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Books on the topic 'Network mobilization'

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1

Struggle against the state: Social network and protest mobilization in India. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Pub. Co., 2010.

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Swain, Ashok. Struggle against the state: Social network and protest mobilization in India. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Pub., 2010.

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Dombrowski, Peter. Military transformation and the defense industry after next: The defense industrial implications of network-centric warfare. Newport, R.I: Naval War College Press, 2003.

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Dombrowski, Peter. Military transformation and the defense industry after next: The defense industrial implications of network-centric warfare. Newport, R.I: Naval War College Press, 2003.

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5

Cassarino, Jean-Pierre. Tunisian new entrepreneurs and their past experiences of migration in Europe: Resource mobilization, networks, and hidden disaffection. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2000.

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International Conference on Networking of African Scientific Organizations (1988 Nairobi, Kenya). Mobilization of African scientific talents for development: Proceedings of the International Conference on Networking of African Scientific Organizations, June 20-22, 1988, Nairobi, Kenya. Nairobi, Kenya: Academy Science Publishers, 1988.

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7

Inclán, María. Opportunities for Mobilization. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190869465.003.0003.

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This chapter analyzes the development of the Zapatista cycle of protests from 1994 to 2003 in relation to the political opportunities opened to the movement during Mexico’s democratic transition. In particular, it describes to what extent Zapatista protest activity was affected by the four traditional dimensions identified in the literature of political opportunity: (1) negotiating periods, as well as changes in power as signs of openings in the political system at the local and national levels; (2) the timing and competitiveness of elections as measures of the relative vulnerability of political elites; (3) the presence of a potential political ally in power; and (4) the Mexican state’s capacity for repression. The chapter compares the explanatory power of these factors to another factor that the literature has highlighted as a crucial variable for mobilization, namely the availability of a network of preexisting organizations.
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8

Swain, Ashok. Struggle Against the State: Social Network and Protest Mobilization in India. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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9

Rapp, Stephen H. Design and implementation of a network optimizer for officer assignment during mobilization. 1987.

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10

Volpi, Frédéric, and Janine A. Clark, eds. Network Mobilization Dynamics in Uncertain Times in the Middle East and North Africa. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429284274.

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Shadlen, Kenneth C. Coalitional Clash, Export Mobilization, and Executive Agency. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199593903.003.0005.

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This chapter analyzes over-compliance in Brazil’s introduction of pharmaceutical patents in the 1990s. Extensive legislative deliberation and societal mobilization delayed and diluted this outcome, but could not prevent it. Brazil’s national pharmaceutical sector was able to tap into a network of social movements around the environmental and ethical dimensions of patenting to resist over-compliance. Yet, ultimately, the Executive secured over-compliance by using the country’s vulnerability to trade sanctions to mobilize exporters in support of this campaign. Comparative perspective reveals the conditional importance of external pressures and Executive preferences. Like Argentina, Brazil was subject to threats of trade sanctions and considerable intervention by the United States, and by mid-1990s both countries had Presidents that were committed to satisfying these external demands. What sets Brazil apart, however, was a different social structure that allowed the Executive and its societal allies to use these external pressures to build a broad coalition for over-compliance.
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Krawatzek, Félix. The Russian Federation after the ‘Colour Revolutions’. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826842.003.0004.

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The mobilization by young people in the Russian Federation illuminates an important part of the stabilization of the country’s authoritarian regime structures from 2005 to 2011. First the political developments of the episode are contextualized by contrasting the regime’s insecurity in 2005 with the situation by 2011. After discussing the socio-political context of young people during the post-Soviet transition years, the chapter explores the findings from the discourse network analysis. Public discourse and political mobilization interact and the chapter discusses the spectrum of politically involved youth from pro-Kremlin groups to the very diverse opposition, including liberal democratic movements, fascists, and communists. It is argued that the regime’s success in capturing control over youth discourse and young people was critical in the consolidation of Vladimir Putin’s power.
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Krawatzek, Félix. The Soviet Union during Perestroika. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826842.003.0005.

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The breakdown of the Soviet Union offers a paired comparison with the contemporary Russian Federation. The shifts in the symbolic meaning of youth conveyed the significance and speed of the disintegration of the USSR to its population. A study of the involvement of young people in this regime breakdown sheds a fundamentally new light on the episode. A first section contextualizes the economic, social, and political instability which characterized the Soviet Union’s last years. It argues that youth mobilization accelerated the society-wide realization of crisis and pushed the leadership to further reforms. The following sections explore the results of the empirical analysis linking the discourse network analysis to the political mobilization of differing political groups. It is argued that young people took to the streets before the beginnings of the reform period and the underlying generational gap spurred the political changes in the Soviet Union during the 1980s.
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Hurwitz, Heather McKee, and Verta Taylor. Women Occupying Wall Street. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265144.003.0015.

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This chapter analyzes the significance of gender conflict and feminist mobilization for the emergence and dynamics of the Occupy Wall Street movement that began in 2011. The analysis is based on participant observation, in-depth interviews with seventy-three participants, and movement documents. The chapter shows that gender conflict influenced the Occupy movement’s goals, organization, tactics, and strategies, giving rise to spin-off feminist mobilizations that reinvigorated feminist organizations and networks. The analysis focuses on three processes that were central to feminist mobilization within Occupy: the construction of feminist collective identity, the creation of feminist free spaces, and the use of feminist bridge leaders.
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15

Krawatzek, Félix. Youth in Regime Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198826842.001.0001.

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How do political regimes respond to the challenges emanating from youth mobilization? This book seeks to understand regime resilience and breakdown by analysing the public meaning of youth, as well as the physical mobilization of young people. Mobilization by young people is a key component in understanding the stabilization of the authoritarian regime structures in contemporary Russia, but the Russian experience makes sense only if placed in its broader historical context. Three comparative cases—the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union, the breakdown of the democratic Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968—highlight how regimes which lacked popular support have compensated for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilize youth symbolically and politically. This book illustrates the symbolic significance of youth and its role in regime crisis by analysing a new dataset of newspaper articles with a new method of discourse analysis. The combination of qualitative interpretation and quantitative network analysis enables a deeper and more systematic understanding of discursive structures about youth. Through this methodological innovation the book contributes to the way we define the categories of youth, generation, and crisis. It makes the case that our conceptualization should reflect the way terms are being used—usages that can be captured in a systematic way with new methods of discourse analysis.
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16

Digital Politics: Mobilization Engagement and Participation. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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17

Kenny, Paul D. Populism and Patronage. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.001.0001.

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Populist rule is bad for democracy, yet in country after country, populists are being voted into office. Populism and Patronage shows that the populists such as Indira Gandhi and Narendra Modi win elections when the institutionalized ties between non-populist parties and voters decay. Yet, the explanations for this decay differ across different types of party system. Populism and Patronage focuses on the particular vulnerability of patronage-based party systems to populism. Patronage-based systems are ones in which parties depend on the distribution of patronage through a network of brokers to mobilize voters. Drawing on principal agent theory and social network theory, this book argues that an increase in broker autonomy weakens the ties between patronage parties and voters, making the latter available for direct mobilization by populists. Decentralization is thus a major factor behind populist success in patronage democracies. Populists exploit the breakdown in national patronage networks by connecting directly with the people through the media and mass rallies, avoiding or minimizing the use of deeply institutionalized party structures. Mrs Gandhi herself famously promised to go “once more direct to the people” in her populist election campaign of 1971. This book not only reinterprets the recurrent appeal of populism in India, but also offers a more general theory of populist electoral support that is tested using qualitative and quantitative data on cases from across Asia and around the world, including Indonesia, Japan, Venezuela, and Peru.
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Rohlinger, Deana A. Mobilizing the Faithful. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.8.

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In this chapter, we examine how conservative and right-wing organizations mobilize predominately White, religious women to action. We begin by outlining the importance of networks to mobilization efforts. Then, we discuss how conservative and right-wing women’s groups use religious doctrine as well as gendered assumptions regarding women’s and men’s roles in society to move women from their armchairs to the streets. The second half of the chapter explores the role that celebrity leaders play in attracting new members and highlights the importance of mass media to right-wing and conservative women’s mobilization efforts. Throughout the chapter we discuss the potential barriers that conservative and right-wing organizations face as younger activists with less conservative views and more diverse backgrounds become politically involved. We conclude the chapter by outlining avenues for further research, particularly as it relates to conservative mobilizations targeting women of color.
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Brysk, Alison. Mobilization: Standing Up for Women’s Security. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190901516.003.0004.

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Social mobilization has been the catalyst, guarantor, and pathway for fulfillment of human rights worldwide. Social movements represent marginalized populations, raise consciousness of new issues, establish or bridge compelling frames for social problems, foster transnational networks, translate international norms into locally appropriate vocabularies, advocate, occupy public and forbidden space, mobilize culture change, and persuade decision makers, elites, and mass publics. This chapter treats the complementary pathways of mobilization to contest violence against women: voice, advocacy, transnationalism, vernacularization, and information politics. We will see voice against femicide in Pakistan and Brazil, alongside public protest and lobbying for reform over all types of gender violence in the Philippines, Algeria, and Argentina. Transnational mobilization strategies in Mexico and Nigeria contrast with vernacular translation of international norms by grassroots movements in India. Meanwhile, online campaigns create new repertoires and vocabularies to protest harassment, rape, and honor cultures in Pakistan, Egypt, India, and Brazil.
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20

Beyer, Jessica L. Expect Us: Online Communities and Political Mobilization. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2014.

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21

Expect Us: Online Communities And Political Mobilization. Oxford University Press, 2014.

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22

Urban Mobilizations and New Media in Contemporary China. Taylor & Francis Group, 2015.

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23

Friel, Sharon. Climate Change and the People's Health. Edited by Nancy Krieger. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190492731.001.0001.

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Climate change threatens humanity and the planet on which we live. Social inequities, including in the health outcomes that different population groups enjoy, also pose a threat to humanity and our freedom to live healthy and flourishing lives. This book makes three key contributions to the current understanding of climate change and health inequity. First, it describes how climate change interacts with the social determinants of health and exacerbates existing health inequities. Second, the book introduces the concept of a “consumptagenic system.” This is an integrated network of market-based policies, processes, governance, and modes of understanding that fuel unhealthy and environmentally destructive production and consumption. Finally, the book outlines some of the progressive steps that are necessary to move from denial and inertia toward effective mobilization against the status quo and hope for the future. The book argues that this requires a systems approach and calls for action that uses fit-for-purpose knowledge and analytical tools from across the sciences, social sciences, and even humanities. The book finishes with the offer of a policy vision and describes some pathways forward across economic, social, and health policy domains that will reduce inequality, mitigate further environmental degradation, and improve health.
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24

Daher, Aurélie. Hezbollah. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190495893.001.0001.

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Almost thirty years after its foundation, Lebanese Hezbollah is an organization that remains difficult to understand. What exactly is Hezbollah? An Islamist terrorist group dedicated to destroying Israel? The first Arab national resistance to have ever defeated Tel Aviv's troops? A patriotic and respectable party or a fascist network having managed to control all levels of Lebanese political life? How did this organization acquire such an important role in the Middle-Eastern game and in Lebanese politics? This book has three purposes. Firstly, to clearly articulate a definition of Hezbollah, presenting a thorough history of the party, describing its internal structure and the large scope of its social and political action. Secondly, to explain the evolution of the party's mobilization. And finally, to illustrate another path, political but mainly identity-related: that of the Shiite community, the main constituent of Lebanese society today. Through a rigorous and richly documented study, based on primary sources including hundreds of interviews with rank and file members, executives and officials of the party, and research material never examined before, the author unveils brand new aspects of this organization, thus completing our understanding of both the "Hezbollah phenomenon" and Lebanese politics of the last two decades.
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25

Reny, Marie-Eve. Why Public Security Bureaus Contain Protestant House Churches. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190698089.003.0004.

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This chapter empirically accounts for why local public security bureaus contain Protestant house churches in Chinese cities. Public security bureaus have incentives to contain house churches rather than using an alternative, and possibly more forceful, strategy. Not only do Protestant church leaders have political and religious beliefs that are reconcilable with regime resilience, but they are also survival-seekers inclined to cooperate with local state actors to ensure their congregations’ safety. Public security bureaus also contain Protestant house churches, as they are part of incohesive networks, both domestically and internationally, and lack the capacity to organize large-scale mobilization as a result.
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26

Jensenius, Francesca R. Quotas and Political Participation. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190646608.003.0006.

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Chapter 6 examines changes in political participation among voters, focusing on a key indicator in the study of democracies: electoral turnout. Data on state election outcomes between 1974 and 2007 show that turnout plummeted in the first election after constituencies became reserved in the 1970s. Gradually, there was a narrowing gap in voter turnout between SC-reserved and nonreserved constituencies, but after more than 30 years there was still a difference of several percentage points. Exploring the reasons, the chapter shows that this variation in political participation it was not mainly due to caste bias, or feelings of being disempowered, but rather because of the weaker networks and mobilizational capacity of SC politicians. As the political experience and mobilizational capacity of SC politicians has increased, so has voter turnout.
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27

Haaland, Randi, and Gunnar Haaland. Prehistoric Figurines in Sudan. Edited by Timothy Insoll. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199675616.013.005.

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The chapter presents a descriptive account of Neolithic site inventories containing figurines in the Sudan Nile Valley. Cattle figurines indicate that animal husbandry played an important role in economic life as well as in political and ritual contexts. Female figurines can be seen as a multi-vocal symbol that may evoke a wide spectrum of meanings ranging from sexuality and fertility to basic qualities in human relations— trust, dependency, and solidarity. The mother–child relation is generally associated with such qualities. Symbolic imagery (e.g. female figurines) evoking this relation serves to foster compelling ideas of solidarity in small-scale networks of relations. In Neolithic pre-state communities, security of life and property is based on ad hoc political mobilization of such small-scale networks. Emergence of more permanent, specialized politico-administrative structures serving to maintain security within societies of larger scale is associated with increase in signs (e.g. weaponry, monumental architecture) expressing male warrior-like qualities.
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28

Koinova, Maria. Diaspora Entrepreneurs and Contested States. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198848622.001.0001.

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Why do conflict-generated diasporas mobilize in contentious and non-contentious ways or use mixed strategies of contention? Why do they channel their homeland-oriented goals through host-states, transnational networks, and international organizations? This book develops a theory of socio-spatial positionality and its implications for the individual agency of diaspora entrepreneurs, moving beyond essentialized notions of diasporas as groups. Individual diaspora entrepreneurs operate in transnational social fields affecting their mobilizations beyond dynamics confined to host-states and original home-states. There are four types of diaspora entrepreneurs—Broker, Local, Distant, and Reserved—depending on the relative strength of their socio-spatial linkages to host-land, on the one hand, and original homeland and other global locations, on the other. A two-level typological theory captures nine causal pathways, unravelling how the socio-spatial linkages of these diaspora entrepreneurs interact with external factors: host-land foreign policies, homeland governments, parties, non-state actors, and critical events or limited global influences. Such pathways produce mobilization trajectories with varying levels of contention and methods of channelling homeland-oriented goals. Non-contentious pathways often occur when host-state foreign policies are convergent with the diaspora entrepreneurs’ goals, and when diaspora entrepreneurs can act autonomously. Dual-pronged contention pathways occur quite often, under the influence of homeland governments, non-state actors, and political parties. The most contentious pathway occurs in response to violent critical events in the homeland or adjacent to it fragile states. This book is informed by 300 interviews and a dataset of 146 interviews with diaspora entrepreneurs among the Albanian, Armenian, and Palestinian diasporas in the UK, Germany, France, Netherlands, Sweden, and Switzerland, as well as Kosovo and Armenia in the European neighbourhood.
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29

Mobilization of African scientific talents for development: Proceedings of the International Conference on Networking of African Scientific Organizations, June 20-22, 1988, Nairobi, Kenya. Academy Science Publishers, 1988.

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30

Kucinskas, Jaime. The Contemplative Elite and Capitalism. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881818.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the contemplative mindfulness movement, its successes in legitimizing and popularizing mindful meditation, and its shortcomings. This case demonstrates how elite movements can initiate widespread cultural change by combining elements of social movement mobilization, institutional entrepreneurship, field theory, and cultural diffusion. Investigating the contemplatives sheds light on how a movement can support elites’ cultural pet projects across multiple powerful institutional fields. This approach to cultural change is particularly efficacious for elites’ and professionals’ initiatives for social reform, as they can draw upon their social networks, institutional resources, and symbolic power to advance their causes in the course of their everyday lives at work. While such movements may succeed in spreading compelling new cultures, they may struggle to initiate deeper structural social reforms.
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31

Monsutti, Alessandro. Afterword. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520294134.003.0013.

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Building on the case of the Hazaras, this afterword addresses some transversal themes to the whole edited volume. Articulated around the evocation of past injustices and protests against exploitation, Shiism has been the main language of political mobilization among the Hazaras in the last decades. It has been both a tool of resistance against central power in Kabul and of domination within Hazarajat. This process is only one example showing how multiple has been Islam across time and space. Sufism, state-sponsored Shari‘a courts, transnational circulation of knowledge and networks of activists, women’s religiosity are all facets of how Islam has been experienced in Afghanistan. Islam has been a mean to legitimize central power but also a vector of rebellion; it may have been a unifying factor but has also been used to create boundaries between groups.
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32

Caiani, Manuela, and Donatella della Porta. The Radical Right as Social Movement Organizations. Edited by Jens Rydgren. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190274559.013.17.

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Typically in sociology and political science, the radical right has been addressed through so-called breakdown theories, while left-wing radicalism has been analyzed from the perspective of mobilization theories, which are widespread in social movement studies. The chapter uses concepts taken from social movement studies in order to provide an overview of some scholarship on the contemporary radical right, looking first of all at the organizational structure in the radical right milieu and considering the complex interplay among various actors linked to each other in cooperative as well as competitive interactions. Second, it suggests that these networks use a broad repertoire of collective action. Third, and in line with the “cultural turn” in social movement research, we consider the frames through which the collective actors involved in the radical right construct and communicate their (internal and external) reality.
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33

Fonow, Mary Margaret, and Suzanne Franzway. Women’s Activism in U.S. Labor Unions. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.36.

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This chapter reviews the history and practices of women’s mobilization, within and through the trade union movement, aimed at the reconfiguration of structures and relations of power to achieve economic justice and labor rights for women. While there is a long history of women’s activism in the labor movement, the chapter focuses on the post–World War II period to the present in order to capture the impact of structural changes in the global economy on women’s work and labor activism. Women, the LGBT community, immigrants, and men of color are at the forefront of the activism that is revitalizing the U.S. labor movement. Activists are working to expand the scope of labor issues beyond the workplace by borrowing discourses from other social movements, developing new mobilizing networks, organizing strategies and repertories of action, and forging coalitions and alliances across movements and even across national boundaries.
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34

Blacklock, Mark. Knots. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198755487.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 concentrates on a crucially catalytic episode in the history of cultural higher space and on a particularly pregnant form at the heart of this episode: the series of experimental seances conducted by the Leipzig-based astrophysicist Johann Carl Friedrich Zöllner with the medium Henry Slade and the knot that Zöllner proclaimed as experimental evidence of the fourth dimension. This chapter outlines Zöllner’s theoretical position and its sources; his allegiances and feuds; the experiments themselves and their legacy. Zöllner drew higher-dimensioned space into occultist discourse, a field in which it can still be discerned. This shift requires the mobilization of different resources: attention to the historical phenomenon of popular spiritualism and its discourse networks; consideration of the relations between professionalizing science, spiritualism, and stage magic; and the negotiation of the knot, an object that is thing and idea, form and material, mediator and terminus.
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35

Lohne, Kjersti. Advocates of Humanity: Human Rights NGOs in International Criminal Justice. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198818748.001.0001.

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Advocates of Humanity offers an analysis of international criminal justice from the perspective of sociology of punishment by exploring the role of human rights organizations in their mobilization for global justice through the International Criminal Court. Based on multi-sited ethnography, primarily in The Hague and Uganda, the author approaches the transnational networks of NGOs advocating for the ICC as an ethnographic object. A central objective is to explore how connections are made, and how forces and imaginations of global criminal justice travel. By analysing how international criminal justice is arranged spatially, and as such expresses social, political, and cultural relations of power, Advocates of Humanity shows how international criminal justice is situated in particular spaces, networks, and actors, and how they structure the imaginations of justice circulating in the field. From a sociology of punishment perspective, it compares the ‘penal imaginations’ of domestic and international criminal justice, and considers the particularly central role of victims as a universalized symbol of humanity for the legitimacy of international criminal justice. With clear global asymmetries emerging from the work, Advocates of Humanity provides descriptive as well as explanatory understandings of criminal punishment ‘gone global’, analysing its social causation while examining its cultural meanings, particularly as regards its role as an expression of ‘the international’ will to punish. To whom is it meaningful, and why?
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Neville, Kate J. Fueling Resistance. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197535585.001.0001.

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This book explores how and why controversies over liquid biofuels (bioethanol and biodiesel) and hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) unfolded in surprisingly similar ways in the Global North and South. In the early 2000s the search was on for fuels that would reduce greenhouse gas emissions, spur economic development in rural regions, and diversify national energy supplies. Biofuels and fracking took center stage as promising commodities and technologies. But controversy quickly erupted. Global enthusiasm for these fuels and the widespread projections for their production around the world collided with local politics. Rural and remote places, such as coastal east Africa and Canada’s Yukon territory, became hotbeds of contention in these new energy politics. Opponents of biofuels in Kenya and of fracking in the Yukon activated specific identities, embraced scale shifts across transnational networks, brokered relationships between disparate communities and interests, and engaged in contentious performances with symbolic resonance. To explain these convergent dynamics of contention and resistance, the book argues that the emergence of grievances and the mechanisms of mobilization that are used to resist new fuel technologies depend less on the type of energy developed than on intersecting elements of the political economy of energy—specifically finance, ownership, and trade relations. Taken together, the intersecting elements of the political economy of energy shape patterns of resistance in new energy frontiers.
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37

Luibhéid, Eithne, and Karma R. Chávez, eds. Queer and Trans Migrations. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043314.001.0001.

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This volume brings together academics, activists, and artists to explore how LGBTQ migrants and their allies, friends, families, and communities (including citizens and noncitizens) experience and resist dynamics of illegalization, detention, and deportation at local, national, and transnational scales. No book-length study of illegalization, detention, and deportation has centered LGBTQ migrants or addressed how centering sexuality and nonnormative gender contributes important knowledge. Some one million LGBTQ-identified migrants live in the United States, and more than one quarter of them are undocumented. Young people at the forefront of advocating for legalization have borrowed the LGBT movement’s tactic of “coming out of the closet” to proclaim themselves “undocumented and unafraid.” Julio Salgado’s artwork sparked a nationwide mobilization of UndocuQueer as an identity, and queer migrant networks have emerged around the nation, working both independently and in coalition with diverse migrant communities. Our collection fills a gap in queer and trans migration scholarship about illegalization, detention, and deportation while deepening the critical dialogue between this scholarship and allied fields including: immigration and racial justice scholarship about legalization, detention, and deportation; anthropological and sociological studies of families divided across borders by immigration law; scholarship linking prison and border abolition; and debates on queer necropolitics. It intentionally engages the fault lines between epistemology and power as a means to reframe understandings of queer and trans migrant illegalization, detention, and deportation.
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38

Lee, Francis L. F., and Joseph M. Chan. Media and Protest Logics in the Digital Era. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856779.001.0001.

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Digital and social media are increasingly integrated into dynamics of protest movements. They strengthen the mobilization power of movements, extend movement networks, facilitate new modes of protest participation, and lead to the emergence of new protest formations. Meanwhile, conventional media remain an important arena where the contest for public support between protesters and their targets play out. This book examines the role of the media—understood as an integrated system composed of both conventional media institutions and digital media platforms—in the formation and dynamics of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong in 2014. It grounds the analysis into the broad background of the rise of protest politics in Hong Kong since the early 2000s. More important, this book connects the case of the Umbrella Movement to recent theorizations of new social movement formations. It treats the Umbrella Movement as a case where connective action intervenes into a collective action campaign, leading to an extended occupation mixing old and new protest logics. The analysis shows how the media had not only empowered the protest movements in certain ways, but also introduced forces not conducive to the sustainability and efficacy of the movement. Conventional and digital media could also be used by the state to undermine protests. Through a combination of protester surveys, population surveys, analyses of news contents, and social media activities, this book reconstructs a rich and nuanced account of the Umbrella Movement, which helps shed light on numerous issues about the media-movement nexus in the digital era.
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