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van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905." Itinerario 20, no. 1 (1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.
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Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.
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Nosov, M. G. "Europe and the End of Shogunate: Japan «Opening»." Sovremennaâ Evropa, no. 4 (125) (December 15, 2024): 197–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708324040156.
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“Bakumatsu” is the period from 1853 to 1868, which can be translated as “The End of the Bakufu” or “The End of the Tokugawa Shogunate”. Japan, under pressure from the United States and European countries, was forced to open the country for trade and contacts, well realising that it could not resist foreigners due to its technological and military inferiority. The “opening” of the country took place under the confusion of the authorities and with the resistance of not only a large part of the authorities, but also the people, who readily rallied under easy understandable slogan of “honor emperor and expel barbarians” (sonno-joi). This led to military clashes between Japanese and foreigners and to acts of terrorism not only against “barbarians” but also against local supporters of the opening of the country. The result of the “opening” of the country was also the elimination of the traditional for Japan formal dual power, under which the power by law belonged to the Emperors in Kyoto, but the country was ruled by the military rulers ‒ Shogunate of the Tokugawa dynasty in Edo. In 1868, the Tokugawa shogunate was abolished and power passed to the 122nd Meiji Emperor. The capital was moved to Edo and named Tokyo (Eastern Capital). Although the USA was given primacy in “opening” Japan, the major role in its political and economic transformation was played by European countries. President Millard Filmore, who initiated Matthew Perry's expeditions to Japan, was not re-elected, and the new president Franklin Pierce (1804‒1874), was mainly preoccupied with the conflict between the American South and North, and did not pay much attention to the issue of relations with Japan. In 1861, the American Civil War broke out and European countries – Great Britain, France, the Netherlands and Russia – began to play a major role in Japan's foreign policy.
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Šmigelskytė-Stukienė, Ramunė. "Politinės ir geopolitinės Augustino Midletono refleksijos (1790–1792)." XVIII amžiaus studijos T. 6: Personalijos. Idėjos. Refleksijos, T. 6 (January 2, 2020): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/23516968-006013.
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POLITICAL AND GEOPOLITICAL REFLECTIONS BY AUGUSTYN MIDDLETON (1790–1792) The article presents personality and activities of Augustyn Middleton, nobleman from Kaunas powiat, with the main focus on assessing this person in the light of political events in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the geopolitical situation. At the centre of this research is the period from the reinstatement of the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in The Hague on 14 April 1790 to the end of activities of the Four-Year Sejm. The article reveals that Augustyn Middleton, assigned by Stanislaw August to the diplomatic mission of the Commonwealth in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, was the agent of the King, who had to inform the King’s cabinet on activities of Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Mihał Kleofas Ogiński and to promote the reforms by the Four-Year Sejm in the foreign press thus shaping a positive public opinion in Western Europe regarding changes in Poland and Lithuania. Due to benevolent circumstances A. Middleton was able to reach the rank of embassy resident, however the horizons of his diplomatic career were limited by available finances. Political views of A. Middleton reflected aims declared by the fraction of Stanislaw August’s court: to create a strong and prospering monarchy, hoping that the state will be able to regain its glorious past. A. Middleton promoted constitutional monarchy, inheritable throne, regulation of activities of the Sejm and the dietines (sejmiki), granting of political rights to townspeople, and economic development of the country. While supporting the idea of a centralized state, A. Middleton did not reflect on the rights of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania or the topic of a binary state. In assessing economic changes in Europe A. Middleton opposed the physiocrats, emphasizing that the most powerful form of capital comes not from agriculture but from banking. However, he was not afraid to admit that his knowledge of economics was not sufficient to explain the processes of financial capital. Ideas of religious tolerance, promoted by A. Middleton, his cosmopolite view of collaboration between states and nations, active interest in political and social transformations in Europe through anonymous polemical publications in foreign press on the topics of revolution allow for bringing the nobleman from Kaunas powiat A. Middleton into the circle of yet unknown people of the Enlightenment. Keywords: reforms of the Four-Year Sejm (1788–1792), diplomatic service, international relations, diplomatic mission of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Augustyn Middleton.
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Vuković, Ivan. "Development of European Union and joining perspective of Croatia." Tourism and hospitality management 13, no. 2 (2007): 507–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.13.2.7.
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In this paper we researched European Union starting with the Agreement from Maastrich from year 1992, even though the European Union has a long traditional history and its origin is founded on regulations of economical integrations in Europe beginning from the 1950’s through the Roman treaty from year 1957 and the forming of the European Union Committee in year 1965. Further we follow her expansion and introduction of the European economic and monetary policy, to last, the joining perspective of Croatia. According to the Agreement from Maastrich, European Union lies on three posts: 1) Legal-political and regulative post, 2) Economical post, where the forming of European economical and monetary policy is in the first plan, especially the introducing of Euro as the unique European currency, 3) Post of Mutual foreign security policy within European Union. In that context we need to highlight the research conducted here and in European Union, including the world, regarding development of European Union and its economical, legal, political and cultural, as well as foreign diplomatic results, which are all perspectives of European Union. All the scientists and researches which were involved in exploring the development of EU with its modern tendencies and development perspective, agree that extraordinary results are achieved regards to economical, legal, political, foreign-security and diplomatic views, even tough many repercussions exist in progress of some particular members and within the EU as a whole. The biggest controversy arises in the perspective and expanding of European Union regarding ratification of the Constitution of EU from particular country members, but especially after the referendum was refused from two European countries, France and Netherlands. According to some estimates, the Constitution of EU would have difficulty to be adopted in Switzerland and some other Scandinavian countries, but also in Great Britain and other very developed countries. However the European Community and European Union were developing and expanding towards third European countries, regardless of Constitutional non-existence, where we can assume that if and when the Constitution of EU will be ratified, the EU will further develop as one of the most modern communities. This will enable economical development, especially development of European business, unique European market and free trade of goods and services, market of financial capital and labour market in free movement of labour. Being that EU has become one of the most largest dominating markets in the world, it offers a possibility to all new members to divide labour by using modern knowledge and high technology which insure economical, social and political prosperity. This results to forming a society of European countries which will guarantee all rights and freedom of development for all nations and ethnic groups. As well as, all European countries with somewhat less sovereignty, but in international relations will be stronger and significant, not only in sense of economics, but also in politics and military diplomatic relations. Therefore, Croatia has no choice and perspective if she does not join the European Union till year 2010, but until than it needs to create its strategy of economical and scientific-technological development, including demographic development, which will insure equal progress of Croatia as an equal member of European Union.
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Tunik, Maria. "SPECIFICS OF ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN THE NETHERLANDS AND CHINA." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 1 (February 28, 2025): 78–87. https://doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120257887.
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The author analyzes the current trends in bilateral economic relations between the Netherlands and China in the context of the volume and structure of trade in goods and services over the past five years and flows of foreign direct investment. The author examines the peculiarities of the Netherlands’ strategic policy course and key disagreements with China, including the issues of protecting the country’s economic interests. The author touches upon the topical issues of critical goods and dual-use technologies, as well as the growing presence of Chinese enterprises in the Dutch market. The author shows the difficulties faced by the open, historically foreign trade oriented Dutch economy in the context of China’s entry into the top five trading partners in terms of imports. The cases of Chinese companies taking over Dutch companies in critical industries are examined. The author forecasts the prospects for Dutch-Chinese economic cooperation.
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Rosenthal, Glenda G. "Review: Europe: Foreign Economic Relations of the European Community." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 47, no. 1 (1992): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070209204700113.
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Khoroshilov, Evgeny. "Vector of Canada's foreign economic relations." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 8 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760032207-4.
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The article examines trends in Canada's foreign economic activity in 1990–2022. The author analyzes changes in the structure of Canadian foreign trade and direct investment flows, as well dynamics of Canada's relations with its main partner countries. It is concluded that during this period, the importance of economic ties with the Netherlands, Mexico, Australia, South Korea, India and, in particular, with China has increased for Canada, while the role of Great Britain, Japan, Germany and France has decreased. It is emphasized that the United States retains its dominant position among Canadian trade and economic partners. Attention is drawn to the fact that the share of the United States in Canadian foreign trade and foreign direct investments, which declined until the 2020s, has begun to grow in the last three to four years simultaneously with the formation of negative dynamics in Ottawa’s relations with Beijing.
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Makarov, A. I., E. A. Rubinchik, and M. A. Kladkin. "Trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands: formation and development." International Trade and Trade Policy, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21686/2410-7395-2020-4-5-22.
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Successful development of mutual trade and economic ties between Russia and the Netherlands has been lasting for centuries. In ancient times, when both states were actively developing, vessels loaded with various goods were already cruising between their shores; while national leaders were building bilateral trade policy. The development of cooperation reached its peak during the time of Peter the Great, when the Russian Empire carried out industrialization by entering into a full-scale international industrial cooperation with its historical partner. Participation of the Russian state in the development of trade and economic relations with the Netherlands took different shapes depending on the current needs and capabilities of the country. However, specially authorized envoys who carried out their functions on the territory of the Netherlands played exclusively important role in it, whether they were representatives of the Ministry of Trade and Industry of Tsarist Russia in Rotterdam or the People's Commissariat for Foreign Trade in the pre-war years. October 1945, when the Trade Representation opened its doors in Amsterdam, marked the new chapter in the history of trade relations between two countries. Historical review of the activities conducted by the Trade Mission in one of the world's TOP economically developed countries of the world over the 75-year period is demanded for providing advice in respect to setting up of strategic plans for the development of foreign trade in terms of exports, deepening international industrial cooperation and faster adaptation to the requirements by foreign markets.
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Dauderstädt, Michael. "Options in foreign economic relations for Central and Eastern Europe." Intereconomics 29, no. 1 (1994): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02929807.
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Volkov, A. M. "Contemporary Foreign Economic Relations of Russia with the Countries of Northern Europe." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-10.
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Recently new problems have arisen that have complicated Russia’s foreign economic relations with foreign countries. The countries of Northern Europe were no exception. The economic situation in many countries was far from optimal. Problems with economy took place in the euro area. A significant drop in oil prices led to a slowdown in economic growth in the Russian Federation and a sharp decline of ruble exchange rate. Since 2014, various Western sanctions have emerged, followed by retaliatory sanctions from Russia. Against this background, the analysis of the dynamics of Russian economic relations with the Nordic countries is of particular interest. A sharp decline in foreign economic indicators occurred in 2015–2016. Subsequent development has shown different dynamics. On the one hand, by the end of the 2010s foreign trade with Finland and Sweden did not reach the level of 2013–2014 (primarily due to the decline in oil prices), but on the other, foreign trade indicators with Denmark and Norway were exceeded (due to Russian exports). Year 2020 brought new problems – the coronavirus pandemic and the associated restrictions on the movement of goods, services and people, as well as the rupture of production chains, which had an impact on foreign economic relations – and exacerbated the old ones: a new sharp drop in oil prices and a new depreciation of ruble. The article reveals the features of the general dynamics and commodity structure of foreign trade with each of the observed countries. The significant dependence of Russian exports, primarily on energy supplies, is considered in detail. Special attention is given to the general dynamics of foreign direct investment in Russia. The problems of modern development of Russian export and import were analyzed.
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Hossain, Mohammad Belayet, Asmah Laili Bt Yeon, and Ahmad Shamsul Bin Abd Aziz. "Sovereignty, National Interest & Security and the Bilateral Investment Treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands: a Comparison." African Journal of Legal Studies 12, no. 2 (2019): 183–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12340049.
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Abstract In absence of any global treaty, the bilateral investment treaties are playing the important role of regulating foreign investments in the host countries. The primary purpose of economic globalization is the economic development of the developing and least-developed countries as well as to facilitate benefits of the home states. Bangladesh and the Netherlands also signed bilateral investment treaties to facilitate trade. Bangladesh foreign investment laws and bilateral investment treaties mainly protect foreign investors; however, neither include any specific provisions of protecting sovereignty, national interest, and security. The Netherlands generally follows EU foreign investment policies. This paper addresses two questions: (a) do the bilateral investment treaties of Bangladesh and the Netherlands include any specific provisions to protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security, and (b) should the sovereignty, national interest, and security be considered during the entry of foreign direct investment in Bangladesh and the Netherlands? Using doctrinal research method, a total of 25 bilateral investment treaties have been analysed in order to explore whether they protect the sovereignty, national interest, and security of Bangladesh and the Netherlands. Based on the findings, this study will recommend that the government of Bangladesh should consider this important factor as an entry condition, either through amending the existing laws or through the bilateral investment treaties.
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Lachmann, Richard. "Elite Self-Interest and Economic Decline in Early Modern Europe." American Sociological Review 68, no. 3 (2003): 346–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240306800303.
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Why does the leading economic power of its time lose its dominance? Competing theories are tested through a comparison of four historical cases—the Florentine city-state, the Spanish empire, and the Dutch and British nation-states. Institutional context determined social actors’ capacities to apply their polities’ human and material resources to foreign economic competition. Specifically, the dominant elites in each polity established the social relations and institutions that protected them from domestic challenges from rival elites and classes. But these relations and institutions had the effect of limiting elites’ capacities to adapt to foreign economic rivals: Elites acting locally determined their capacities to act globally.
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Biffl, Gudrun. "The Role of Migration in Economic Relations between Europe and Turkey." European Review 21, no. 3 (2013): 372–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798713000331.
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Turkey and Europe are closely interlinked through migration, trade and investment flows. In the year 2000, the interrelationships entered a new phase. Return migration of Turkish migrants to Turkey set in, of often well-educated second-generation migrants, triggered by the fast economic growth and shortages of skilled labour in Turkey. At the same time continued family migration to Europe and Turkish business start-ups in Europe promote trade between Turkey and Europe due to preference and network channels. While economic growth in Turkey is dynamic, it is also volatile, depending on foreign capital. The major challenge for stable and sustainable economic growth is, however, the low labour force participation rate of women and the slow progress in the educational attainment level of its workforce.
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Sobko, Jelena. "Russian-Dutch relations during the Great Embassy and during the first stage of the Northern War (1697–1709)." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 3(67) (May 5, 2025): 182–93. https://doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2024-67-3-182-193.
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The article examines Russian-Dutch relations during the period of the Great Embassy and in the first phase of the Northern War. The Great Embassy, having played an important role in terms of developing trade relations with the Netherlands, establishing personal contacts etc., has not achieved great success in the diplomatic sphere in Holland. In the early years of the Northern War, the difference in the positions towards Russia of the official government in The Hague and the city of Amsterdam led to the fact that Russian foreign policy was focused on the city of Amsterdam namely on its leadership and on the top of the merchant class. This period is characterized by Russia's attempts to settle relations with Sweden. Because of this fact the efforts were being made to involve the Netherlands as an intermediary for the conclusion of a Russian-Swedish treaty. The main goal of Russian diplomacy towards the Netherlands was to worsen Dutch-Swedish relations and to prevent Dutch assistance to Sweden. In this regard, the author comes to the conclusion that this task was generally solved due to a number of factors. These are the involvement of the Netherlands in the war of the Spanish Succession, the rapprochement of Sweden with France and the energetic activity of the Russian ambassador to the Netherlands Andrey Matveev. All the above-mentioned issues are considered in the context of international relations in Europe
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Druláková, Radka. "The Slovene Road into Europe." Czech Journal of International Relations 35, no. 4 (2000): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.1098.
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Slovenia was established in 1991 by its secession from the Yugoslav Federation. This was preceded by various events which we can classify as economic, social, politico-economic and international policy causes. They determined the modus operandi of the new state in international policy and alongside traditions dating back to the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, the first and second Yugoslavia, they were the starting point of its foreign policy. The first foreign policy representation decided that a small state such as Slovenia needed to be anchored in international structures, above all, by its membership in international governmental organizations, whether of a worldwide or regional nature (UN, WTO, the Council of Europe, OSCE, the IMF, BRD, CEFTA, CEI and others). Slovenia intends to be a standard democratically and economically advanced country and its efforts along this road are undeniable. Good relations with its neighbours (Italy, Croatia, Austria and Hungary) are important for Slovene foreign policy, although certain disputes still need to be settled with the two former, possibly with the first three mentioned countries. Slovenia’s priority in the security dimension is membership in NATO. The economic priority of the country’s foreign policy is membership in the European Union (EU) even though certain alternatives of integration have been discussed. An application for membership in the EU has been submitted in June 1996 and intensive negotiating processes are currently in progress. The Czech Republic and Slovenia have certain common problems on their road to the EU (for example, in the field of transformation, relations with their neighbours economic development, the assessment of the Commission, etc.). Public opinion and political parties in the Czech Republic and in Slovenia mainly support accession to the EU. Among all the candidates, Slovenia is among the economically most advanced countries (it was included in the first wave as it prevailed at the time) and its chances to be accepted are not negligible.
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Seyidova, Sevinj. "From the history of the formation of trade and economic relations between Azerbaijan and foreign countries in the 1920s – 1930s." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 1-2 (2023): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202301statyi50.
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The article is devoted to the history of the formation of trade and economic relations between Azerbaijan and foreign countries in the 20-30s of the 20th century. In the 1920s the Republic of Azerbaijan invited specialists from foreign countries to restore various sectors of the economy. With the strengthening of trade and economic relations between the USSR, the USA and Western Europe, interest in Azerbaijan increased on the part of representatives of firms and business circles from various countries.
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Savina, Zoya. "The Trends in German Foreign Policy in African Countries." Asia and Africa Today, no. 6 (2023): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750023527-1.
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Today, Europe pays close attention to its relations with African countries. Germany is the locomotive of the EU and is also building its own policy towards African countries. During the chancellorship of Angela Merkel, several initiatives were proposed aimed at the development of economic relations with Africa. In 2021, Olaf Scholz became the chancellor of Germany. The article examines Germany’s policy towards African countries both before and during the chancellorship of Olaf Scholz. Africa is the key to Europe’s economic sustainability, especially as Europe has continued to separate from Russia economically and politically in the last years. In this context, Africa plays a significant role in meeting Europe’s pressing fossil fuel needs. Despite the European rhetoric to the contrary, in recent decades relations between Africa and Europe have stalled in the paradigm of charity rather than equal partnership. However, Europe now really needs a genuine strategic partnership with African countries in order to be able to negotiate on the energy and climate crisis, prevent future migration crises and compete with geopolitical rivals. The policy of “green energy” is a promising direction of German foreign policy towards the African continent. Against the background of already existing German initiatives towards Africa, the results of recent international summits on climate and the provisions of new initiatives in the field of green energy and climate conservation are considered. All this can become one of the main bridges for strengthening relations between Germany and African countries. In this regard, the article attempts to highlight the main prerequisites for the formation of modern German foreign policy in Africa and attempts to describe the establishment of German-African relations during the chancellorship of Angela Merkel and her successor Olaf Scholz.
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Nötel, Rudolf. "Reforms in foreign economic relations of Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union." International Affairs 67, no. 4 (1991): 814. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2622519.
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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.
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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.
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Dangerfield, M. V. "The economic opening of central and Eastern Europe: Continuity and change in foreign economic relations." Journal of European Integration 19, no. 1 (1995): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036339508429027.
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Terry, Sarah Meiklejohn. "Poland's foreign policy since 1989: the challenges of independence." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 1 (2000): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00024-0.
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In its first decade of post-communist independence, Poland achieved far more than most dared believe in 1989. Despite domestic political and economic turmoil, it has joined Europe as a new member of NATO and a prospective member of the EU. This article traces the evolution of Polish foreign policy since 1989 over four time periods: First, the early uncertainties from 1989 to 1992 when Warsaw — caught between a reunifying Germany and a collapsing USSR — was intent on solidifying its relations with Central European neighbors. Second, the watershed year of 1993, which witnessed changes in every aspect of Poland's external relations — the demise of Visegrad, first moves toward NATO and EU enlargement, the emergence of serious tensions in Warsaw's relations with the East, especially Russia. Third, the years in the anterooms of Europe from 1994 to 1996, when Poland and its central European neighbors lobbied for early accession to the EU and NATO, while relations with Russia remained in the deep freeze. And fourth, the period since 1997, in which Warsaw has been negotiating its “return to Europe”, joining NATO in 1999 and actively pursuing membership in the EU. These gains have not come quickly or easily; rather, they demonstrate a hard earned consistency in Poland's foreign policy agenda, despite numerous changes in domestic politics, as well as an increasingly realistic vision of the country's place in post-Cold War Europe.
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Stanciu, Cezar. "Scandinavian Perspectives. Overcoming the Cold War Pressures in Romania’s Policy towards Northern Europe." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 1, no. 1 (2009): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v1i1_4.
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During the first years of the Cold War, Romania was isolated in terms of foreign policy, and forced to develop relations mainly with the USSR and other socialist states. During the de-Stalinization period, the East-West relations improved and Romania started to rebuilt its relations with the West, especially economic relations. This article briefly presents the re-establishment of Romania's relations with the Scandinavian states, in the context of the improved Romanian-West relations.
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Atamanchuk, Zorina, and Antonina Prosianiuk. "Foreign trade relations of Ukraine AND China: current state and development prospects." Galic'kij ekonomičnij visnik 85, no. 6 (2023): 183–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33108/galicianvisnyk_tntu2023.06.183.
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The war unleashed by Russia against Ukraine changed the world, caused many risks and threats, caused turbulent processes in the political, economic and security sectors, and the consequences of this war are now difficult to predict. Russian aggression has intensified conflicts in the modern world, worsening socio-economic conditions in the regions and around the world. In particular, the crisis in the food market, which led to an increase in the cost of energy resources, caused an increase in the price of consumer goods and, as a result, a significant impact on the level of well-being of the population of many countries around the world. At the same time, inflation has increased all over the world. Today, friendly relations between China and Ukraine are in a difficult state. If the Sino-Ukrainian trade and economic and other spheres of cooperation have developed rapidly over the past thirty years, there is hope that these countries will actively cooperate not only in the field of trade over the next thirty years. China and Ukraine are the two main economies of the world. Ukraine is one of the most important countries supporting the Belt and Road. In December 2013, it actively responded to China's proposed Belt and Road initiative and became the first country in Europe to express its support. Ukraine is an important country of the «Belt and Road» to Europe, as it is located in the eastern part of Europe, connecting Europe and Asia. Ukraine has always sought comprehensive, multifaceted cooperation with China. In recent years, the two countries have made significant progress in the areas of investment, infrastructure, agriculture, energy and high technology. Since 2019, Ukraine has had the largest trade partner with China. The political situation and the covid-19 pandemic have significantly affected trade between the two countries, causing trade to plummet and stagnate in some areas. Under the Belt and Road Initiative, the two countries can strengthen strategic coordination and optimize trade policies, increase cooperation in various fields, especially in hightech sectors, and comprehensively increase trade volumes. This essay examines the current state of Sino-Ukrainian economic and trade cooperation, examines its features, and examines the prospects for the future development of this cooperation in the light of current international circumstances.
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Zhang, Yu. "Analysis of Foreign Trade Policy in Abenomics." Communications in Humanities Research 15, no. 1 (2023): 210–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/15/20230741.
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The outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008 dealt a severe blow to Japans foreign trade environment. Under the severe form of Japans foreign trade, Shinzo Abe came to power and put forward Abenomics to provide strong policy support for Japans foreign economic development. This paper collects and arranges the foreign trade policy data of the Abe government during its two terms of office and analyses the impact of Abenomics on the Japanese economy. The study finds that, firstly, the Abe government focuses on the construction of an all-round regional economic partnership. During its term of office, it has signed the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), the Japan-Europe Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA), and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and actively carries out trade diplomacy. Secondly, the Abe government attaches importance to foreign investment, actively investing in China, South Korea, and Southeast Asia, considering the economic and trade relations between Eastern and Western Europe. Thirdly, after Abe left office, the Kishida government continued the content of Abenomics. It proposed new capitalism with the times, and implementing this policy in Japans foreign trade has both the shadow of Abes economics and recent developments.
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Pape, Ulla, Rafael Chaves-Ávila, Joachim Benedikt Pahl, Francesca Petrella, Bartosz Pieliński, and Teresa Savall-Morera. "Working under pressure: economic recession and third sector development in Europe." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 7/8 (2016): 547–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-01-2016-0010.
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Purpose – The context conditions for third sector organizations (TSOs) in Europe have significantly changed as a result of the global economic crisis, including decreasing levels of public funding and changing modes of relations with the state. The effect of economic recession, however, varies across Europe. The purpose of this paper is to understand why this is the case. It analyses the impact of economic recession and related policy changes on third sector development in Europe. The economic effects on TSOs are thereby placed into a broader context of changing third sector policies and welfare state restructuring. Design/methodology/approach – The paper focusses on two research questions: how has the changing policy environment affected the development of the third sector? And what kind of strategies have TSOs adopted to respond to these changes? The paper first investigates general trends in Europe, based on a conceptual model that focusses on economic recession and austerity policies with regard to the third sector. In a second step of analysis, the paper provides five country case studies that exemplify policy changes and responses from the third sector in France, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland and Spain. Findings – The paper argues that three different development paths can be identified across Europe. In some countries (France and Spain), TSOs face a strong effect of economic recession. In other countries (Germany and Poland) the development of the third sector remains largely stable, albeit at different levels, whereas in the Netherlands, TSOs rather experience changes in the policy environment than a direct impact of economic decline. The paper also shows that response strategies of the third sector in Europe depend on the context conditions. The paper is based on the European project “Third Sector Impact.” It combines an analysis of statistical information with qualitative data from interviews with third sector representatives. Originality/value – The paper contributes to our understanding of the interrelation between economic recession, long-term policy changes and third sector development in Europe.
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Zadorozhnyi, Oleksiі. "Development of Trade and Economic Relations Between Ukraine and the Kingdom of the Netherlands: Dynamics and Prospects." Modern Economics 31, no. 1 (2022): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v31(2022)-06.
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Abstract. Introduction. In this article, based on the analysis of the development of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and the Netherlands, was found that the Netherlands is one of the largest investors in Ukraine in recent years. According to the results of the analysis, it is found that metallurgy, agro-industrial complex, mechanical engineering, IT industry, oil and fat industry are the most popular industries in trade and economic cooperation between the countries today. Purpose. The aim of the work is to identify the effectiveness of trade and economic relations between Ukraine and the Netherlands based on a study of the dynamics of the impact of economic indicators on the structure of Ukraine's economy. Results. The dynamics of trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and the Netherlands for the period 2014- 2021 is studied. The existing volumes of trade between countries and attracting foreign direct investment as of 2020-2021, as well as export and import structures are analyzed. Examples of qualitatively new content of cooperation between Kyiv and Amsterdam are given, in particular, the establishment of agreements on a number of reclamation measures in Ukraine with the assistance of the Kingdom, which will generally help to improve the environmental situation. Potentially attractive sectors of Ukraine's economy for European investors have been identified, among which are the agro-industrial complex, metallurgy, oil and fat industry, IT sector, mechanical engineering, mining, etc. The key principles on which cooperation with the Netherlands should be based are outlined and the priority areas of relations with the EU countries are described. We have suggested the ways to increase the competitiveness of domestic products in European markets based on the experience of partner countries, including the creation of an effective system for certification of export products in Ukraine and a temporary reduction in value added tax. In this research were used general scientific methods of induction, deduction, dynamics, statistics, etc. Conclusions. Conclusions are made on the current state of Ukrainian-Dutch relations. Opportunities and prospects for the development of bilateral relations in the near and long term are outlined. Promising areas of trade and economic cooperation between Ukraine and the Netherlands have been found, such as: mining and development of the machine-building industry with the investment participation of the Kingdom.
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Baev, Jordan. "The Establishment of Bulgarian–West German Diplomatic Relations within the Coordinating Framework of the Warsaw Pact." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (2016): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00656.
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Bulgarian–West German relations played a crucial role in Bulgarian foreign policy in Europe from the time the FRG became a leading West European political and economic power and a key member of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Economic Community. The normalization of official relations between Bulgaria and the FRG was significantly influenced by two major factors: the policy of closer coordination and multilateral interaction within the Warsaw Pact and the somewhat slower, though increasing, process of East-West détente and security negotiations in Europe through CSCE and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reduction talks. This case study of the establishment of diplomatic relations between a powerful European state and a smaller one with opposite political orientation amid the East-West détente in the 1970s contributes to scholars’ understanding of the complex nature of international relations in Europe during the Cold War.
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Domagała, Joanna. "LINKS BETWEEN SMP PRICES IN POLAND AND SELECTED FOREIGN MARKETS." Annals of the Polish Association of Agricultural and Agribusiness Economists XXII, no. 4 (2020): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.4930.
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The aim of the paper was to determine the links between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in selected countries. The article uses secondary data for the monthly price of butter at a level of countries collected by the Milk Market Observatory and the Italian Dairy Economic Consulting portal for 2000-2016. The analyzed period was divided into two periods: 2000-2004 and 2005-2016. The article uses Johansen cointegration tests, and Granger’s causality analysis. The analyzes in the first stage concerned the links between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in Western Europe, the USA and Oceania. In the second stage, the links between SMP prices in Poland and selected EU countries were identified. The results of the study confirmed a stronger link between SMP prices in Poland and SMP prices in Western Europe and Oceania. It is worth noting that these links mainly occurred in the period following Poland’s accession to the EU. Within EU countries, SMP prices in Belgium, the Czech Republic, Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands were related to prices in Poland.
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Drelich-Skulska, Bogusława, Sebastian Bobowski, Anna H. Jankowiak, and Przemysław Skulski. "China’s Trade Policy Towards Central and Eastern Europe in the 21St Century, Example of Poland." Folia Oeconomica Stetinensia 14, no. 1 (2014): 149–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/foli-2014-0111.
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Abstract The aim of this paper is to present China’s economic model and discuss, in this context, bilateral trade and investment relations between China and Poland. The analysis presented herein is based on the strategy of cooperation with countries of Central and Eastern Europe, as presented by China’s Prime Minister, and on the growing importance of Poland as a main partner of China in the Central and Eastern Europe region. The paper describes main premises of the Chinese economic model, followed by a diagnosis of Chinese economy. The authors analyze the main directions of China’s foreign cooperation, placing the emphasis on relations with Poland.
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Digilina, O. B., and T. A. Cheban. "Theoretical Foundations of the Foreign Economic Relations Strategy of the Russian Federation at the Present Stage." Journal of Law and Administration 20, no. 1 (2024): 178–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2024-1-70-178-187.
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Introduction. The author of this text is convinced that in the modern world foreign economic relations remain a crucial way of maintaining economic activity. Sustainable economic relations with other states are a necessary condition for the country's economic growth. However, due to changes in the global financial, economic and political systems, Russia is forced to look for new economic and political allies. The main task for our country is to establish close and mutually beneficial relations with the leading countries of the East, such as China and India, in order to ensure economic security in the face of possible isolation in the international arena.Materials and methods. The methodological basis of this research was made up of general scientific and special research methods, such as induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis, classification, comparative, descriptive, comparative, logical, structural-functional methods, various methods of statistical analysis. The author of the study used tabular and graphical forms of representation of the processes and phenomena under consideration.Research results. The study revealed that Russian government authorities use various tools to maintain foreign trade and ensure economic security in the context of anti-Russian sanctions. The balance between protectionist and free trade policies depends on the situation in international markets, the geopolitical situation in the world, but especially on the level of competitiveness. The introduction of sanctions by the collective West has become the main factor, changing the foreign economic situation for Russia in 2022. Russia’s new foreign economic strategy is based on the search for friendly partners, willing to purchase sanctioned goods. Thanks to this strategy, Russia was able to reorient foreign economic relations towards Asia and the Middle East, as well as to establish parallel imports while maintaining competitiveness and even increasing foreign trade turnover.Discussion and conclusion. The need for Russia to enter the Chinese and Indian trade markets and to strengthen foreign economic relations with Asia is substantiated; the main groups of goods that can contribute to the development of mutually beneficial exchange and strengthening of economic cooperation between these countries are analyzed; the possibility and importance of further development of foreign economic relations with Asian states, which can become no less important and useful partners for Russia than the former states of Europe, have been proven.
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de Haan, Arjan. "Development Cooperation as Economic Diplomacy?" Hague Journal of Diplomacy 6, no. 1-2 (2011): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119111x564113.
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AbstractThis article explores the role of international development cooperation — or aid — in foreign policy and diplomacy. Based on his experience as a practitioner, Arjan de Haan makes the observation that the development debate, and in particular the search for effective aid, has neglected the political role of aid. Moreover, the high political symbolism that aid has obtained, particularly in the last decade, has received relatively little attention. A political perspective on aid is now rapidly becoming more important, especially because of the enhanced importance of global security in setting an aid agenda, and because the old ways of working are — or seem to be — challenged by the rise of China and other countries that were recently (and still are) recipients of aid. An understanding of the diverse political motives behind aid should inform the way that aid effectiveness is measured. The changing politics in which aid is embedded are illustrated with reference to the Netherlands, which used to have one of the most respected aid programmes because of its multilateral emphasis and ‘untying’ of aid, and because Dutch strategic interests have now been made one of the cornerstones of the Netherlands’ new policy. The article hypothesizes that reinforcing progressive principles around international development can be a supportive element of a strengthened diplomacy in the globalized world beyond 2010.
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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.
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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Posazhennikova, Anastasia. "BENELUX COUNTRIES’ SECURITY STRATEGIES: BETWEEN EUROPEANISM AND ATLANTICISM." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 4 (August 31, 2024): 16–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran420241632.
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In the article, transformation of the foreign policy and security strategies of the Benelux countries – Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg – is analyzed against the exacerbating conflict in Ukraine. Using the comparative historical method, we outline the evolution of strategic trends of Europeanism – seeking deeper integration within the European institutional framework – and Atlanticism – pursuing a general strategic orientation towards the United States – in the three countries. As smaller-sized countries, they initially combined Europeanism and «moderate» Atlanticism, which left them some space for foreign policy maneuver. Since the 1990s, the Dutch foreign policy more closely follows the Atlanticist paradigm, while those of Belgium and Luxembourg are characterized more by Europeanism. The analysis of the EU strategic autonomy debate as a case study has shown that Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg seek the greatest possible economic benefits from the autonomy initiatives. Besides, the balance between the strategic trends remains; Belgium and Luxembourg positively view deeper EU defense cooperation, while the Netherlands mostly sees security guarantees in Euro-Atlantic cooperation. The current state in European security has thus not fundamentally changed the Benelux countries’ approaches to balancing Europeanism and Atlanticism that have been characteristic for them since the 1990s. Besides, for Belgium, support for deeper integration has become a key identity feature, while the Netherlands relies on special relations with the United States and ad hoc coalitions in the EU; Luxembourg’s foreign policy can be described to follow a free rider strategy.
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Ćurčić, Mihailo, Radan Kostić, and Ivica Matejić. "Foreign trade of Serbia and Africa." Odrzivi razvoj 3, no. 2 (2021): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/odrraz2102007c.
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When it comes to defining the foreign trade relations between Africa and the Republic of Serbia, it should be pointed out that our country achieves the least international trade cooperation with the countries of this continent. According to the data of the Parliamentary Budget Office (2018), Serbian foreign trade is mostly focused on Europe, given that as much as 93% of total exports were directed to European countries, and 80% of imports of goods from Europe. The exchange with African countries is almost negligible: on both the import and import side, Africa took part in less than 1% of the total Serbian foreign trade. Infrastructure development accelerates the pace of economic progress, by strengthening more productive activities, and leads to lower costs for conducting internal and external trade.
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Tubilewicz, Czeslaw. "Affordable Ally: Taiwan's Diplomatic Venture in Macedonia." Politics 22, no. 1 (2002): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00156.
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This article examines foreign policy of the Republic of China (ROC) towards East Central Europe (ECE) through the prism of Taipei's diplomatic strategies vis-à-vis Macedonia. Specifically, it identifies and explains the broad goals and rationale behind Taipei's increased interest in ECE after the Cold War. The study concludes that the Taiwanese interest in East Central Europe was motivated by its wish to capitalise on ECE's anti-communist euphoria and need for foreign capital, hoping that promises of generous economic assistance would convince some ECE states to extend diplomatic recognition to the ROC.
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KERANOV, Dimitar. "A New Look At Bulgarian-South African Economic Relations." INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON ECONOMICS, BUSINESS & MANAGEMENT 1, no. 1 (2024): 74–80. https://doi.org/10.56065/icebm2024.74.
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Bulgaria realigned its foreign policy following the demise of communism in 1989. That year marked the end of 45 years of one-party dictatorship under the Bulgarian communist party (BKP) and Todor Zhivkov’s rule. As the country held its first democratic elections, the world was changing – communist dictatorships were falling like dominos in all of Eastern Europe, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Cold War were soon to be history as well. Significant changes were also occurring outside of Eastern Europe – in Latin America and Africa. Particularly in South Africa, the apartheid dictatorship was on the verge of being dismantled, and the National Party’s 42-year rule was nearing its end. Bulgaria and South Africa were embarking on their paths of democratization, which created opportunities for them to establish official political and economic relations in a new geopolitical environment. The present article will explore the different aspects of South African-Bulgarian relations with an emphasis on the economy in order to provide a better understanding of the status quo, challenges, and future perspectives, thus ultimately contributing to and fostering a broader academic debate on the topic not only in Bulgaria but also in South Africa.
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Shabanova, Lyudmila Borisovna, and Irina Gennadievna Morozova. "Prospects for investment development in Russia and the Muslim world." Национальная безопасность / nota bene, no. 6 (June 2022): 194–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0668.2022.6.38433.
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Ensuring investment attractiveness is one of the most important aspects of a country's economic activity in modern international relations. Foreign investments make it possible not only to ensure expanded social reproduction in the country, but also expand the possibilities of technological and economic development of the state.The purpose of the work is to analyze foreign direct investment in the Russian Federation in general and the Republic of Tatarstan in particular. The analysis and evaluation of statistical data revealed a reduction in the number of projects involving foreign direct investment in Russia in 2017-2020. In modern conditions, it is necessary to recognize the decline in the investment attractiveness of Russia from investors in the United States and Europe, which may lead to an even greater compression of foreign investment flows. An alternative to foreign investments from the United States of America and Europe can be foreign investments from the countries of the Muslim world. Already today, Russia has friendly relations with the countries of the Muslim world, in addition, there are entire regions with a high density of Muslim population living on the territory of the Russian Federation. Thus, the Republic of Tatarstan, which is already one of the most investment-attractive regions of the Russian Federation and occupies the 3rd place in the list of regions of the Russian Federation most in demand among foreign investors, could play an important role in increasing the number of foreign direct investment.
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Lymar, Margaryta. "European integration in the foreign policy of Dwight Eisenhower." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 7 (2019): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2019.07.27-36.
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The article deals with European integration processes through the prism of the President Eisenhower foreign policy. The transatlantic relations are explored considering the geopolitical transformations in Europe. It is noted that after the end of World War II, Europe needed assistance on the path to economic recovery. Eisenhower initially as Commander in Chief of NATO forces in Europe, and later as the U.S. President, directed his foreign policy efforts to unite the states of Western Europe in their post-war renovating and confronting the communist threat. For that reason, Eisenhower deserved recognition by the leading European governments and became a major American figure, which symbolized the reliable transatlantic ally. Eisenhower’s interest in a united Europe was explained by the need for the United States in a strong single European partner that would help to strengthening the U.S. positions in the international arena. The United States expected to control the European integration processes through NATO instruments and mediated disputes between the leading European powers. Germany’s accession to the Alliance was determined as one of the key issues, the solution of which became the diplomatic victory of President Eisenhower. The U.S. government was building its European policy based on the need to integrate the Western states into a unified power, and therefore endorsed the prospect of creating a European Economic Community (EEC). It was intended that the union would include Italy, France, Germany and the Benelux members, and form a basis for the development of free trade and the deeper political and economic integration of the regional countries. It is concluded that, under the Eisenhower’s presidency, Europe was at the top of priority list of the U.S. foreign policy that significantly influenced the evolution of the European integration process in the future.
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Timakova, Olga A. "China’s Relations with the Mediterranean States: Military and Political Aspects." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (2021): 700–711. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-700-711.
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China is one of the most influential non-regional actors in the Mediterranean. As of 2021, it is ranked among the top three trading partners of almost all Mediterranean states. Chinese foreign policy in the Mediterranean reflects the growing importance of geoeconomics and, in particular, economic instruments of foreign policy in Chinas foreign policy strategy. The intersection of the routes of the Maritime Silk Road of the 21st Century and the Silk Road Economic Belt in the Mediterranean basin indicates the regions high potential for the development of new logistics routes, economic corridors and supply chains. Despite significant impact of the coronavirus restrictions on the global economy and the deepest economic crisis seen in recent years, China has not reduced its global activity. Actually, it is the pandemic that can become an incentive for the development of new formats of cooperation within the Belt and Road in the Mediterranean. Chinas traditional foreign policy paradigm presupposes emphasis exclusively on economic interaction and non-involvement in political issues. De facto Chinas economic relations with the countries of the region are increasingly complicated by military and political issues. The article categorizes the main political and security issues that arise between China and partner countries in the Mediterranean region. While the discourse of human rights and sustainable development prevails in relations with Europe, the issues of ensuring security and managing regional instability come to the fore when dealing with the states of North Africa and the Middle East. Given Chinas growing economic needs, it is likely that in the medium term there will be a doctrinal formalization of Chinas role in the political process in the Mediterranean region.
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YILMAZ, Samet. "ASIA-EUROPE MEETING AS AN INTERREGIONAL INTERACTION PATTERN IN THE EUROPEAN UNION’S RELATIONS WITH ASIA." Kafkas Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi 13, no. 25 (2022): 602–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36543/kauiibfd.2022.025.
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As a regional organization, the European Union (EU) interacts with actors of international relations in various ways in conducting its foreign relations, including interregional interactions. The EU establishes interregional relations with regional organizations, states, and groups of states and participates in interregional interaction mechanisms. The Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) is among the interaction channels of the EU in its relations with Asia. ASEM, held in 1996 first, is an initiative to develop political, economic, social, and cultural relations between Asia and Europe and create awareness between the peoples of the two regions. In this framework, considering the concept of interregionalism, this study deals with the basic rationality and functioning of ASEM, an interregional interaction pattern in the EU’s relations with Asia, and makes statements on the dialogue process.
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Webber, Clark. "Georgia’s Strategic Path: Economic Integration as a Strategic Pathway." Caucasus Survey 11, no. 2-3 (2023): 341–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23761202-bja10022.
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Abstract Since achieving independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, the Republic of Georgia has balanced its aspirations to Westernize with its pre-existing and continuing bonds with Russia. Much of the research looking at this dynamic has focused on security and political issues; this article instead focuses on the economic sphere and examines whether Georgia’s economic ties with Europe and Russia have created closer strategic relations. To determine if Georgia is pursuing economic integration with the European Union (EU) and Russia, the article draws on economic data from the National Statistics Office of Georgia on exports, imports, foreign direct investment (FDI), and tourism. It examines the academic literature on Georgia’s strategy of political integration with the EU and its policy of “normalization” with Russia since 2012. Trade and investment have increased with Europe, while tourism from Russia increased substantially between 2015 and 2019. Still, the article finds that Georgia’s economic relations have not created strategic integration with either polity.
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Kirilina, E. Yu. "Foreign Policy of Germany towards Kazakhstan." EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics 18, no. 2 (2024): 189–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2024-02-189-197.
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After the collapse of the Soviet Union, a large number of newly formed states appeared on the geopolitical map of the world, some of which are located in Central Asia. As one of the largest and most influential countries in Europe, Germany sought to establish strong economic, political and cultural ties with these countries. The author pays attention to the stages of development of bilateral relations from the early 90s to the present.Aim. The aim of this study is to identify key aspects of German foreign policy in the region, focusing on relations with Kazakhstan.Tasks. Study the main stages of the development of diplomatic relations between Germany and Kazakhstan. Identify the current state of relations between Germany and Kazakhstan. Explore possible expansion of economic ties and prospects for future cooperation. Show the importance of studying the foreign policy of Germany in relation to Kazakhstan for the Russian Federation.Methods. The research methodology is based on historical analysis, which helped to identify the stages of development of international relations between the two states. The comparative analysis defines the differences in the foreign policy line of Germany towards Kazakhstan at different stages. Regular summit meetings were the objects of event analysis.Results. By examining historical context, economic partnerships, and geopolitical considerations, it is possible to investigate the dynamics shaping German engagement in Central Asia.Conclusions. The genesis of the development of interstate relations was the collapse of the USSR, which served to form sovereign states in the post-Soviet space. The development of bilateral relations is characterized by several stages: some of them were characterized by stagnation, others, by an increase in the attention of Germany to Kazakhstan. The beginning of 2022 served to intensify Germany’s foreign policy in the region. At the present stage, Germany uses a multi-pronged approach that includes diplomatic, economic, cultural and educational components. Germany’s foreign policy in the region is aimed at protecting its national interests. Secondly, the partnership with Kazakhstan is a symbol of Germany’s shared foreign policy goals, emphasizing the importance of cooperation, dialogue and joint development efforts in the heart of Eurasia.
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Kurkliński, Lech. "Historyczne podziały Europy a społeczno-gospodarcze uwarunkowania postaw kulturowych wobec bankowości w Polsce." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace 3, no. 3 (2015): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2015.3.3.4.
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This paper is devoted to the presentation of the significance of the historicaldivisions in Europe for the formation of the socio-economic conditions for thedevelopment of the banking sector in Poland. The paper presents four main divisionsrelated to the functioning of the Roman Empire and Barbaricum, Latin andByzantine Europe, the dualism of the economic development of Europe fromthe sixteenth century and the creation of the capitalist and socialist blocks afterthe Second World War, and their relations to the position of Poland. Historicaloverview is juxtaposed with the current shape of the Polish banking sector, andespecially the dominance of banks controlled by foreign capital. This confrontationis primarily intended to indicate the importance of cultural factors for thedevelopment of the banking sector.
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Maris, Georgios, and Ioannis Kalaitzidis. "China, Greece, and Economic Relations in Southeast Europe: A Political Economy Approach." Social Sciences 13, no. 8 (2024): 422. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci13080422.
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This paper investigates China’s regional role in Southeastern Europe by examining the economic strategy of neo-mercantilism using Greece as a case study. In doing so, this paper will make use of the strategy of neo-mercantilism as part of the broader theory of regional powers pursuing broader geostrategic goals. How has the strategic partnership between China and Greece evolved in recent years, and what are China’s primary objectives in Greece under the neo-mercantilism? China has intentionally sought to expand its influence in Southeastern Europe by cultivating a strategic partnership with Greece, while avoiding challenging the influence of other powers in the area. The economic turmoil in Greece over the past decade created a favorable environment for attracting Chinese FDI. China’s principal focus in developing its strategic partnership with Greece is to increase FDI as a means of achieving its economic goals and other political goals with tangible results related to China’s support in issues mainly concerning the country’s applied foreign policy.
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Kruizinga, Samuël. "Struggling to Fit in. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936–1939." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 2 (2018): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-2-183.
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Struggling to Fit In. The Dutch in a Transnational Army, 1936-1939 The Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) possessed a transnational resonance that echoed far beyond the borders of the country in which it was fought. It drew thousands of foreign fighters to Spain where, as many believed, the future of Europe would be decided. Most of them fought on the side of the embattled Republican government against an uprising supported by international Fascism. Given the foreign fighters’ similar socio-economic backgrounds and shared anti-Fascist sentiment, historians have suggested that the «International Brigades», formed out of these foreign fighters, constitute a true transnational army. This article suggests, however, that many of these foreign fighters had real trouble forging a transnational connection with their fellow fighters. Focusing on Dutch Interbrigadiers, it further highlights how the specificities of Dutch political culture and the legal regime created in the Netherlands combined to create a unique set of circumstances that impeded Dutch foreign fighters’ abilities to effectively work together with their German colleagues in Spain and their post-Spanish Civil War efforts to resist the Nazi occupation of the Netherlands. This article suggests, therefore, that the International Brigades do not possess a single, distinctive and collectively transnational identity. Rather, they are made up of different identity layers that can, but need not, be mutually exclusive, and are linked to elements of different national and/or military cultures.
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Dassonneville, Ruth, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. "A changing economic vote in Western Europe? Long-term vs. short-term forces." European Political Science Review 11, no. 1 (2018): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000231.
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AbstractConsiderable research shows the presence of an economic vote, with governments rewarded or punished by voters, depending on the state of the economy. But how stable is this economic vote? A current argument holds its effect has increased over time, because of weakening long-term social and political forces. Under these conditions, short-term forces, foremostly the economic issue, can come to the fore. A counter-argument, however, sees the economic vote effect in decline, due to globalization. Against these rival hypotheses rests the status-quo argument: the economic vote effect remains unchanged. To test these claims, we estimate carefully specified models of the incumbent vote, at both the individual and aggregate levels. Western European elections provide the data, with particular attention to Denmark, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, The Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. Perhaps surprisingly, we find the economic vote to be stable over time, a ‘standing decision’ rule that voters follow in national elections.
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Tsvyk, Anatoly V., and Konstantin P. Kurylev. "The Idea of a “Greater Europe” in Russian Foreign Policy: Past and Present." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 2 (2020): 438–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-2-438-447.
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This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.
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Chetverikova, A. "Central Europe in the Pandemic Era: First Economic Results." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 92–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-92-101.
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The article analyzes the response of the Visegrad Group countries to the 2020 pandemic. Measures are outlined that were taken by Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic to support their economies, including efforts to stabilize labour markets and measures for several most affected sectors. The author assesses the main economic indicators of the Visegrad countries during the first half of 2020 in the light of the consequences of imposed restrictive measures. The reaction of the Visegrad economies to the pandemic correlates with the pan-European reaction. Special attention is paid to the condition of the foreign trade sector of the “four” members, which plays an important role in their economies. The dynamic of foreign trade relations of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic with the European Union and Russia during the pandemic is analyzed. Mutual trade flows within the Visegrad Group are evaluated in the light of opportunities to compensate downturns in other markets. Possible prospects for the development of the Visegrad Group after the pandemic are considered. The existing forecasts of the Group’s countries development are analyzed. The factors influencing the recovery process in the Visegrad countries are given. The consequences of COVID 19 will affect many sectors of Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, which will not be able to cope with them without the EU support. Realization of opportunities including the emergence of more innovative elements in their economies that meet the challenges of the 21st century, will also depend on the members of the Visegrad Group themselves. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement № 075-15-2020-783).
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Jiang, Congcong, and Christoph Lattemann. "Chinese OFDI in Europe under the Guidance of BRI — A Focus on China–CEE Economic Relations." China and the World 01, no. 04 (2018): 1850022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729318500220.
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China has been actively integrating itself in the global economy through Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and increasing trade flows. In order to further expand its foreign market ambition and reinforce itself as a leader in the world economic system, China unleashed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). One of the main economic incentives behind this initiative is to strengthen China’s integration with Central and Eastern European (CEE) markets. In recent years, an emerging trend for Chinese investors to invest in CEE countries such as Poland can be observed. The aim of this research is to analyze the changing patterns and motives of Chinese Outbound FDI (OFDI) to Europe during the period of 2009–2017 under the guidance of BRI. To explore the heterogeneity of Chinese investments behavior within Europe, this paper summarizes the apparent characteristics of Chinese investment patterns in Western Europe and the CEE region. We show that BRI has — against all expectations — no impact on Chinese investment in the CEE region but — in line with expectations — Chinese investors have changed their motives to invest in CEE countries with a shift towards the service sector. To investigate the impact of BRI on Chinese investors, the period of study is divided into two phases: (1) 2009–2013: period before the proposal of BRI and (2) 2014–2017: period after the initiation of BRI. Then the rationale behind the observed differences is examined in detail.
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Tsivatyi, V. "European Political and Diplomatic Dialogue in the Institutional Space of International Relations of Early New Age (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-4.
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The article deals with the analysis of the foreign policy and diplomacy of the European states of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries). Particular attention is given to the institutional development of public and political opinion as well as to the institutional and diplomatic practices in Western and Central Europe. The author defines the directions of the theoretical and practical development of diplomacy and foreign policy in Europe of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries) as well as their formation peculiarities in the leading countries of Europe.
 The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) as an important historical event for political, diplomatic and institutional development of Europe is analyzed. The attention is paid to the diplomatic tools, national peculiarities of negotiations at the Congress. The results of the Congress of Vienna served as an important stimulus for the further socio-economic, political and diplomatic development of Europe. Practical achievements of the Congress of Vienna and the experience gained by the European diplomacy of the late XVIII – early XIX century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, having its relevance for today.