Dissertations / Theses: 'Network mobilization'

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Nim, Asger. "The Danish Labor Movement’s Mobilization on Twitter during the Collective Bargaining in 2018." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för informatik och media, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-392288.

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This thesis explores the Danish labor movement’s use of Twitter during the collective bargaining in spring 2018 from a mobilisation perspective. This is done to investigate 1) the form of contentious politics practiced by the Danish labor movement, and 2) the role of trade unions in the Danish labor movement. One specific hashtag, #ok18, is analyzed. This investigation mainly builds on framing theory as developed by Snow & Benford (1986; 2000) and its connection to the logic of collective action, and the logic of connective action developed by Bennet & Segerberg (2013). Three methods were used to analyze the labor movement on Twitter: a social network analysis of @mentions, semantic network analyses of Twitter streams, and a quantitative content analysis. This study finds that the most important and central actors within the labor movement on Twitter are trade unions. Nothing indicates that Danish public employees used Twitter to organize independently of trade unions. Furthermore, the labor movement used Twitter to articulate collective action frames that served as shared “schemata of interpretation” for the collective bargaining. In addition, several framing processes that changed the collective action frames were identified. These results all indicate that the labor movement’s mobilisation on Twitter during the collective bargaining of 2018 is best described by the logic of collective action. There were no indications of personalization of politics or of an increased symbolical inclusiveness. The successful mobilisation in Spring 2018 might therefore be interpreted, with the big proviso that that this study only investigates Twitter, as the first small steps towards a revitalization of conventional trade union politics in Denmark.

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Underwood, Patrick C. "New Directions in Networked Activism and Online Social Movement Mobilization: The Case of Anonymous and Project Chanology." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1244228183.

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Adegbile, Abiodun Samuel [Verfasser], Albrecht [Akademischer Betreuer] Söllner, and Heinz-Theo [Akademischer Betreuer] Wagner. "Linking Resource Mobilization Approaches and Performance in Entrepreneurial Ventures: A Social Network Perspective / Abiodun Samuel Adegbile ; Albrecht Söllner, Heinz-Theo Wagner." Frankfurt (Oder) : Europa-Universität Viadrina Frankfurt, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1160875618/34.

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Kropczynski, Jessica N. "Examination of the Use of Online and Offline Networks by Housing Social Movement Organizations." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/sociology_etds/11.

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Resource mobilization theory and political opportunity theory are often used to describe separate portions of social movements. This dissertation proposes a combined model of these two theoretical perspectives which describes how social movement organizations effectively engage in social marketing both online and offline. The field of social marketing highlights the utility of standard commercial marketing practices to achieve non-commercial goals. I argue that, while commercial marketing practices may benefit social movement organizations and are more cost effective given emerging technology, momentum for gathering resources, will be stifled unless a political opportunity presents itself. Guided by theory about the ways that political opportunities are translated into action by organizations, and momentum acquired through mobilizing resources, cycles of opportunity and resulting resource responses by housing social movement organizations are examined over time to present a case study for this theoretical model. The seemingly endless cycle of resource gathering underscores organizational mobilization of resources as a process rather than an outcome. My model outlines numerous forces that shape an organization’s ability to mobilize in two distinct ways, through resources deployed (online and offline) and resources gathered. Resources will be discussed in three categories: organizational characteristics, network structure/position, and media/Internet presence. The relative importance of these factors and this process are described at length in the review of theoretical literature and will be illustrated in the case study that I provide: the housing social movement. Data for this case study has been collected through hyperlink network analysis, general webometrics, and congressional archives. My research aims to provide suggestions for the strategic socio-technical networking and social marketing of social movement organizations.

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Pham, Yen. "The Relationship Between Social Capital and School-Related Outcomes for Youth With Disabilities." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13285.

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This study evaluates a model of social capital where support from parents, peers, teachers, and mentors (SOS) was hypothesized to mediate the link between students' abilities to mobilize support (MOS) and four school-related outcomes: academic, behavioral, emotional, and career outcome expectations. Survey data from 206 high school students with disabilities and 16 special education teachers in six school districts across three states were collected. Results from structural equation modeling, with bootstrap tests of indirect effects, indicated that SOS mediated the links between MOS and two of the four outcomes: emotional well-being and career outcome expectations. Invariance testing revealed significant differences for boys and girls. Implications for research and practice are discussed, including the need to distinguish between social capital and the process of capital formation, and the need to consider the role of students with disabilities in the process of social capital formation.
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Klekamp, Jesse Janice. "Intentioned Network Convergence: How Social Media is Redefining, Reorganizing, and Revitalizing Social Movements in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/96.

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This analysis seeks to understand the power of social media to create sustainable social movements. The 1999 World Trade Organization protests in Seattle were one of the first internet-supported acts of protest and illustrate the power of the Internet and social media to bring together diverse coalitions of actors and maintain decentralized power structures. Next, the analysis studies the non-profit advocacy organization Invisible Children and the recent media explosion of their Kony 2012 campaign to make sense of how uses of the Internet have expanded since 1999. The Kony 2012 case illustrates the power of committed networks in disseminating information but also alludes to some of the new challenges social media presents. Ultimately, this analysis concludes that social media has simultaneously empowered and crippled social media, calling for an intentioned use of the Internet applications, strong leadership, and cultural framing to sustain mobilization.

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Minty, Christopher. "Mobilization and voluntarism : the political origins of Loyalism in New York, c. 1768-1778." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/21423.

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This dissertation examines the political origins of Loyalism in New York City between 1768 and 1778. Anchored by an analysis of political mobilization, this dissertation is structured into two parts. Part I has two chapters. Using a variety of private and public sources, the first chapter analyses how 9,338 mostly white male Loyalists in New York City and the counties of Kings, Queens, Suffolk and Westchester were mobilized. Chapter 1 argues that elites and British forces played a fundamental role in the broad-based mobilization of Loyalists in the province of New York. It also recognises that colonists signed Loyalist documents for many different reasons. The second chapter of Part I is a large-scale prosopographical analysis of the 9,338 identified Loyalists. This analysis was based on a diverse range of sources. This analysis shows that a majority of the province’s Loyalist population were artisans aged between 22 and 56 years of age. Part II of this dissertation examines political mobilization in New York City between 1768 and 1775. In three chapters, Part II illustrates how elite and non-elite white male New Yorkers coalesced into two distinct groups. Chapter 3 concentrates on the emergence of the DeLanceys as a political force in New York, Chapter 4 on their mobilization and coalescence into ‘the Friends to Liberty and Trade’, or ‘the Club’, and Chapter 5 examines the political origins of what became Loyalism by studying the social networks of three members of ‘the Club’. By incorporating an interdisciplinary methodology, Part II illustrates that members of ‘the Club’ developed ties with one another that transcended their political origins. It argues that the partisanship of New York City led members of ‘the Club’ to adopt inward-looking characteristics that affected who they interacted with on an everyday basis. A large proportion of ‘the Club’’s members became Loyalists in the American Revolution. This dissertation argues that it was the partisanship that they developed during the late 1760s and early 1770s that defined their allegiance.

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Scarano, Davidson. "Uma análise das redes sociais digitais: a interação do mundo real e virtual." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/18090.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:23:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Davidson Scarano.pdf: 2483710 bytes, checksum: 9f4b87686156c19988c9eb7b5df91c0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-19
It made a presentation of virtual social networks as social software. We used the qualitative methodology literature related to the issue of giving theoretical support for the analysis of sites for such, we used the authors Pierre Levy, Don Tapscott, Henry Jankins and Erik Qualman. I analyze Facebook, YouTube and Twitter because each network has a feature that makes it unique. The three chosen are: Facebook (one of the largest social networks today). YouTube (social networking to post videos). Twitter (the microblogging social network for rapid dissemination of information). The forms of analysis are exploratory in the context of the site. Shows the effect of these social networks in the real world and its influence in politics, success stories like Barack Obama in the United States of America, the national mobilization against the FARC in Colombia, the revolution of the Arab world and Islam's successes in Brazil, Plinio de Arruda and Silva in the presidential elections of 2010. After the effect of these social networks on television stations showing Survivour the case in the U.S. and in Brazil, two cases that influenced the Globo network. In addition, trends and interactions between businesses developed by broadcasters and social networks. By analyzing the community 4chan, I see how the community started a joke / b / has become one of the two largest groups in the world Hackerativismo. I conclude this work by analyzing how social networks are, in fact, increasingly used to support actions in the real world thanks to the collective rapid deployment
É feita uma apresentação das redes sociais virtuais como softwares sociais. Foi utilizada a metodologia qualitativa relacionada à questão da bibliografia que dá suporte teórico para análise dos sites, para tal, foram utilizados os autores Pierre Lévy, Don Tapscott, Henry Jankins e Erik Qualman. Analiso o Facebook, o YouTube e o Twitter pois cada rede tem uma característica que a torna única. As três escolhidas são: Facebook (uma das maiores redes sociais da atualidade). YouTube (rede social para divulgação de vídeos). Twitter (rede social de microblog com rápido poder de disseminação da informação). As formas de análises são de cunho exploratório no contexto do site. Mostra-se o efeito destas redes sociais no mundo real e a sua influência na política, com casos de sucesso como Barack Obama nos Estados Unidos da América; a mobilização nacional contra a FARC na Colômbia; a revolução dos países Árabes no mundo Islã e os sucessos, no Brasil, de Plínio de Arruda e Marina Silva nas eleições presidenciais de 2010. Depois o efeito destas redes sociais nas emissoras de televisão mostrando o caso de Survivour nos EUA e, no Brasil, dois casos que influenciaram a rede Globo. Além, das tendências e interações entre os negócios desenvolvidos pelas emissoras e as redes sociais. Ao analisar a comunidade do 4chan, percebo como uma brincadeira iniciada na comunidade /b/ se tornou um dois dos maiores grupos de Hackerativismo no mundo. Concluo o trabalho analisando como as redes sociais, são de fato, cada vez mais utilizadas para apoiar ações do mundo real graças à rápida mobilização coletiva

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Hermes, J. (Jan). "Rendezvous in turbulent times:about the becoming of institution-changing networks in Myanmar/Burma." Doctoral thesis, Oulun yliopisto, 2016. http://urn.fi/urn:isbn:9789526211756.

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Abstract The resolution of humanitarian crises in, for example, ethnic conflict regions, is dependent on the interaction of different actors. They need to collectively engage to change the conflicting parties’ perception of one another and their ways of interacting. The efforts of these institution-changing networks can be seen as an integral element of a change process to transform harmful societal practices which have become institutionalized over decades into socially and economically conducive practices. Located at the cross-roads of sociological institutionalism and critical entrepreneurship discourse this study borrows from both the Industrial Marketing and Purchasing rooted business network mobilization approach and organizational legitimacy discussion. It provides processual and contextual understanding of how individual actors act in the process of forming collectives for institutional change as an early stage of a peace-building process. The data of this study consists of a set of conversations with governmental, non-governmental and private sector actors and observations and secondary data about the peace-building and democratization process in Myanmar/Burma. These were used to produce insight into individual actors’ acting for forming institution-changing networks. Pluralism, non-linearity and non-teleology were identified as characteristics of institutional entrepreneurial acting in turbulent and unpredictable contexts generally. Exploring the pluralist characteristic further, the study identifies in Myanmar/Burma’s peace-building context reticence, adaptability, incentivization, and perseverance as ways of acting to instigate the forming of networks and the creation of legitimacy therein. Due to the underlying non-linearity and non-teleology of these ways of acting the formation of networks is referred to as process of becoming. Theoretically this study responds to the need for processual conceptualizations of networks changing over time through a rich and locally contextualized understanding of network forming processes. Methodologically, it advocates for a network- or meso-level approach to help transcending the distinction between individual and structure levels of analysis which allows viewing institutional entrepreneurship processes where they are enacted. Practically, this study gives guidance to business actors about balancing the conduct of business and building society at the same time
Tiivistelmä Humanitaaristen kriisien ratkaisu esimerkiksi alueilla, joissa on etnisiä konflikteja, riippuu eri toimijoiden vuorovaikutuksesta. Heidän täytyy pyrkiä verkostoissa vaikuttamaan konfliktin osapuolten vuorovaikutustapoihin ja näkemyksiin toisistaan. Näiden instituutioita muuttavien verkostojen pyrkimykset voidaan nähdä keskeisenä osana prosessia, joka muuttaa ajan saatossa institutionalisoituneita haitallisia yhteiskunnallisia käytäntöjä sosiaalisesti ja taloudellisesti hyödyllisiksi käytännöiksi. Tämä tutkimus sijoittuu sosiologisen institutionalismin ja kriittisen yrittäjyyden diskurssin yhtymäkohtiin. Se pohjaa keskusteluun organisatorisesta legitimiteetistä sekä liiketoimintaverkostojen mobilisoinnin lähestymistapaan, joka juontaa juurensa teollisten markkinoiden tutkimuksesta. Tämä tutkimus tarjoaa prosessuaalisen ja kontekstuaalisen näkökulman yksittäisten toimijoiden toimintaan kollektiivien muodostumisen prosessissa, joka tähtää institutionaalisen muutoksen aikaansaamiseen rauhanrakentamisprosessin varhaisessa vaiheessa. Tutkimuksessa hyödynnettiin kansalaisjärjestöjen, yksityissektorin ja valtiollisten toimijoiden haastattelujen lisäksi havaintoja ja sekundaariaineistoa rauhanrakentamisen ja demokratisointisoinnin prosesseista Myanmarissa/Burmassa. Aineiston pohjalta syvennettiin ymmärrystä yksittäisten toimijoiden toimimisesta instituutioita muuttavien verkostojen muodostumisessa. Pluralismi, epälineaarisuus ja epäteleologisuus tunnistettiin institutionaalisen yrittäjämäisen toimimisen ominaispiirteiksi turbulenteissa ja arvaamattomissa konteksteissa. Pluralistisia ominaisuuksia tarkasteltiin syvemmin ja Myanmarin/Burman rauhanrakennusprosessin kontekstissa pidättyväisyys, sopeutumiskyky, kannustimien asettaminen ja pitkäjänteisyys tunnistettiin tavoiksi käynnistää verkostojen muodostuminen ja niiden legitimiteetin luominen. Näiden toimintatapojen epälineaarisuuden ja epäteleologisuuden takia verkostojen luomiseen viitataan muodostumisen prosessina. Teoreettisesti tämä tutkimus vastaa tarpeeseen käsitteellistää muuttuvia verkostoja prosessuaalisesti luomalla moninaisen ja paikallisesti kontekstualisoidun ymmärryksen verkostojen muodostumisen prosessista. Metodologisesti tutkimus edistää verkosto- ja mesotason lähestymistapaa, joka auttaa ylittämään yksilön ja rakenteen tasojen erotuksen ja mahdollistaa institutionaalisen yrittäjämäisen prosessin tarkastelun sen toteuttamistasolla. Käytännössä tämä tutkimus antaa neuvoja liike-elämän toimijoille samanaikaisesti tapahtuvaan liiketoiminnan harjoittamiseen ja yhteiskunnan rakentamiseen

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Silva, Carolina Moro da. "MOBILIZAÇÃO SOCIAL NO FACEBOOK: CONECTANDO SOLIDARIEDADE E JUSTIÇA NO CASO DA BOATE KISS." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2014. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/6355.

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The research takes into account the penetration of information and communication technologies in all spheres of human activity and the configuration of logic networks as central to contemporary social organization. In this context, the study focuses on the communication phenomenon of online social networks for social mobilization in the case of the tragedy of Kiss Nightclub in Santa Maria - RS. Therefore, we built our research problem in seeking to understand how and by whom collective identities were constructed in social mobilizations organized by Facebook around the tragedy of Nightclub Kiss. Therefore, the main objective of the research was to investigate the collective identities constructed via online social networks in order to identify the role of online social networks to organize the protests network. This general objective derives specific: identify generating feelings of these mobilizations and possible implications for the construction of collective identities; was to investigate how this organization, which existing conflicts and how actions were effected by these collectives. The data that make up the cutout of the study were collected through online and offline observations and semi-structured interviews with subjects participating in two mobilizations in the urban area of Santa Maria and from three events created on Facebook as a result of the fire: the Walk to Peace (organized from Facebook events Walk Mourning and Walk to Peace) and Protest for Justice (organized by event Protest for Justice). As a theoretical framework we seek the reflections of researchers of social movements, movements in networks, social movements and social networks like Touraine (2009), Castells (2012), Toro (1996) e Recuero (2009). As a result, we noticed that subjects formed networks to mobilize action through online social network Facebook, promote volunteerism, gather information and encourage debate about the responsibility of the fire. The mobilizations were analyzed based primarily by feelings of solidarity and outrage. In short, organized communication networks, sharing affects, debating positions contrary and uniting to overcome pain in the form of social mobilization actions.
A pesquisa leva em conta a penetrabilidade das tecnologias da informação e da comunicação em todas as esferas da atividade humana e a configuração da lógica de redes como central para a organização social contemporânea. Nesse contexto, o estudo tem como foco o fenômeno comunicacional das redes sociais online para mobilização social no caso da tragédia da Boate Kiss, em Santa Maria - RS. Assim, construímos nosso problema de pesquisa que identidades coletivas e sentimentos foram acionados no Facebook para mobilizações sociais em torno da tragédia da Boate Kiss? Portanto, o objetivo principal da pesquisa é investigar as identidades coletivas e sentimentos acionados via redes sociais online, de modo a identificar o papel das redes sociais online para a organização das mobilizações em rede. Desse objetivo geral decorrem os específicos: identificar os sentimentos geradores destas mobilizações e possíveis implicações na construção de identidades coletivas; investigar como foi esta organização, quais os conflitos existentes e como as ações foram efetivadas por estes coletivos. Para alcançar nossos objetivos utilizamos como metodologia um estudo de caso, a partir de observações online e offline. Os dados que compõem o recorte do estudo foram coletados por meio de observações online e offline e de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com sujeitos participantes de duas mobilizações no espaço urbano de Santa Maria e oriundas de três eventos criados no Facebook em decorrência do incêndio: a Caminhada da Paz (organizada a partir dos eventos do Facebook Caminhada do Luto e Caminhada da Paz) e o Protesto por Justiça (organizado pelo evento Protesto por Justiça).Como marco teórico buscamos as reflexões de pesquisadores de movimentos sociais, movimentos em rede, mobilizações sociais e redes sociais como Touraine (2009), Castells (2012), Toro (1996) e Recuero (2009). Como resultados, percebemos que sujeitos formaram redes para mobilizar ações através da rede social online Facebook, promover voluntariado, reunir informações e fomentar debates sobre a responsabilidade do incêndio. As mobilizações analisadas foram baseadas principalmente pelos sentimentos de solidariedade e indignação. Em suma, organizaram redes de comunicação, partilhando afetos, debatendo posicionamentos contrários e unindo-se para superação da dor em forma de ações de mobilização social.

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Doan, William. "Temporal Closeness in Knowledge Mobilization Networks." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34756.

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In this thesis we study the impact of time in the analysis of social networks. To do that we represent a knowledge mobilization network, Knowledge-Net, both as a standard static graph and a time-varying graph and study both graphs to see their differences. For our study, we implemented some temporal metrics and added them to Gephi, an open source software for graph and network analysis which already contains some static metrics. Then we used that software to obtain our results. Knowledge-Net is a network built using the knowledge mobilization concept. In social science, knowledge mobilization is defined as the use of knowledge towards the achievement of goals. The networks which are built using the knowledge mobilization concept make more visible the relations among heterogeneous human and non-human individuals, organizational actors and non-human mobilization actors. A time-varying graph is a graph with nodes and edges appearing and disappearing over time. A journey in a time-varying graph is equivalent to a path in a static graph. The notion of shortest path in a static graph has three variations in a time-varying graph: the shortest journey is the journey with the least number of temporal hops, the fastest journey is the journey that takes the least amount of time and the foremost journey is the journey that arrives the soonest. Out of those three, we focus on the foremost journey for our analysis.

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Litsangou, Patrick. "La blogosphère politique américaine : démocratisation de l'Information, pouvoir de mise en agenda et de mobilisation." Thesis, Paris 10, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA100197/document.

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La thèse du présent travail est que certains blogs politiques américains sont non seulement une forme de journalisme citoyen mais aussi des atouts lors d'élections. Au vu de ce qui précède nous poursuivons un triple objectif : démontrer non seulement le pouvoir de mise en agenda de la blogosphère politico-journalistique aux États-Unis mais aussi la légitimité de celle-ci comme forme de journalisme postmoderne à la lumière du travail qu'elle effectue et de ses valeurs. Il vise en outre à prouver la capacité de mobilisation de la blogosphère politique américaine en périodes électorales notamment à travers une étude du blog de campagne de Howard Dean, candidat malheureux à l'investiture démocrate pour l'élection présidentielle de 2004. Pour mener notre recherche nous avons eu recourt à trois théories : La théorie des utilisations et satisfactions qui cherche à expliquer les raisons pour lesquelles les individus consomment un média particulier et les satisfactions qu'ils en tirent. La théorie du réseau nous a permis de saisir l'organisation et le fonctionnement de la blogosphère politico-journalistique mais aussi son pouvoir de mise en agenda. La dernière théorie qui nous a aidé dans notre travail est justement la théorie de la mise en agenda. Celle-ci a montré des similarités entre les médias sociaux comme les blogs politico-journalistiques et les médias traditionnels en terme d'influence sur respectivement la couverture médiatique et les conversations interpersonnelles
The thesis of this work is that some American political blogs are not only aform of citizen journalism but also assets during elections. We have three objectives in the present work : demonstrating not only the agenda setting power of political and current event blogs but also its legitimacy as aform ofpost modernjournalism in light of what itproduces (news staries, reports...) and its values. This thesis also aims to show the mobilizing capabilities of political blogs via an analysis of Howard Dean's cyber campaign during the 2003 democratic primaries in anticipation of the 2004 presidential campaign. To undertake this work we will resort to three theories: the uses and gratifications theory that describes the reasons whypeople are attracted to aparticular media and the satisfaction they derive from it. Network theory that explains the formation and the functioning of networks. ltproved helpful to grasp the structure of political blogs and the way they manage to sway . the work of mainstream media. Eventually Agenda setting theory made easier the analysis of mainstream media's influence on interpersonal conversations and the transposition of this mode! on the fashion with which current events and political blogs influence mainstream media's coverage

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Delaney, Chelsey. "Humor-Centered Design: Using Humor as a Rhetorical Approach in Design." Research Showcase @ CMU, 2011. http://repository.cmu.edu/theses/11.

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My thesis pursues the development of a tool to empower designers and non-designers to better understand humor’s function in design and to encourage the use of humor as a rhetorical device to undertake social problems. Humor research is a field that is largely based on linguistic studies, but because of its multidisciplinary stretch in the past decade has displayed a broad rhetorical influence; however, it has yet to form a substantial relationship with design. Through a literature review of linguistic, rhetorical, and design theories, I identified a set of heuristics that guide how humor should operate in design. I then tested the effectiveness of the heuristics, and with their final revision, applied them to designing for motivational problems associated with public displays of political mobilization. My user research inferred the creation of a mobile instructional tool that guides the collaborative and/or individual production of political communication artifacts (e.g. rally signs), which use humor to confront socially complex issues. The artifacts’ implicit intent is to motivate political mobilization and to found and/or empower communities. My project focus entails the creation and testing of the tool on the individual level. Whether the artifacts created produce the desired effect regarding mobilization and community strength is unknown; Future work should lend itself to testing humorous design’s effect on political mobilization and ability to empower communities.

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Wu, Fengshi. "Double-mobilization transnational advocacy networks for China's environment and public health /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/2970.

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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2005.
Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

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Vidu, Afloarei Ana. "Networks of Solidarity: Student mobilizations against sexual violence in universities." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/402514.

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According to the United States Department of Justice (Krebs et al., 2016), 1 in 5 women are sexually assaulted in college. Gender-based violence occurring in universities and on university campuses is an issue researched at the international level, especially in the United States (Coker et al., 2016). Several social and student movements have been working in different parts of the world to prevent and overcome this problem. Their influence has created situations favorable to the establishment of institutional measures and specific laws to address gender-based violence at universities. Nevertheless, the role of social movements and their contributions to the prevention of gender violence in institutes of higher education has not received much academic attention. In Spain, the first study that analyzed gender violence in Spanish universities (Valls, 2005-2008) concluded that 62% of university students knew of or had experienced sexual harassment situations at their colleges. This research project inspired several publications in scientific journals such as Violence Against Women (Valls, Puigvert, Melgar & Garcia-Yeste, 2016). This dissertation analyzes the role of student movements in relation to preventing and overcoming gender violence in the university context, focusing on one of such complaints in Spain, which occurred at the University of Barcelona (also refereed here as UB) in 2011. The dissertation examines the contributions of the Solidarity Network of Victims of Gender Violence at Universities (also referred here as Solidarity Network) the first initiative that emerged "from below" in Spain, created in late 2013 by victims of sexual violence in the Spanish academy and by the people who supported them: university members who often became the victims of second order harassment (Dziech & Weiner, 1990). The need for peer support is also emphasized throughout the dissertation, highlighting the bystander intervention (Banyard et al., 2005) as an effective response. At a comparative level, this study also analyzes the process of one of the first American sexual harassment complaints against a faculty member, which was made in 1979 at the University of California, Berkeley (also referred here as UC Berkeley or UCB). To continue the comparison, previous solidarity networks in American universities are examined, such as the WOASH (Women Organized Against Sexual Harassment), and the EROC (End Rape on Campus), the latter created in 2013 by survivors of sexual violence in college. These facts are analyzed to present evidence on the contribution of student movements in overcoming gender violence in universities. The methodological paradigm used in this dissertation is focused on a qualitative approach, especially the portraiture method (Lightfoot, 1981) and the communicative methodology of research (Puigvert, 2014), which has been validated by several research projects and highly relevant scientific publications that present the results of daily life stories and in-depth interviews with victims, faculty members and institutional representatives. The results of this dissertation show that the mobilizations of the victims and those who support them and dare to take their side have an important impact on both raising awareness regarding this problem and in the transformation of existing university structures. According to the findings, by doing this, survivors and their supporters contribute to the shaping of universities that take a stand in preventing and responding to gender violence, thereby becoming better able to protect the victims and moving closer to the goal of being free of sexual violence.

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Grewal, Ramneek. "Transnational advocacy networks : the case of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9707.

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The purpose of this study is to ascertain and explain the effectiveness of Roma political activism in contesting state oppression in Macedonia and Serbia. More specifically, this thesis seeks to investigate the divergent treatment of Roma communities in the respective states by analyzing the role of state institutions, civil society, political parties and international organizations. The thesis seeks to provide a multi-level analysis of Roma mobilization in Macedonia and Serbia by addressing the domestic and international factors that influence Roma political activism, and relies on two main theoretical concepts within the social movement literature: the Political Opportunity Structure (POS) model and 'transnational advocacy networks.' The POS model is a comprehensive framework to assess if Roma political activism has been effective in Macedonia and Serbia. This study uses the following components to describe the domestic factors that may facilitate or constrain Romani activism in the respective states: state repression and/or facilitation, institutional access, influential domestic and international allies. This thesis attempts to provide a detailed analysis of movement dynamics by taking into account the inter-relationship between actors and contesting groups. The limitations of the domestic opportunity structure regarding Roma advocacy in Macedonia and Serbia are outlined by describing the political context concerning minority inclusion, institutional mechanisms, and NGO/political party activities. As domestic opportunity structures are 'closed,' Roma activists and NGOs seek international allies to influence and change domestic policy on Roma inclusion. This study, while recognizing the importance of other international initiatives, specifically focuses on various institutions of the European Union as the main international actor influencing Roma inclusion policies in Eastern Europe. The thesis outlines the main EU initiatives on Roma inclusion to provide an overview of the opportunities and challenges in the international arena. Furthermore, it analyzes the interaction between international and civil society organizations assessing the effectiveness of the 'transnational advocacy networks.' Finally, the thesis provides a comparative analysis of Roma political activism in Macedonia and Serbia, indicating coordinated action has not been successful.

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Tsao, Cheng-Lin. "Rapid application mobilization and delivery for smartphones." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/49022.

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Smartphones form an emerging mobile computing platform that has hybrid characteristics borrowed from PC and feature phone environments. While maintaining great mobility and portability as feature phones, smartphones offers advanced computation capabilities and network connectivity. Although the smartphone platform can support PC-grade applications, the platform exhibits fundamentally different characteristics from the PC platform. Two important problems arise in the smartphone platform: how to mobilize applications and how to deliver them effectively. Traditional application mobilization involves significant cost in development and typically provides limited functionality of the PC version. Since the mobile applications rely on the embedded wireless interfaces of smartphones for network access, the application performance is impacted by the inferior characteristics of the wireless networks. Our first contribution is super-aggregation, a rapid application delivery protocol that in tandem uses the multiple interfaces intelligently to achieve a performance that is ``better than the sum of throughputs' achievable through each of the interfaces individually. The second contribution is MORPH, a remote computing protocol for heterogeneous devices that transforms the application views on the PC platform into smartphone-friendly views. MORPH virtualizes application views independent of the UI framework used into an abstract representation called virtual view. It allows transformation services to be easily programmed to realize a smartphone friendly view by manipulating the virtual view. The third contribution is the system design of super-aggregation and MORPH that achieve rapid application delivery and mobilization. Both solutions require only software modifications that can be easily deployed to smartphones.

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Waters, Corey. "To V or Not to V: Narratives, Networks, and Contingencies of Veganism." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/475064.

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Sociology
Ph.D.
This study is an examination of mobilization processes, with a particular focus on how people come to contemplate and ultimately embrace or reject veganism. It is a response to social movements scholarship that has called for examinations of how identity interacts with mobilization. Engaging the narratives of 34 interview participants who interacted with vegan advocacy networks in Greater Philadelphia, the study accounts for how prospective vegans negotiate forces, such as social networks and ties, that activate or hinder their mobilization; and for how they prioritize veganism amid competing priorities. Among other manners, participants came to contemplate the prospect of becoming vegan upon recognizing veganism as congruent with their other priorities. Participants who became vegan were more likely than participants who did not to prioritize altruism and to seek information that motivated and empowered them. Rather than prioritize their veganism over competing priorities, the vegans more often sought to harmonize their veganism with competing priorities. The study also measures the capacity of people from socioeconomically and racially contrasting neighborhoods in Philadelphia to engage in a behavior and a movement such as veganism. Results from a sample of 335 survey participants suggest that people from impoverished neighborhoods may be less capable because they are less likely to know people who practice veganism. The study's findings suggest that participation in movements is contingent on how prospective participants prioritize, on the incentives with which they contemplate participation, and on their capacity to participate.
Temple University--Theses

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19

Saikia, Pahi. "Protest networks, communicative mechanisms and state responses: ethnic mobilization and violence in northeast India." Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=86799.

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Disputes between Georgia and two of its regions, Abkhazia and Ajaria in the 1990s, led to considerably different outcomes---while the Abkhazians became embroiled in a full-blown civil war with the state of Georgia, the Ajarians remained conspicuously calm. Similarly, in 1967-70, while the Igbo and Hausa-Fulani regions engaged in a violent confrontation with the Nigerian state, the adjoining Yoruba territory prevented such hostilities and stayed relatively peaceful. Variations such as these have been a recurring theme in the study of contentious politics along ethnic lines. Despite similarities in historical and structural experiences, some ethnic groups are able to avert violence while others turn to highly disruptive forms of contention to secure their goals related to group rights, cultural recognition, political and territorial autonomy. What accounts for these variations? Why do some ethnic groups seeking cultural and political autonomy engage in extraordinarily high risk violent movements while others respond with relative quiescence? These are some of the important questions, an exploration of which constitutes the central focus of this dissertation.
Although a host of explanations exist on the cause of these variations, this study tends to adopt a process-oriented approach while incorporating theoretical perspectives borrowed from contentious politics besides rationalist and social psychological assumptions of ethnic violence. At the most general level, this dissertation makes the fundamental claim that although the desire for material ends does play a crucial role; it is the emotional struggle over the relative status of group identity and core ethnic symbols that affords a group the ultimate mobilizing potential for collective action. Beyond this, a well-crafted analytical framework that includes the mobilizing structure, the organizational resources and state responses is developed to understand the correlation between the mobilizing process and the outcome of ethnic movements. The utility of this framework is demonstrated through a comparison of three tribal minority ethnic groups in the north-eastern part of India, where one group seeks to create a separate ethno-federal territory through high-levels and sustaining violent insurgent actions, another employs relatively low levels of violence for a shorter duration while a third group advances moderate claims and resorts to relatively peaceful contentious actions. Further, the level of ethnic violence is determined by the consistency and extent of state accommodation of ethnic demands, and the nature of state repression. The study indicates that consistent state accommodation is most conducive to the containment of violence and widespread rather than targeted repression produces support for higher levels of anti-state violence.
The analysis finds that popular support and participation are crucial to shape the trajectories and strategies of ethnic movements. What leads to variations in the level of popular following across cases, is the availability of vertical networks, the degree of commitment, legitimacy and effective communicative strategies adopted by decentralized activist organizations. This in turn, generates collective mobilization and produces the mechanisms for the sustenance of violent rebellion. Furthermore, the study finds that consistent state accommodation is most conducive to the containment of violence. It indicates that widespread rather than targeted repression produced support for higher levels of anti-state violence.
Les disputes entre la Géorgie et ses deux régions, Abkhazia et Ajaria, au cours des années1990, ont méné à des resultants tres differents--pendant que l'Abkhazia est entré dans une guerre civile avec l'état Géorgien, l'Ajaria est resté calme. De même en 1967-70, pendant que les Igbo et les régions Hausa-Fulani se sont engagés dans une confrontation violente avec l'état Nigérian, le territoire Yoruba est resté relativement pacifique. Des telles variations constituent un thème principal dans l'étude de la politique querelleuse ethnique. Malgré des similarités dans les expériences historiques et structurelles, certains groupes ethniques évitent la violence pendant que d'autres l'emploient de façon extreme pour protéger leurs buts rattachés aux droits de groupe, la reconnaissance culturelle, l'autonomie politique et territoriale. Qu'est-ce qui explique ces variations? Pourquoi certains groupes éthniques cherchent-ils l'autonomie culturelle et politique malgré les risques des mouvements violents pendant que d'autres y répondent plus tranquillement? Ceux-ci sont les questions principales analysées dans cette mémoire à travers un etude de trois cas differents dans le nord-est de l'Inde ou on voit qu'un groupe, les Bodos, cherche a créer un térritoire éthnique en utilisant de la violence extreme et soutenue, pendant qu'un autre groupe, les Dimasas, emploient des niveaux de violence rélativement bas pour des durés plus courtes alors qu'un tiers groupe, les Misings, expriment des affirmations plus moderées et employant des actions de dissidence plus paisibles.
Bien que nombreuses explications existent pour la cause de ces variations, cette étude emploie une approche focalisée vers les processus en incorporant des perspectives théoriques de la politique querelleuse et en plus des hypothèses psychologiques rationalistes et sociales de la violence ethnique. Au niveau général, cette mémoire montre que la structure de mobilisation des ressources d'une organisation expliquent le niveau de soutien en faveur de la mobilisation ethnique et que les différentes réponses publiques expliquent le niveau de violence. La disponibilité des réseaux fortement « verticales », legitimité du leadership, engagement continu, l'efficacité de la communication et le niveau de centralization des organizations activists determine le degré de soutien populaire et resources materielles nécessaries pour méner à une mobilization collective et réussi, ce qui est nécessaire pour qu'un groupe s'engage dans une mobilization violente et mantient une rebellion. Empiriquement, je fait une analyse des processus de mobilization et rébellion violente chez les Bodos qui montrait clairement ces characteristiques alors que les Dimasas et Misings, qui ne profitait pas de ces avantages, étaient fortement limités dans leurs efforts de transformer leur mouvements dans des rébellions intensifiés et soutenues.
En outre, cet étude trouve que la repression generalisée, plutot que la repression selective, produit du soutien pour des niveaux plus hauts de violence contre l'etat. La repression selective transforme la rebellion violente dans un mouvement plus modéré et de-radicalisé. L'etude montre en plus que les compromises de la part de l'etat et le fournissement de certaines motivations sélectives aux chefs des mouvements sont les facons les plus efficaces de contenir la violence.

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Radnitz, Scott (Scott B. ). "It takes more than a village : mobilization, networks, and the state in Central Asia." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/38601.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, February 2007.
Includes bibliographical references (p. [234]-[252]).
This dissertation develops and demonstrates a theory to account for the outbreak of mass mobilization in authoritarian settings. Two conditions make the expansion of protest across community boundaries more likely: (1) low levels of public goods, coupled with (2) economic opportunities that allow elites autonomous from the state to earn revenue. Under regimes where the rule of law is weak, non-state elites have an incentive to protect their assets from state predation by developing a social support base. They do this by making symbolic gestures and providing surrogate public goods to communities. If the regime threatens to harm this relationship, by restricting elites' freedoms or denying them access to resources, top-down mobilization is one of the few means available to advance or defend their position. Elites base their appeal on shared local identity and the material benefit that people derive from elite charity. The ultimate scale of mobilization is determined by the number and geographic dispersion of elites who mobilize locally and then unite their protests.
(cont.) Three mechanisms may be activated to expand mobilization beyond the local level: demonstration, in which people receive information of an event through an impersonal medium and emulate other people's actions by analogy to their own situation; diffusion, or direct contact between actors connected by strong social ties; and brokerage, or mediation between groups by a small number of well-connected individuals. I argue that only if diffusion and brokerage are activated in concert can an incipient movement overcome gaps between (1) elites and masses and (2) different communities (or regions). I demonstrate my theory by comparing Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, then analyzing two cases of mass mobilization within Kyrgyzstan-one of regional scale and one national. In both cases, I illustrate the centrality of vertical networks in bringing about mobilization, and trace how both brokerage and diffusion were activated to expand mobilization from local to regional or national scale. I then test the theory on cases outside the region. The dissertation contributes to the comparative politics literature on contentious politics, the breakdown of authoritarian regimes, and the effect of Soviet legacies on state and society.
by Scott Radnitz.
Ph.D.

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21

Houessou, Benjamin. "Le processus de construction d’une GPEC-Territoriale : réflexion à partir de dispositifs de GPEC-Territoriale pilotée par la Chambre de métiers et de l’artisanat de Loir-et-Cher." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015REN1G006/document.

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La GPEC se construit de plus en plus à l’échelle territoriale. Des acteurs institutionnels d’horizons divers et des entreprises de taille variable réfléchissent et travaillent ensemble pour mettre en place des actions qui répondent aux problématiques liées à l’emploi, à la formation, et aux compétences. Ces démarches se font tantôt à « chaud », tantôt à « froid » selon les circonstances, les territoires et les acteurs. L’extension de l’échelle de construction de la GPEC de l’entreprise au territoire peut se justifier par la prise en compte de plusieurs facteurs : internes ou externes aux entreprises, politiques, conjecturaux, socio-économiques, etc. Ainsi à travers des volontés convergentes, de multiples acteurs ambitionnent de lever les limites et insuffisances consubstantielles à la GPEC d’entreprise en recourant à une GPEC-Territoriale. Cette nouvelle approche de construction et d’analyse de la GPEC pose néanmoins des interrogations. Parmi celles-ci, nous avons réfléchi, à cinq questions : comment faire travailler ensemble les acteurs ? Quel diagnostic permet de fédérer les acteurs autour de la GPEC-Territoriale ? Comment se construit cette GPEC-Territoriale en termes de phasage ? Comment les acteurs se mettent-ils d’accord sur la construction et le contenu des actions de la GPEC-Territoriale ? Comment mobiliser les acteurs dans de telles démarches collectives ? Ces questions sont issues de la question principale de notre recherche : quel est le processus de construction d’une GPEC-Territoriale impliquant des acteurs institutionnels et des entreprises ? Nous avons abordé et discuté ces questions sur la base de données empiriques collectées dans deux cas : la GPEC-Territoriale dans la Communauté de communes du Cher à la Loire et la GPEC-Territoriale dans la filière Bois dans le département du Loir-et-Cher. Ces données sont collectées à partir d’observations, d’entretiens qualitatifs, d’études quantitatives et documentaires. Les théories de l’interaction, de la traduction, du choix rationnel et de la mobilisation nous ont servi de grille d’analyse. Au croisement de ces approches et de ces analyses, il en est ressorti que la GPEC-Territoriale se construit à partir de quelques nécessités : capacité du pilote à faire travailler ensemble plusieurs acteurs, établissement d’un diagnostic préalable et partagé se basant sur les problématiques et enjeux des entreprises et des territoires, mobilisation des acteurs à travers des incitations sélectives et l’analyse des catégories de priorités des acteurs. En outre, il est apparu que le contenu de la GPEC-Territoriale est continûment traduit et s’obtient sous un consensus relatif. Enfin et malgré l’aspect sui generis de chaque cas, une modélisation, en phases, de sa construction est possible
Nowadays HRP is built increasingly on a territorial scale. Institutional actors from different backgrounds and varying size businesses work together to put in place actions that address issues related to employment, training, and skills. These approaches are sometimes in "hot", sometimes in "cold" depending on the circumstances, territories and stakeholders. The extension of the building of the HRP across a territory can be justified by taking into account several factors: internal or external to enterprises, policies, situational, socio-economic, etc. Thus through converging wills, multiple actors aspire to lift the limits and shortcomings related to HRP by using a HRP-Territorial. This new construction approach and analysis of HRP nevertheless raises several questions. Among the many questions we reflected about five of them: how do actors work together? What diagnosis allows to unite stakeholders around HRP-Territorial? How is this HRP-Territorial built in terms of phasing? How do actors agree on the construction and content of the actions of HRP-Territorial? How to mobilize actors in such collective approaches? These questions are taken from the main issue of our research: What is the process of building a HRP-Territorial involving institutional actors and businesses? We discussed and debated these issues on the basis of empirical data collected in two cases: HRP-Territorial in the Community of communes of Cher à la Loire and the HRP-Territorial in the timber Industry in Loir-et-Cher. Those data are collected by observation, qualitative interview, quantitative studies and documentaries. Theory of interaction, actor network theory, rational choice theory and mobilization theory served as our analytical framework. At the intersection of these approaches and these analyzes, it appears that the HRP-Territorial be built from a few necessities : the ability of the pilot to work together several actors, establishing a prior and shared diagnosis that rely on problem and challenges for companies and territory, mobilization of actors through selective incentives and analysis of priority categories of actors. Furthermore, it appears that the contents of the HRP-Territorial is continuously translated and obtained by relative consensus. Finally, and despite the particular case of each situation, a modeling phase of this construction is possible

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Kotsovilis, Spyridon. "Six degrees of revolution: political networks, diffusion mechanisms and mobilization in collective action against competitive authoritarian regimes." Thesis, McGill University, 2013. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=114184.

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This research rests on the nexus between domestic and transnational social movements, mobilization theories and regime transitions. Specifically, this dissertation studies recent episodes of democratization-related mass protests and mobilizations against competitive authoritarian regimes from a networks perspective. In it I postulate that different ways in which political groups organize and diffuse information, behavior and human and material resources affect their mobilizational capabilities, and thus their chances at success in their goals. This theoretical proposition of structure and dynamics of diffusion is empirically tested by looking at four in-depth cases in Serbia (1996-7, 2000) and Ukraine (2000-1, 2004), via a mixed methodological approach centered on the study of networks. Based on a combination of qualitative and quantitative work (extensive field interviews, archival research tracing the protests, design and execution of respondent-driven sampling survey, mapping and formal network analysis, comparison and computer simulations), my results suggest that specific configurations of networks-what the study terms composite ones-are better-suited for political groups and movements seeking to mobilize. Often neglected and seldom proven in conjunction with opposition groups, the same holds true for regimes and their counter-mobilization potential. In other words, the findings indicate that how one and their political opponents are connected matters in how they diffuse their resources and coordinate their action before and during mobilization. My conclusion also points to that the corollaries of this study in extra-legal contests to protect the legality of elections extend beyond the space of the color revolutions, to protesting against competitive authoritarian regimes and to promoting democratic practice all around the globe, both during and outside regular election cycles.
Les protestations sociales et les « révolutions électorales » sont des actions collectives qui se caractérisent par des processus de mobilisation. Ces évènements politiques complexes sont fréquemment à l'origine de résultats inattendus comme le déclanchement de la participation en masse qui provoque une action décisive. La diffusion d'information et l'appel à l'action collective sont des facteurs clés dans ce processus qui sont facilités par des connections au réseau d'activistes. L'étude systématique de ces mécanismes peut contribuer à repérer le point de basculement de l'action collective. Celle-ci est souvent atteinte lorsque des événements à plus petite échelle sont liés et déclenchent soudainement des retombées de grande envergure. De récentes recherches et la mise au point de nouveaux outils méthodologiques permettent d'étudier comment les propriétés statiques et dynamiques de ces réseaux peuvent affecter, freiner ou amplifier la diffusion de ces facteurs. Ce projet étudie les processus de diffusion d'information et d'appel à l'action collective au cours de récentes révolutions électorales en Serbie et Ukraine. De plus, il examine les propriétés des réseaux d'activistes et de leurs adversaires, et observe l'effet cascade des interactions parmi et entre les acteurs et ces évènements.

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Al, Nasser Wissam. "Les usages politiques de Facebook : cadre d'injustice et logiques de mobilisation : le cas de la page The Syrian revolution 2011." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0024.

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L'usage politique d'Internet et des réseaux socionumériques (RSN) ne cesse d'augmenter depuis plus d'une décennie. Le recours à des réseaux tels que Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Skype, Instagram etc., se manifeste comme un passage obligatoire, tant pour les acteurs politiques que pour les citoyens « ordinaires ». La présente recherche retrace l'usage politique et les logiques de mobilisation et de la production de parole politique sur les RSN dans le contexte de la crise syrienne en 2011. Elle questionne, à travers l'analyse de cas de la page The Syrian Revolution 2011, les possibilités que ces RSN offrent aux usagers dans l'instauration d'espaces de mobilisations et d'interactions collectives. Notre analyse s'est organisée pour couvrir deux périodes : la première s'étale de 18 janvier au 14 mars 2011, quant à la seconde, elle s'étend du 15 mars au 30 avril 2011. Ce découpage permet de comprendre le passage d'un mode opératoire à un autre en fonction du changement du contexte politique et de la dégradation de la situation dramatique en Syrie. Notre recherche question également la place de la discussion politique en ligne dans l'élaboration des cadres d'action collective. Elle montre que ces derniers sont, activés, adoptés et diffusés à travers des logiques propres aux pratiques sociotechniques offertes par les RSN. Ainsi, notre étude peut apporter une contribution, nous l'espérons, originale dans le champ de l'analyse des RSN. Elle montre comment ces derniers peuvent constituer un espace de mobilisation d'information à travers duquel les usagers peuvent développer différentes pratiques communicationnelles
During the last decade, the political use of the Internet and Social Network Sites (SNS) has tremendously increased. Using networks such as Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, Skype, Instagram, etc., has become a must for both political actors and ordinary citizens. Using as a framework the Syrian crisis in 2011, this research will follow the evolution of the political use of SNS in addition to the logics of mobilization and the production of the political speech in these networks. Through the analysis of the Facebook Page the Syrian Revolution 2011, it will question the possibilities that these SNS provide to the users to create mobilizations spaces and collective interaction. Our analysis covered two periods of time: the first one from January 18th to March 14th 2011, and the second from March 15th to April 30th 2011. This will help us better understand the change from one operational mode to another based on the change of the political context and on the degradation of the dramatic situation in Syria. Our research questions the place of the political discussion online and its parts on the creation of collective actions frames. It shows that these frames are activated, adopted and spread in ways that are specific to the social and technical practices provided by the SNS. From this perspective, we hope that our study can bring an original contribution in the analysis of the SNS field. It shows how these networks can be an area for mobilization of information that would help users develops various communication practices

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Fenwick, Alexander, and Malin Uebel. "VÄGEN TILL INFLYTANDE -En jämförande studie om två olika internationellt etablerade ENGO:s och deras strategier att inverka på miljöpolicy." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-85678.

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This study aims to compare two Swedish Environmental Non-Governmental Organizations (ENGO:s) in relationship to their international establishment, for the purpose to gain a more nuanced knowledge of how they operate to achieve their goals, and a better understanding of the challenges and benefits the different international establishments can bring. We interviewed two ENGO:s, Naturskyddsföreningen and Jordens Vänner, on the basis of two main issues:- How can work to influence environmental policy differ between a Swedish ENGO and an international ENGO operating in Sweden?- What are the challenges and benefits of influencing Swedish environmental policy for ENGO:s in Sweden that are different internationally established?This study used the method of Most Similar System Design to answer the main issues in the selection of cases, and further a semi-structured interview was used to collect empirical data. The main theory to analyse the data drew from Beyers (2004) conceptualisation of mobilization strategies in from of access and voice.The empirical study shows that the difference in international establishments indeed brings both challenges and advantages to the ENGO:s operationalization. The Swedish established Naturskyddsföreningen could engage in a more local matter, were they influenced both members to be more active and local politicians and political decision-makers. But the inefficient way to combine both access and voice proved to be a challenge in articulating certain core issues. The international established Jordens Vänner showed a different way of conducting environmental policy, by using their international networks as a way of influencing the policy process. But restrains from their internationally management proved limit the space and possibility to operate.Keywords: NGO, ENGO, environmental governance, policy process, mobilization strategies, institutional actors, local engagement, networks

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Sahin, Savas Zafer. "Politics Of Urban Planning In Ankara Between 1985 And 2005." Phd thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12608337/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the inherent informal political relations embedded in urban planning process in the city of Ankara between 1985 and 2005. It has been argued that, urban planning process is -by nature- a political process and micro level political interactions in urban political sphere can be observed by looking at it. The urban planning process, as a political process interacts with existing political mobilization mechanisms and their spatial reflections. Such an interaction may cause emergence of informal political networks interested in derivation of urban land rent. The emergence, sustenance and persistence of these networks are related with the opportunities and legitimization potential of urban planning process. For the verification of hypothesis of the research the city of Ankara was taken as the subject of case study. A methodology consisting of a two phase research is devised to analyze the nature and the dynamics of these networks In the first phase a conventional statistical analysis the research universe consisting of all the all urban development plans and modifications realized in Ankara between 1985 and 2005 was realized. Then, in the second phase based on the patterns explored in the research universe, a specific example of urban planning process was chosen, which represents the patterns of the research universe. This example, Ç
ayyolu 907 Parcel, then subjected to social network analysis. The results of the research has shown that, when the structure of the local political structure changes altogether as a result of for example local elections, the structure of existing informal political networks and the way they exploit urban land rent changes. In these periods the number of urban development plans and urban development plan modifications increase, while the size of the area covered by these plans tends to decrease and mostly confined to prospective areas in central business district and residential areas. Yet, by the time passes, new and diverse political relations are established congruent with the existing political mobilization mechanisms. This time, although the number of plans decreases, the size of the area covered by plans increase and mostly, vacant land in the fringe of the urban macro form become the target of these networks. Although these networks involve a hierarchy in it, extensive brokerage and patron client relations sustain them.

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Maia, Maíra Carneiro Bittencourt. "O príncipe digital: estruturas de poder, liderança e hegemonia nas redes sociais." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/27/27153/tde-14092016-112629/.

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O conceito de \"Príncipe\" surgiu com Nicolau Maquiavel, no início do século XVI, para descrever o governante das monarquias e repúblicas. Em Antonio Gramsci, na metade do século XX, o lugar do Príncipe passou a ser ocupado pelo partido político, aparecendo assim o conceito de \"Moderno Príncipe\". Mais tarde, no fim do século XX, o pesquisador brasileiro Octavio Ianni revisita as duas obras e propõe o \"Príncipe Eletrônico\". Ele constatou que os meios de comunicação de massa passaram a exercer as funções sociais de Príncipe. Em Octávio Ianni, o rádio e, principalmente, a televisão são os lugares, por excelência, de poder, hegemonia e liderança, não sozinhos, mas com o suporte e apoio dos grandes grupos econômicos e políticos. O objetivo desta tese é levar adiante a teoria criada por Ianni e explorar a hipótese da existência de um novo Príncipe no século XXI, que chamamos de Príncipe Digital. Sem prejuízo do que foi descrito por Ianni, essa nova figura não é necessariamente um intelectual, não nasce das mídias tradicionais de massa (rádio e TV) e não se alinha direta e necessariamente com os grupos, econômicos e políticos, hegemônicos, mas é tão ou mais influente e eficaz. O conceito de Príncipe Digital, como variante da categoria criada por Ianni, ilumina a forma como, na era das redes digitais, estão estruturadas as categorias: poder, hegemonia e liderança, pilares de todos os modelos teóricos de príncipes existentes até então. Essa compreensão pode nos levar a entender melhor os fenômenos deste tempo, como as grandes manifestações sociais e os tipos de relações existente nas redes sociais. Para chegar a esse modelo teórico, este trabalho usou como aporte metodológico a Grounded Theory (GT). A GT possibilita uma perspectiva mais real sobre o fenômeno, pois a própria população envolvida aponta os dados, por meio de pesquisas empíricas de natureza quantitativa e qualitativa. Para essa parte empírica, esta pesquisa contou com análise de 74 manifestações sociais, 601 entrevistados e observações acerca de 354 Líderes de Opinião. Analisamos, teórica e empiricamente, manifestações populares que ocorreram no Brasil entre os anos de 2013 e 2015. Os questionários foram divididos em duas fases de aplicações, a primeira, na qual ficaram disponíveis entre março e junho de 2015 e, a segunda, no mês de agosto de 2015. Os principais autores que dão sustentação à tese são: Maquiavel, Gramsci e Ianni, pelas razões já expostas. Lazarsfeld e Toro, com reflexões sobre a recepção de ideias e a mobilização social; Glaser, Tarozzi e Charmaz, com o suporte metodológico da GT. Hardt, Negri e Castells, com argumentos teóricos sobre multidão, redes sociais, internet e processos de mobilização online.
The concept of \"Prince\" came up with Niccolo Machiavelli, in the early sixteenth century to describe the ruler of monarchies and republics. In Antonio Gramsci, the midtwentieth century, the place of the Prince was occupied by political party, thus appearing the concept of \"Modern Prince\". Later, in the late twentieth century, the Brazilian researcher Octavio Ianni revisits the two works and proposes the \"Electronic Prince.\" He found that the mass media took over the social functions of Prince. In Octavio Ianni, radio and especially television are the places par excellence, power, hegemony and leadership, not alone, but with the support and backing of major economic and political groups. The aim of this thesis is to carry forward the theory created by Ianni and explore the hypothesis of a new Prince in the twenty-first century, we call \"Digital Prince.\" Without prejudice to what has been described by Ianni, this new figure is not necessarily an intellectual, not born through the mass traditional media (radio and TV) and does not line up directly and necessarily to the groups, economic and political hegemony, but it is so or more influential and effective. Digital Prince of concept, as a variant of the category created by Ianni, illuminates the way that, in the era of digital networks, the categories are structured: power, hegemony and leadership, pillars of all existing theoretical models of Princes before. This understanding can lead us to better understand the phenomena of this time, as the major social manifestations and types of existing relationships on Social Networks. To get to that theoretical model, this work used as a methodological contribution to Grounded Theory (GT). The GT enables a more realistic perspective on the phenomenon, for the very people involved point data through empirical research of quantitative and qualitative nature. For this empirical part of this research involved analysis of 74 social demonstrations, 601 respondents and observations about 354 leaders of opinion. We analyze, theoretically and empirically, popular demonstrations that took place in Brazil between 2013 and 2015. The questionnaires were divided into two phases of applications, the first, which became available between March and June 2015 and the second, in august of 2015. The main authors that support the thesis are: Machiavelli, Gramsci and Ianni, the reasons given above. Lazarsfeld and Toro, with reflections on the reception of ideas and social mobilization. Glaser, Tarozzi and Charmaz, with the methodological support of the GT. Hardt, Negri and Castells with theoretical arguments about the crowd, social networking, internet and online mobilization processes.

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REIS, Mariana Ferreira. "Políticas públicas de cultura, mobilização comunitária e desenvolvimento local : o ponto de cultura Cabras de Lampião no Sertão do Pajeú – PE." Universidade Federal Rural de Pernambuco, 2012. http://www.tede2.ufrpe.br:8080/tede2/handle/tede2/6133.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The objective of this study is to analyze the actions of the “Ponto de Cultura” (Cultural Point) in the perspective of a local development. Specifically, what is intended is to understand the contribution of this cultural public policy to the community mobilization and whether these actions support the construction of the local development. The proposal of the “pontos de cultura” brings in its intents some precepts that link to community mobilization, since cultural groups that accomplish permanent actions in their original communities are involved. Furthermore, it tells from its inception the existence of an articulation between social networks to expand their activities. However, the fact that a “ponto de cultura” exists and functions does not mean that it is able to mobilize the community for local development. In this perspective, the research analyzed the “Ponto de Cultura Cabras de Lampião”and identified if the network experience located in “Sertão do Pajeú” favors - and in what way – the construction of a community in a contemporary cast (physically and virtually), if it is attentive to the supporting media and to the media convergence; whither this work contributes to community mobilization, to actions aimed at the building of the local development and what construction elements of local development are contemplated by this experience. To answer these questions in light of cultural studies, we conducted a case study in the “ponto de cultura” located in Serra Talhada / PE, to analyze the appropriation of such public policy in this community and how it relates to other communities, cultural groups and partners. As theoretical approach we bring mainly the following authors: Canclini, Martín-Barbero, Tauk Santos, Franco, Toro e Peruzzo. For the analysis, the search listed categories: the use of endogenous energy; economic sustainability; articulation and mobilization of communities; public and private partnerships; virtual and material networks; and political participation. The study showed, among other aspects, the congruence of the regional articulation of “Cabras de Lampião” with “pontos de cultura” of the backlands and especially between the “pontos de cultura” from “sertão do Pajeú”, with which they have more affinities, as political issues as cultural or economic issues. Another finding of the research was that, although articulated in virtual networks, enabled by communication technologies, it is the material networks which generate the most lasting bonds between the “Ponto de Cultura Cabras de Lampião” and the other cultural groups with whom it has contact.
O objetivo deste estudo é analisar as ações do Ponto de Cultura na perspectiva do desenvolvimento local. Especificamente, o que se pretende compreender é a contribuição desta política pública de cultura à mobilização comunitária e se essas ações favorecem a construção do desenvolvimento local. A proposta dos pontos de cultura traz em seus objetivos preceitos que apontam para a mobilização comunitária, uma vez que envolve grupos culturais que realizam ações permanentes nas suas comunidades de origem. Além disso, prevê desde a sua concepção a articulação de redes sociais para o desenvolvimento de suas atividades. No entanto, o simples fato de existir e funcionar como rede não significa que o ponto de cultura é capaz de mobilizar a comunidade para o desenvolvimento local. É nessa perspectiva que a pesquisa analisou o Ponto de Cultura Cabras de Lampião, identificando se a experiência em rede no Sertão do Pajeú favorece e de que forma a construção de uma comunidade nos moldes contemporâneos (materialmente e virtualmente), atenta aos suportes midiáticos e à convergência midiática; até que ponto esse trabalho contribui para a mobilização comunitária, para ações voltadas à construção do desenvolvimento local e que elementos de construção do desenvolvimento local são contemplados por essa experiência. Para responder essas questões à luz dos estudos culturais, realizamos um estudo de caso no referido ponto de cultura em Serra Talhada/PE, para analisar a apropriação de tal política pública na comunidade e de que forma o mesmo se relaciona com outras comunidades, grupos culturais e parceiros. Como referencial teórico, trazemos principalmente os seguintes autores: Canclini, Martín-Barbero, Tauk Santos, Franco, Toro e Peruzzo. Para a análise, a pesquisa elencou categorias como: aproveitamento das energias endógenas, sustentabilidade econômica, articulação e mobilização das comunidades, parcerias públicas e privadas, redes materiais e virtuais e participação política. O estudo evidenciou, entre outros aspectos, que o que se mostra mais congruente é a articulação regional dos Cabras de Lampião com os pontos de cultura dos sertões e, principalmente, entre os pontos de cultura do Sertão do Pajeú, com os quais mantêm mais afinidades, tanto para tratar de assuntos políticos, quanto culturais ou econômicos. Outro achado da pesquisa foi que, embora se articule em redes virtuais, possibilitadas pelas tecnologias da comunicação, são as redes materiais que mais geram vínculos duradouros entre o Ponto de Cultura Cabras de Lampião e os demais grupos culturais com os quais mantém contato.

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Silva, Lea Maria Botelho Almeida da. "Facebook e twitter: prismas ambientais." Universidade Catolica de Salvador, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/123456730/338.

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Esta dissertação de mestrado tem por finalidade caracterizar a gestão de mídias sociais de ONGs ambientalistas, enquanto plataformas de relacionamento entre essas organizações e seus públicos. Configura-se como um estudo de caso com múltiplos informantes qualificados, sendo eles a Fundação SOS Mata Atlântica, o Greenpeace Brasil, o Projeto Tamar e o WWF Brasil. Para tanto, foi realizado um levantamento observacional em dois períodos: durante a Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre o desenvolvimento sustentável, Rio +20, ocorrida em 2012, e um ano antes dela. Além disso, aplicou-se pesquisa de campo junto às referidas organizações, objetivando verificar como ocorre o processo de gestão das redes sociais online por elas administrada. Por meio dos dados estatísticos obtidos, foi possível apresentar o panorama do desempenho das contas do facebook e twitter das ONGs ambientalistas integrantes deste estudo. Possibilitou ainda, avaliar o alcance e a influência das organizações com seus públicos, a interação dos mesmos nas plataformas digitais e a capacidade de mobilização social. A conclusão deste estudo é no sentido de propor que as mencionadas organizações procurem obter uma melhor performance de administração de suas contas, isto é, com maior eficiência e efetividade, objetivando apropriar-se de todo potencial disponibilizado pelo ambiente das redes sociais online. Portanto, é apresentado um guia com práticas e condutas que devem se adotadas pelas organizações para que elas possam, mais facilmente, alcançar alguns dos seus objetivos e metas.
This master dissertation is amed at characterizing the management of social media for environmental NGOs as platforms of relationship between these organizations and their public. It is conceived as a case study with multiple qualified informers, including Fundação SOS Mata Atlântica, Greenpeace Brasil, Tamar Project, and the WWF Brazil. Therefore, an observational survey was made in two periods: During the United Nations Conference on sustainable development-Rio +20, taken place in 2012 -, and one year before that. Furthermore, a field research was applied to those organizations, in order to verify how the process takes place for management of the online social networks managed by them. By means of the statistical data obtained, it was possible to reveal the picture of the performance of Facebook and twitter accounts of the environmental NGOs integrating this study. Further, it made possible to evaluate the extent and influence of the organizations with their public, the interaction of the same in the digital platforms, and the social mobilization capability. The conclusion of this study is in the sense of proposing that these organizations should attempt to achieve a better performance in the management of their accounts, that is, with a greater efficiency and effectiveness, for the purpose of appropriating the entire potential made available by the environment of the social online networks. Therefore, a guide is presented with practices and conducts that should be adopted by those organizations in order that they may easily achieve their objectives and goals.

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Pechenkina, Ekaterina. "La mobilisation des jeunes sur les réseaux sociaux pendant les campagnes électorales : l'analyse comparative entre la France et la Russie." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0463/document.

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La présente thèse propose une analyse et une systématisation de l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux en période électorale tant au niveau national que local. Ainsi seront étudiées les techniques numériques utilisées, les formes et les méthodes de communication politique « en ligne » au cours des campagnes présidentielles de 2012 en France et en Russie et les campagnes municipales à Bordeaux et à Moscou en 2014 et 2013. Seront donc comparés les ressorts utilisés dans deux pays différents et qui ont permis de transformer les grands réseaux sociaux tels que Facebook, Twitter, Instagram et VKontakte en outils de rassemblement politique attirant de nombreux jeunes à participer activement au processus de campagne.Des entretiens réalisés avec des responsables des mouvements politiques français de Gironde tels ceux des Jeunes socialistes, des Jeunes Populaires et ceux du Front National, il ressort que l’activité numérique en France relève d’un caractère constructif. Ils servent à attirer et mobiliser la jeunesse de moins de 30 ans autours des candidats et de leurs partis grâce à un support en ligne mais s’accompagnent d’un militantisme de terrain, dans la vie réelle.En revanche, il apparaît qu’en Russie, le niveau élevé et l’influence de ces jeunes sur Internet fournit un soutien pour les nouvelles institutions de la société civile. Le succès de la mobilisation des jeunes appartenant à la classe moyenne urbaine relève d’une combinaison de « citoyenneté » et de « massification » de la protestation sur le réseau.En 2013, la volonté et mobilisation active des jeunes dans le projet politique à permis l’émergence de l’opposant Alekseï Navalny, qui a réuni 27% des suffrages et atteint la seconde place aux élections municipales de Moscou. La quasi intégralité de sa campagne a été effectuée sur les réseaux sociaux. Si le fait est courant pour nombre de ses homologues occidentaux, il convient de relever que ce n’est pas habituel pour les politiciens russes. Cette campagne « révolutionnaire » d’A. Navalny a été rendue possible par le fort soutien des jeunes Moscovites qu’il a pu mobiliser sur le plus grand réseau russe : VKontakte. L’organisation de la campagne s’est presque entièrement fondée sur l’utilisation des réseaux sociaux, tant pour la distribution de tracts dans les rues, que la sensibilisation et les collectes de dons
This thesis will focus on the analysis and systematization of the use of social networks in the presidential campaigns, both in France and in Russia in 2012, as well as in the municipal campaigns in Bordeaux and Moscow, in 2014 and 2013 respectively. The development of this thesis will also include the basic use of technologies, as well as the forms and methods of political online communication at the actual stage of their development.In this thesis, the examination of the political mechanisms used in France and Russia will be carried out in order to assess how social networks such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and VKontakte have developed into a powerful tool, with their main aim being to attract more and more young people to actively participate in the election campaigns as well as the voting process in general.Through the conduction of interviews with the chiefs of French Youth Movements, such as the Young Socialists (Gironde), the People’s Young (Gironde), and the Young of National Front (Gironde), we have found that these movements tend to have an overall peaceful nature in France. They aim to attract and mobilize young people (of up to 30 years old) to provide support both online and in the real world, for candidates of the major French political parties, namely the UMP, the Socialist Party and the National Front.In comparison, in Russia, the high level presence and influence of Youth Movements on the Internet provides support for new institutions forming in civil society. The success of the youth mobilization from the urban middle class can be explained by the combination of “civic consciousness” and “massive involvement”.In 2013, young Russians mobilized for active participation in the political life of Alexei Navalny, one of the leaders of the Russian opposition, who managed to obtain 27% of the votes in the municipal elections of Moscow, the equivalent to second place. His «revolutionary” electoral campaign was predominantly transmitted through social networks, notably through the use of VKontakte (the largest social network in Russia), in order to gain a large amount of support from young Moscovites. This action is deemed to be very uncommon among Russian politicians, and is more likely to be seen among Western homologues. Consequently, this led to the distribution of leaflets in the streets, in the subway, going door-to-door, as well as organizing the collection of donations for the campaign across networks

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MELO, Rostand de Albuquerque. "O 'reencantamento' da política nas mídias sociais: performances de mobilização on-line em campanhas eleitorais na Paraíba." Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 2015. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/147.

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CNPq
Partindo de uma perspectiva que observa a política do ponto de vista da cultura e de suas relações com o cotidiano, a presente tese de doutorado se propõe a investigar a interface entre a sociabilidade contemporânea e engajamento político-eleitoral a partir das interações estabelecidas no ambiente virtual da internet. O foco de análise é identificar as relações e influências entre as novas práticas comunicativas e de interação social, estabelecidas a partir das mídias sociais, e o surgimento de performances diferenciadas de mobilização em processos eleitorais. Para tanto, elegemos como objeto de estudo o caso das eleições estaduais majoritárias de 2010 e 2014 na Paraíba. O que une estes recortes temporais é a análise das performances de mobilização envolvendo duas figuras políticas específicas: Ricardo Coutinho (PSB) e Cássio Cunha Lima (PSDB), que possuem como característica em comum a adoção das mídias sociais enquanto ferramenta de comunicação e construção da imagem pública. O recorte foi estabelecido tendo em vista o período em que o uso eleitoral de plataformas colaborativas como o Facebook e Twitter se disseminou em todo o país e os personagens que iniciaram esse processo no contexto paraibano. Optamos por uma abordagem com viés antropológico, propondo uma etnografia das interações estabelecidas entre os usuários das mídias sociais, com o intuito de descrever e compreender as motivações e significados que orbitam em torno dos processos eleitorais e sua inserção no ritmo da vida cotidiana. Adotamos como categorias analíticas as noções de pós-modernidade e sociabilidade (MAFFESOLI), poder simbólico e capital social (BOURDIEU), por fim, performance e representação (GOFFMAN), além de perspectivas referentes à dinâmica de conversação em rede (RECUERO). Identificamos que as mídias sociais ampliam o espaço de expressão do eleitorado e estimulam a mobilização de grupos sociais antes desvinculados da política, embora reproduzam a personificação de poder e a legitimação de líderes carismáticos e/ou com capital social nas comunidades virtuais. A proliferação de boatos eleitorais e a ênfase no uso do humor e da imagem visual para a construção de representações sobre a política estão entre as principais características deste ambiente de interação. O uso eleitoral das mídias sociais reforça o acirramento de rivalidades e “municia” a militância com narrativas usadas na guerra de informação que caracteriza a disputa pelo voto.
From a perspective that looks at the culture of the point of view of policy and its relations with the everyday, this doctoral thesis aims to investigate the interface between contemporary sociability and political-electoral engagement from the interactions established in the virtual environment the internet. The focus of analysis is to identify the relationships and influences between the new communicative practices and social interaction, established from social media, and the emergence of differentiated performances mobilization in electoral processes. Therefore, we choose as the object of study case of the majority state elections of 2010 and 2014 in Paraíba. What unites these cuts is the temporal analysis of mobilization performances involving two specific political figures: Ricardo Coutinho (PSB) and Cássio Cunha Lima (PSDB), which have a characteristic in common the adoption of social media as a communication tool and construction public image. The clipping was established in view of the period in which the electoral use of collaborative platforms like Facebook and Twitter has spread across the country and the characters who began this process in the context of Paraiba. We opted for an approach to anthropological bias, proposing an ethnography of the interaction between users of social media, in order to describe and understand the motivations and meanings that orbit around the electoral process and its insertion in the rhythm of everyday life. We adopt as analytical categories post-modernity and sociability notions (MAFFESOLI), symbolic power and social capital (BOURDIEU), finally, performance and representation (GOFFMAN), and perspectives regarding the network conversation dynamics (RECUERO). We found that social media amplify the expression of the electorate space and stimulate the mobilization of social groups before disconnected from politics, although reproduce the embodiment of power and the legitimacy of charismatic leaders and / or capital in virtual communities. The proliferation of electoral rumors and the emphasis on the use of humor and visual image for the construction of representations of the policy are among the main features of this interactive environment. The electoral use of social media reinforces the intensification of rivalries and "arm" militancy with narratives used in information warfare that characterized the dispute by voting.

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Bellon, Anne. "Gouverner l’internet : mobilisations, expertises et bureaucraties dans la fabrique des politiques numériques (1969-2017)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D089.

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La thèse porte sur l’émergence et la transformation des politiques numériques, plus particulièrement en France à partir des années 1990. Face à la concurrence des acteurs techniques et aux institutions d’une gouvernance multipartite des réseaux, elle propose d’élucider les conditions de possibilité (et d’impossibilité) d’une intervention publique sur internet. Alors que les travaux sur la révolution numérique ont souvent négligé le rôle qu’y ont joué les acteurs publics, cette recherche réinscrit l’étude du gouvernement de l’internet dans l’espace administratif, en tenant compte de ses luttes internes et de ses échanges avec les univers militants, économiques ou scientifiques. L’enquête multi-site combine ainsi l’observation de collectifs d’internautes mobilisés à celle de l’État au quotidien, à partir d’un cabinet ministériel. Elle articule de nombreux entretiens avec l’analyse quantitative des réseaux d’action publique et s’appuie également sur l’étude de rapports publics et des archives du web. On montre alors comme les agents bureaucratiques se sont progressivement approprié la révolution numérique, l’ont accompagnée et en ont importé les logiques au sein de l’État, participant à la transformation plus générale de l’action publique. Contribution à l’analyse des politiques publiques et à l’étude des recompositions de l’État, la thèse permet ainsi d’éclairer les mécanismes et les stratégies par lesquelles les élites préservent leur capacité d’action dans une société bouleversée par la diffusion des nouvelles technologies
This research deals with the conception and evolution of Internet policies, more specifically in France from the mid-1990’s onwards. It investigates the possibility of government intervention in a social space marked by decentralized governance and strong technical impediments. To this day, little attention has been devoted to the part played by state elites in governing the digital revolution : this research hence studies internet policies in the light of bureaucratic mechanisms at stake in internet policies, taking into account conflicts within the administration and the relationships of public actors with activists, scientists or private interests. The fieldwork combines the observation of digital protest groups and an account of a government cabinet’s everyday life. This dissertation also relies on a network analysis, the study of administrative reports and Web archives as well as on numerous interviews. It evidences how public actors have adapted to the Internet revolution, by contributing to this phenomenon and spreading its logics inside the bureaucratic structures, and how they have finally changed the design and implementation of public policies in the digital age. The dissertation offers a contribution to the analysis of modern state transformation and policy change, as it clarifies the ways in which state elites preserve their ability to govern a society transformed by technology

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Rapp, Stephen H. "Design and implementation of a network optimizer for officer assignment during mobilization." Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/22736.

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"Multiple Discourses: The Mobilization of Trauma Narratives within Burma's Transnational Advocacy Network." Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.8959.

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abstract: Since the 1988 uprising, a transnational advocacy network has formed around the issue of democracy and human rights in Burma. Within this transnational advocacy network, personal narratives of trauma have been promulgated in both international and oppositional news media and human rights reports. My thesis critically analyzes the use of the trauma narrative for advocacy purposes by the transnational advocacy network that has emerged around Burma and reveals the degree to which these narratives adhere to a Western, individualistic meta-narrative focused on political and civil liberties. Examining the "boomerang" pattern and the concept of marketability of movements, I highlight the characteristics of the 1988 uprising and subsequent opposition movement that attracted international interest. Reflecting on the psychological aspects of constructing trauma narratives, I then review the scholarship which links trauma narratives to social and human rights movements. Using a Foucauldian approach to discourse analysis, I subsequently explain my methodology in analyzing the personal narratives I have chosen. Beyond a theoretical discussion of trauma narratives and transnational advocacy networks, I analyze the use of personal narratives of activists involved in the 1988 uprising and the emergence of Aung San Suu Kyi's life story as a compelling narrative for Western audiences. I then explore the structure of human rights reports which situate personal narratives of trauma within the framework of international human rights law. I note the differences in the construction of traumatic narratives of agency and those of victimization. Finally, using Cyclone Nargis as a case study, I uncover the discursive divide between human rights and humanitarian actors and their use of personal narratives to support different discursive constructions of the aid effort in the aftermath of the cyclone. I conclude with an appeal to a more reflexive approach to advocacy work reliant on trauma narratives and highlight feminist methodologies that have been successful in bringing marginalized narratives to the center of human rights discussions.
Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. Social Justice and Human Rights 2011

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HSU, CHIH WEI, and 徐智偉. "Social Network and Community Mobilization: A case Study on“dragon-bombing”Culture in Miaoli City." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95258875168420885509.

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碩士
國立聯合大學
資訊與社會研究所
100
Abstract Among all the local folk activities in Taiwan, “dragon bombing” is one of the most exquisite festivities with profound Hakka cultural meanings. In recent years, a variety of dragon dance and costume troupe competitions were held in Miaoli. The ritual of the dragon bombing event has the fundamental function to lay the foundation for the religious society. Most importantly, dragon bombing is a local athletics event based on highly specialized division of labor and cultural institutions. That is why only the extricate Hakka social network can give birth to such a festivity rich in profound culture contents. In fact, the key factors in deciding whether the dragon bombing culture can be passed down are the collective emotional needs and the division of labor as well as the organization of the community members who participate in the festivities. Accordingly, this thesis hopes to provide new insights into the problems of Hakka social reproduction through analyzing the aforementioned factors. The findings indicate that the recruitment of dragon bombing troupes relies heavily on trust network. Hence, the teams are formed through social networks with overlapping communities and can be characterized as groups of strong ties. The dragon dance troupes obtain resources through competitions. The rankings will decide their chances to get sponsorship and therefore more resources. There is an unspoken rule among the leaders of dragon dance troupes. That is, they usually discuss how their teams will confront each other in advance. This kind of rule somehow helps them mark their own festival territory. Among the various contextual factors that influence the organization and mobilization of dragon bombing, the attitude of the family of troupe members is significant. Their family members have to thoroughly understand the festivities so as to support them. Nevertheless, the policies made by education competent authorities conflict the promotion of dragon bombing. In addition, if any dragon dance troupe fails to follow the traditional ritual activities, the masses are likely to voice objection.

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Lin, Chia-Jung, and 林佳蓉. "The Impact of Social Network toward Resource Mobilization in Social Entrepreneurship and Social Innovation: Agriweather." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ndypy2.

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碩士
國立政治大學
國際經營與貿易學系
106
This article explains resource mobilization happened in social entrepreneurship with social network theory in two ways. First, we explain motivation for participants by using social cognitive theory. By creating community interaction, it reinforces the motivation of the participants and successfully helps startups to gain more resource. Second, we can see from the case that the transit from weak ties to strong ties relationship is possible under three factors: frequency of interaction, level of emotional attachment and reciprocity. This also helps startups to gain more resource. This helps startups to successfully mobilize resource under harsh environment.

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CHEN, YING-YU, and 陳映攸. "The Story of Lane Eight: The Network of Anti-CSSTA Occupation Movement's Supporting Characters and Their Mobilization." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/31273263729977994199.

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碩士
國立臺北大學
社會學系
103
This research examines the supporting characters of social movement protest in the March 18th anti-Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (anti-CSSTA)Occupation Movement. This spontaneous protest group of supporting characters firmly held the site of Lane 8, Linsen S. Road outside Legislative Yuan during the occupation movement. Most participants were mobilized through internet, like PTT and FB network platforms. Through participation and observation at the scene, as well as subsequent in-depth interviews and social network analysis, this research explores the protest process, and shows how this group of "Professional amateurs" was mobilized and organized in the process of on-going occupation movement. How did the participants from different social networks and organizations group, cooperate, and collaborate? How did the interaction between the Internet forums and site protests affect the grouping and cognition at the scene? This research shows that in a civil society where Internet is the public's main interaction platform, the networks have become a new resource of mobilization by social movement actors, and citizens participate in the social movement by extending the battle field and protest site via the internet. Professional amateur plays an important role in organize the activists mobilized by internet. However, sharing of the massive information via the internet actually brought some obstacles to the organization at the protest site. When information could not be confirmed, it was easy to cause conflicts among the participants. The solution of disputes mostly resorted to aftermath conciliation based on what had actually happened at the scene. Finally, the on-site social network of the movement interacts with internet connections.

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Martins, Marcela Canavarro Rodrigues. "Political mobilization in Brazil from 2013 to 2017: a technopolitical analysis using surveys and social network data mining." Tese, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/122246.

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Martins, Marcela Canavarro Rodrigues. "Political mobilization in Brazil from 2013 to 2017: a technopolitical analysis using surveys and social network data mining." Doctoral thesis, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/10216/122246.

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Cai, Ming-Ying, and 蔡明穎. "A Study of Matching in Selection and Assignment System for Military Reserve Forces during Manpower Mobilization: The Application of Neural Network Analysis." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/31734435367028956296.

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碩士
國防管理學院
國防資訊研究所
96
This research is to probe the matching degree of Selection and Assignment System in Reserve Forces Manpower Mobilization. The results of resent wars show that it is not the modern trend to keep a powerful Active Duty Force, but to build a well-trained and quick-mobilized Reserve Force as the main defense power. The Forces of ROC also follow the trend, transform the Active Duty into striking force, and the Reserve into defending force. The Active Duty is mostly armored troop, while the Reserve infantry. Due to the different footings and equipments between the two kinds of troops, there is a big gap between the discharge soldiers of the Active Duty and the demand of the Reserve. The military specialty is the key factor to solve this problem during selecting and assigning personnel. The trainings in military should accord with practical purposes, as the similarity of specialty between the Active Duty and the Reserve grows stronger, the quality of the manpower will be higher and the capability of mobilization will be better. The Artificial Neural Network which using the parallel operating framework to simulate biological nerve system, has successfully applied on various nonlinear and complicated tasks, such as sorting, identifying, estimating and decision-making, etc. The Adaptive Resonance Theory (ART) can apply to objects classification, and this research uses the ART-1. Because of its input values are binary, and we can transform the input values into binary images (black and white.) Thus the results of classification can be observed directly. By adjusting the alarm values, the results of classification will vary; therefore the ART-1 can apply in military specialty classification and specialty substitution. The result of this research indicates that when using the 777 military specialties as targets and the departments as the factors to classify military personnel, the coding has to be 12 bit, and the alarm value is 0.25 or 0.35. Even if we add the occupational division as an under-category, the alarm value is only 0.35, and this Artificial Neural Network can fulfill the demand of the Selection and Assignment System. Furthermore, by calculating the Euclidean distance, the priority of substitute military specialty, which will act as secondary specialty when sorting, can be assured. The order indicates the similarity between primary and substitute military specialty, and the shorter the distance, the better the matching is. Although this research focuses only on specialty classification, the result shows the classification is expandable. When adding coding bit, this kind of classification can also apply to other six Selection and Assignment conditions: city, town, military service, rank, discharging department and discharge date, and as long as the conditions are fully coded with enough bit, the Selection and Assignment system is well completed. Accordingly, the network of Adaptive Resonance Theory can improve the deficiency of traditional Selection and Assignment method, which based on the experiences, and increase the matching degree.

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Chiu, Yu-Ping, and 邱鈺蘋. "A Study on the Strategy of Mobilization and Network Governance of Advocacy Nonprofit Organization: A Case Study of the Taiwan Alliance to Promote Civil Partnership Rights." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/8v5x3t.

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碩士
國立中央大學
法律與政府研究所
105
Advocacy nonprofit organizations play a role in guiding social changes in modern society; they appeal to the government and the society for placing importance on the rights that are ignored for a long time. Same-sex marriage has been one of the issues that attract much attention from the whole world in recent years. Emerging from the developing process of the LGBT movement in Taiwan, Taiwan Alliance to Promote Civil Partnership Rights is a representative nonprofit organization, which drafted “The Drafted Legislation of the Diversification of Family Structures.” This study adopts document analysis, in-depth interviews, and case study as research methods to explore and discuss advocacy nonprofit organizations’ general conditions of development, modes of operation, strategies of policy advocacy, and modes of network governance. The study firstly discusses the cause of the establishment of Taiwan Alliance to Promote Civil Partnership Rights, including the building of a social awareness, the initiation and formation of the alliance, and the drafting and promoting of “The Drafted Legislation of the Diversification of Family Structures.” Next, the study discusses the alliance’s organizational operation, including the making and operating of its internal decisions, collaboration and cooperation of the organization, and divergence between different organizations. Finally, the study discusses the alliance’s strategies of advocacy, including administrative lobbying, legislative lobbying, grassroots lobbying, and judicial proceedings. Through the materials acquired from documents and empirical interviews, this study discovers the change in policy-advocating strategies, the factors that influence the promotion of the legislation, and the relationship between strategies of advocacy, network governance, and applications of theories. I hope this study can be the foundation of related research in the future.

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Sales, Carlota de Oliveira Trovão. "As novas Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação ao serviço da democracia : as eleições legislativas portuguesas em 2015." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/19668.

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Nos últimos anos, as Novas Tecnologias da Informação e da Comunicação têm vindo a ocupar um papel cada vez mais central nas vidas quotidianas de todos nós, com a Internet a assumir uma posição de destaque e com o paradigma da Web 2.0 a abrir portas para uma interatividade sem precedentes. A emergência de novas formas de sociabilidade, que fogem aos constrangimentos do tempo e do espaço, são um fenómeno social que desperta um cada vez maior interesse. A política, como parte essencial do funcionamento da sociedade, não é exceção a esta tendência. O estudo da comunicação política orientada para as NTIC tem gerado visões díspares relativamente àquelas que serão as suas vantagens e desvantagens nos processos políticos e nos processos comunicativos associados a este tema. A utilização dessas novas tecnologias será o objeto do presente trabalho de dissertação. Em países como os Estados Unidos da América, a Internet e as redes sociais, com grande destaque por exemplo para o Twitter, ocupam desde há alguns anos um papel central em termos de campanha eleitoral. A eleição de Barack Obama é o caso mais paradigmático da preponderância destas plataformas para a vitória de um candidato. Neste trabalho olharemos para o caso português, mais precisamente para a Campanha Eleitoral das Eleições à Assembleia da República Portuguesa no ano de 2015, procurando perceber que uso fizeram os partidos destas tecnologias à sua disposição e que têm já provas dadas de eficácia noutros países. Os websites oficiais de campanha, bem como as páginas de Facebook e Twitter dos candidatos a este momento eleitoral, serão o objeto específico de estudo. O levantamento das características dos mesmos, e do tipo de conteúdo partilhado com os eleitores através destas plataformas, serão essenciais para compreender quais as funções que ocupam estas plataformas no contexto eleitoral. Procurar-se-á, a partir daí, perceber qual a performatividade efetiva destas plataformas e se, realmente, trazem novas oportunidades para a política e, sobretudo, para a inclusão dos cidadãos na política e na campanha. As NTIC têm sido apontadas por vários académicos como potenciadoras da revitalização da cidadania e do resgate do papel do público, devido às características eminentemente interativas destas plataformas, permitindo fluxos de comunicação plurilaterais; e que, portanto, vêm dar, pelo menos aparentemente, resposta ao problema da apatia gerada pela televisão, dado o seu formato de comunicação unilateral, de um para muitos. Outros tantos académicos rejeitam esta visão e consideram que não residem nas novas tecnologias as respostas para os problemas de participação cívica e mobilização. Através da análise das plataformas online da campanha eleitoral para as Legislativas de 2015 procuraremos compreender se se espelham estas preocupações de resgate da cidadania e de inclusão dos cidadãos na política; e se as mesmas conseguem, de facto, operacionalizar essas intenções de inclusão do eleitorado na campanha.
For the past years, New Communication and Information Technologies have been taking a more and more central role in our daily lives, with the Internet assuming a main role and with the Web 2.0 paradigm opening doors to unprecedented interactivity. The emergence of new ways of sociability, which escape from the constraints of time and space is a social phenomenon that raises an increasingly bigger interest. Politics, as essential part of society’s functioning, cannot be an exception to this trend. Political Communication studies oriented towards NCIT have generated conflicting views concerning their advantages and disadvantages in political processes and in the communicative processes associated to politics. The use of such Technologies will be the object of the present dissertation work. In countries like the United States of America, the Internet and Social Media, with great emphasis on Twitter, have claimed a central part in the electoral campaign. Barack Obama’s election is the most paradigmatic case of the preponderance of these platforms for the victory of a certain candidate. In this work, we will take a look at the Portuguese case, more specifically on the campaign for the 2015 parliamentary elections, seeking to understand how such technologies, at politicians’ disposal, are used by the candidates’ parties. Official campaign websites, as well as Facebook and Twitter pages from the candidates will be the main object of this study. Looking at such platforms’ characteristics and looking at the contents that are there shared with the electorate will be essential to understand what functions such platforms perform in an electoral context. From there, we will seek to understand the effective performativity of these platforms and if they actually bring new opportunities to the table in terms of politics, and mainly on the inclusion of citizens in politics and on political campaigns. NCITs have been pointed by several scholars as having the potential to revitalize citizenship and rescue the public’s role, due to its eminently interactive characteristics, which allow multilateral communication flows, which give, at least apparently, an answer to the apathy problem, generated by television, due to its unilateral, one-to-many way of communicating. Some other scholars reject such perspective and consider that the answers to civic participation and mobilization problems cannot be found in the use of these new technologies. Through the analysis of online campaign platforms of the 2015 Elections, we will seek to understand if concerns with the rescue of citizenship and citizen inclusion on politics are indeed reflected, and, moreover, we will seek to understand if insipite of such intentions, parties can in fact operationalize the inclusion of the electorate in the campaign.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Network mobilization'

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