounded the center of the Kingdom of Aceh.
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Bengtsson, Kenneth. "Flyttvägar och övervintringsplatser for svenska skrattmåspopulationer." Ornis Svecica 6, no. 1–2 (April 1, 1996): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.34080/os.v6.22992.

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A total of 1,508 recoveries of Black-headed Gulls Lorus ridibundus ringed as young in Sweden is analysed. There was hardly any evidence of a non-directional juvenile dispersal. Rather young gulls seemed to leave colonies and start migrating in the predominantly southwesterly direction soon after fledging. The recovery data suggest two main migratory routes for Swedish Black-headed Gulls, one along the Baltic coast and across the Danish Isles, the other across Sweden, mainly in the South Central Lowlands, and later along the coasts of Jutland. There are some indications that more northerly populations spend the winter slightly further to the north than more southerly ones. Although a few recoveries were from as far south as Morocco and some from Central Europe, the main wintering areas of Swedish Black-headed Gulls are Britain, The Netherlands, Belgium and France.
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WIJNANDS, L. M., J. B. DUFRENNE, F. M. ROMBOUTS, P. H. in 't VELD, and F. M. van LEUSDEN. "Prevalence of Potentially Pathogenic Bacillus cereus in Food Commodities in The Netherlands." Journal of Food Protection 69, no. 11 (November 1, 2006): 2587–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4315/0362-028x-69.11.2587.

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Randomly selected food commodities, categorized in product groups, were investigated for the presence and number of Bacillus cereus bacteria. If positive, and when possible, five separate colonies were isolated and investigated for the presence of four virulence factors: presence of genes encoding three enterotoxins (hemolysin BL [HBL], nonhemolytic enterotoxin [NHE], and cytotoxin K) and the ability to produce cereulide. In addition, the presence of psychrotrophic and mesophilic signatures was determined. The genes for NHE are found in more than 97% of the isolates, those for HBL in approximately 66% of the isolates, and the gene for cytotoxin K in nearly 50% of the isolates. Significant associations between product groups and (combinations of) virulence factors were the relatively low percentage of isolates from the “flavorings” group containing genes encoding NHE and the higher-than-average occurrence of both the genes encoding HBL and NHE in the “pastry” group. Cereulide was produced by 8.2% of the isolates but only in combination with the presence of genes for one or more other virulence factors. Most isolates (89.9%) were mesophilic; minorities of the isolates were psychrotrophic (4.4%) or of intermediate signature (5.7%). In the product group “milk and milk products,” the incidence of strains with psychrotrophic or intermediate signatures is significantly higher than in the other product groups. In the product groups “flavorings,” “milk and milk products,” “vegetable(s) and vegetable products,” “pastry,” and “ready-to-eat foods,” a relatively high number of samples contain high numbers of B. cereus bacteria. Within the product group “ready-to-eat foods,” the products containing rice and pasta show a relatively high incidence of high numbers of B. cereus bacteria.
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47

Schrauwers, Albert. "The “Benevolent” Colonies of Johannes van den Bosch: Continuities in the Administration of Poverty in the Netherlands and Indonesia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 43, no. 2 (April 2001): 298–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417501003504.

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48

Mackillop, Andrew. "Accessing Empire: Scotland, Europe, Britain, and the Asia Trade, 1695–c. 1750." Itinerario 29, no. 3 (November 2005): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300010457.

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The close, reciprocal relationship between overseas expansion and domestic state formation in early modern Western Europe has long been understood. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries Portugal, the Netherlands, and England used the resources arising from their Atlantic colonies and Asia trades to defend themselves against their respective Spanish and French enemies. Creating and sustaining a territorial or trading empire, therefore, enabled polities not only to survive but also to enhance their standing with-i n the hierarchy of European states. The proposition that success overseas facilitated state development at home points however to the opposite logic, that where kingdoms failed as colonial powers they might well suffer from inhibited state formation. Indeed, if the example of England demonstrated how empire augmented a kingdom's power, then the experience of its neigh-bour, Scotland, seemed to reveal one possible outcome for a country unable to access colonial expansion. In 1707 Scotland negotiated away its political sovereignty and entered into an incorporating union with England. The new British framework enabled the Scots to access English markets (both domestic and colonial) previously closed to them. This does not mean that the 1707 union was simply an exchange of Scottish sovereignty for involvement in England's economy. Pressing political concerns, not least the Hanoverian succession played an equal if not more important role in the making of the British union. The question of political causation notwithstanding, the prevailing historiography of 1707 still places Scotland in a dichotomous framework of declining continental markets on the one hand and the lure of more expansive trade with England' domestic and overseas outlets on the other.
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49

Brouwer, Leendert. "Family Name Adoption in the Dutch Colonies at the Abolition of Slavery in the Context of National Family Name Legislation: A Reflection on Contemporary Name Change." Genealogy 7, no. 4 (December 4, 2023): 96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy7040096.

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Name change can only take place in the Netherlands under strict conditions and according to patronizing regulations. At the moment, an amendment of name law is being drafted that would give descendants of Dutch citizens whose ancestors lived in slavery an exemption. If they have a family name that their ancestors received upon their release, they may change it free of charge. It remains to be seen, however, whether the desire to adopt new names in keeping with a reclaimed African identity can also be granted. After all, that would conflict with the general regulations when creating a new name. The whole issue shows political opportunism. First, it would be useful to get a good picture of name adoption in light of surnaming in general. Is it right to consider the names in question as slave names? Are they really that bad? It is more likely that precisely the exceptional position now obtained leads to undesirable profiling. In fact, the only solution to embarrass no one is a wholesale revision of the name law that does away with outdated 19th century limitations. Why should anyone be unhappy with their name? Why should someone who insists on having a different name be prevented from doing so? This essay examines the announced change in the law against the background of surnaming in general and the acquisition of family names in Suriname and the Netherlands Antilles in particular.
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50

Vedder, Paul, and Hetty Kook. "Verschillen Tussen Antilliaanse en Arubaanse Leerlingen." Leerderskenmerken 37 (January 1, 1990): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.37.10ved.

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Most immigrant children in the Netherlands are second or third generation immigrants. For children from Antillian or Aruban parents (the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba are former Dutch colonies in the Caribbean) this is quite different. Many of these children of pre-school or primary school age are first generation children. This article reports a study on effects of immigration on school achievement, motivation and abstract problem solving skills of 56 Antillian and Aruban immigrant children in the age range of ten to thirteen. These children were compared with a group of 121 Dutch pupils and with a group of schoolchildren living in Curaçao, the largest island of the Netherlands Antilles. The number of children from the latter group varied per test. It was hypothesized that immigration would have a disturbing effect on the relationschip between scores on a variety of measures. The normal picture in schools is that good pupuls generally achieve well on a range of performance tests, whereas the less capable pupils do less well on these tests. This is what we call a homogeneous learning profile. Disturbance manifests itself in a break-down of this homogeneity. What results are heterogeneous learning profiles: a pupil may achieve well on a particular measure, but this does not tell us anything about achievements on other measures. Homogeneous learning profiles are what teachers often expect. In the Netherlands there is a form of special education especially for children with strongly heterogeneous learning profiles. Both in the group of Dutch children and in the group of Curaçaon children the corelations between measures were rather strong and in the expected direction. These children had, as we expected, homogeneous learning profiles. In the group of Curaçaon and Aruban immigrant children we distinguished pupils by their age of arrival in the Netherlands: up to six years old and from six years old. This latter group (43 pupils) clearly had less homogeneous learning profiles. It did not make a difference whether the scores on the vocabulary test or the scores on the spelling test were taken as a reference point. Actually we had expected differences between these two reference points, assuming that vocabulary development in Dutch is more strongly affected by non-school circumstances than spelling. Non-school circumstances may greatly vary between immigrant children, depending on how their families cope with the new living situation. The learning profiles of the children with a younger age of arrival resembled more closely the profiles of native Dutch and native Curaçaon children, suggesting that the disturbance of learning profiles is a temporary matter. Possible explanations for the findings and practical implications are discussed.
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