Academic literature on the topic 'Netherlands Suffrage'

Notermans has written a bold and ambitious book in which he purports to explain the conditions under which social democratic policies, and therefore the social democratic project, have been successful in modern democracies. The book, which relies heavily but not exclusively on historical data, examines the ebb and flow of social democratic domi- nance in five countries-Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Britain-since roughly the introduction of (male) universal suffrage after World War I.

Several studies have been published about ‘silent (r)evolutions’ in different wings of Dutch Reformed Protestantism, such as synodaal-gereformeerden (Reformed Churches in the Netherlands), vrijgemaakt-gereformeerden (Reformed Churches in the Netherlands [Liberated]) and hervormd-gereformeerden (Reformed Bond within the Protestant Church in the Netherlands). They suggest slow shifts within partly ‘pillarized’ church groups from orthodox Calvinist beliefs to modern religious views. The so-called bevindelijk (pietistic) gereformeerden, reformatorischen (‘refo’s’) or Dutch Bible Belt communities seem to be a special case in point. Scattered among the mainstream Protestant Church in the Netherlands and various small and strict Reformed denominations, they are represented by the Staatkundig Gereformeerde Partij. This ‘Political Reformed Party’ was founded by G.H. Kersten in 1918 as mobilization of conservative, pietistic and anti-papist people, rejecting social assurance, vaccination and women suffrage, and developing into a minor pillar or reformatorische zuil in the 1970s. This essay builds upon contemporary observations of the SGP in its starting period and in its recent presentation as well. It argues for a development from a critical or ‘revolutionary’ positioning in the democratic scene during the 1920s to a constructive participation in the political process since the 1990s. However, the ‘silent revolution’ of the staatkundig gereformeerden or the social and cultural emancipation of the bevindelijk gereformeerden is accompanied by signs of ‘anti-government sentiments’ and serious resistances within certain ‘refo’ communities. The artificial word refolutie (refolution) plays on the suggestion of a delayed and specific way of emancipation, integration and ‘depillarization’ of this religious minority. Further research is encouraged in order to understand and explain the complicated and contradictory experience of these compromisers between orthodoxy and modernity.

The news about the great victories of the Gallant Little Serbia in the Great War spread far and wide. Following on the appeals from the Serbian legations and the Serbian Red Cross, assistance was arriving from all over the world. First medical missions and medical and other help arrived from Russia. It was followed by the medical missions from Great Britain, France, Greece, The Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, America, etc. Material help and individual volunteers arrived from Poland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, India, Japan, Egypt, South America, and elsewhere. The true friends of Serbia formed various funds under the auspices of the Red Cross Society, and other associations. In September 1914, the Serbian Relief Fund was established in London, while in Scotland the first units of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service were formed in November of the same year. The aim of this work was to keep the memory of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals in Serbia, and with the Serbs in the Great War. In the history of the Serbian nation during the Great War a special place was held by the Scottish Women?s Hospitals - a unique humanitarian medical mission. It was the initiative of Dr. Elsie Maud Inglis (1864-1917), a physician, surgeon, promoter of equal rights for women, and with the support of the Scottish Federation of Woman?s Suffrage Societies. The SWH Hospitals, which were completely staffed by women, by their participation in the Great War, also contributed to gender and professional equality, especially in medicine. Many of today?s achievements came about thanks to the first generations of women doctors, who fought for equality in choosing to study medicine, and working in the medical field, in time of war and peacetime.

The news about the great victories of the Gallant Little Serbia in the Great War spread far and wide. Following on the appeals from the Serbian legations and the Serbian Red Cross, assistance was arriving from all over the world. First medical missions and medical and other help arrived from Russia. It was followed by the medical missions from Great Britain, France, Greece, the Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, America, etc. Material help and individual volunteers arrived from Poland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, India, Japan, Egypt, South America, and elsewhere. The true friends of Serbia formed various funds under the auspices of the Red Cross Society, and other associations. In September 1914, the Serbian Relief Fund was established in London, while in Scotland the first units of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service were formed in November of the same year. The aim of this work was to keep the memory of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals in Serbia and with the Serbs in the Great War. In the history of the Serbian nation during the Great War, a special place was held by the Scottish Women?s Hospitals ? a unique humanitarian medical mission. It was the initiative of Dr. Elsie Maud Inglis (1864?1917), a physician, surgeon, promoter of equal rights for women, and with the support of the Scottish Federation of Woman?s Suffrage Societies. The Scottish Women?s Hospitals, which were completely staffed by women, by their participation in the Great War, also contributed to gender and professional equality, especially in medicine. Many of today?s achievements came about thanks to the first generations of women doctors, who fought for equality in choosing to study medicine, and working in the medical field, in time of war and peacetime.

Abstract For women in the revolutionary years, the ambiguities of change were acute. The war’s end brought the first breakthrough of female enfranchisement. Before 1914, women voted in only Finland (1906) and Norway (1913), but by 1918 they shared in Europe’s democratization. First in Russia, then in the central European revolutions of Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary, Poland, and Germany, and finally in Ireland (1922), the new states included women as voting citizens, as did the liberal polities of the north—Denmark and Iceland (1915), Sweden (1918), Britain (1918), Luxemburg (1919), and the Netherlands (1920). If women’s suffrage wasn’t universal—in Belgium, France, and Italy reforms were blocked—the trend was clear.1