Journal articles: 'Network mobilization'

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Wahab, Azrin, and Noraini Abu Talib . "Malaysian Film Projects Network Mobilization." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 4, no. 2 (February 28, 2013): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v4i2.736.

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Film project is a temporary organization that uses outsourcing to acquire it resources. This study aims to investigate how Malaysian film productions mobilize its network in pre-production stage. The objectives are to find out the main components in pre-production and factors that create network between the production and components. In Sweden it is found out that the factors creating network in film pre-production stage are Attractive Script, Established Network, Mentor, and Proficiency. 10 random Malaysian film producers are selected for qualitative interviews. It is found out that the factors creating network in Malaysian film pre-production are Strategic Script, Proficiency, Established network, and Internet. It is suggested that further research is carried out to develop a Strategic Script to penetrate Indonesian film market.

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Heckathorn, Douglas D., Robert S. Broadhead, Denise L. Anthony, and David L. Weakliem. "Aids and Social Networks: HIV Prevention Through Network Mobilization." Sociological Focus 32, no. 2 (May 1999): 159–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00380237.1999.10571133.

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Lubbers, Miranda J., Hugo Valenzuela García, Paula Escribano Castaño, José Luis Molina, Antònia Casellas, and Jorge Grau Rebollo. "Relationships Stretched Thin: Social Support Mobilization in Poverty." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 689, no. 1 (May 2020): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716220911913.

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Research on how the poor “make ends meet” typically shows that they are able to do so by relying on dense support networks of family and close friends. Recent research suggests, however, that these networks play a limited role. This article examines the role of informal networks in how sixty-one households in Barcelona, Spain, cope with poverty. We use a mixed-methods design that combines structured network delineation with semistructured interviews about the processes of support mobilization. Findings show a great variation in network size and resource capacity among households and in the kinds of ties that offer support. Social support was regarded as essential among members of poor households, but mobilized networks were often insufficient for covering even the most basic needs, and prolonged network mobilization could cause strain and long-term conflict. This analysis suggests that support networks may help people to cope with income volatility while simultaneously increasing the potential for social exclusion and isolation.

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Zhang, Jinghuan, Shan Wang, Wenfeng Zheng, and Lei Wang. "The prediction role of feeling of injustice on network social mobilization." International Journal of Crowd Science 3, no. 2 (August 30, 2019): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijcs-01-2019-0008.

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Purpose By drawing on the research paradigm of collective action that occurs in physical space, the present study aims to explore the antecedent predictors of network social mobilization – feeling of injustice – and discuss the emotional mechanism of this prediction: mediating effect of anger and resentment. Design/methodology/approach Micro-blog postings about network social mobilization were collected to develop the dictionary of codes of fairness, anger and resentment. Then, according to the dictionary, postings on Sina Weibo were coded and analyzed. Findings The feeling of injustice predicted network social mobilization directly. The predictive value was 27% and 33%, respectively during two analyses. The feeling of injustice also predicted social mobilization indirectly via anger and resentment. In other words, anger and resentment account for the active mechanism in which the feeling of injustice predicts network social mobilization. Mediating effect value was 29.63% and 33.33% respectively. Research limitations/implications This study is our first exploration to use python language to collect data from human natural language pointing on micro-blog, a large number of comments of netizen about certain topic were crawled, but a small portion of the comments could be coded into analyzable data, which results in a doubt of the reliability of the study. Therefore, we should put the established model under further testing. Practical implications In the cyberspace, this study confirms the mechanism of network social mobilization, expands and enriches the research on social mobilization and deepens the understanding of social mobilization. Social implications This study provides an empirical evidence to understand the network social mobilization, and it gives us the clue to control the process of network social mobilization. Originality/value This study uses the Python language to write Web crawlers to obtain microblog data and analyze the microblog content for word segmentation and matching thesaurus. It has certain innovation.

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Quinn, Rand, Amanda Barrett Cox, and Amy Steinbugler. "Social Position or School Participation? Access and Mobilization of Social Capital in a School-Based Network." Educational Researcher 49, no. 1 (January 2020): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0013189x19898700.

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Through school-based networks, parents obtain information, practical help, and other resources. Because networks vary by size and structure, access to these resources is uneven. What accounts for differences in access to social ties and in the mobilization of those ties to provide resources? In this article, we analyze a network of mothers of eighth graders at a Philadelphia public school. With a near-complete census of network ties, we explore mothers’ access to and mobilization of information and practical help through social ties. We find that mothers’ school-based participation, rather than their race or class-based social position, is associated with resource access and mobilization. Importantly, greater levels of participation increase the likelihood that a mother will provide—but not obtain—information and practical help. Our results can help inform public policy and practice on family and community engagement in schools.

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Osa, Maryjane. "Mobilizing Structures and Cycles of Protest: Post-Stalinist Contention in Poland, 1954-1959." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (September 1, 2001): 211–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.ml4u77k2370504j0.

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This article considers the conditions for protest mobilization and the creation of oppositional networks under authoritarianism. Archival data identifying membership in eighteen social action groups provide the basis for social network analysis of the opposition domain. Network development is traced during three phases of anti-Stalinist mobilization. The study finds that the opening of political opportunity in a non-democratic setting stimulates both civic association and contention. It is suggested that future research be conducted to identify the relational contents of ties in order to determine when influence in a network is likely to facilitate or to inhibit collective action.

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Nasution, Nadya Amalia, and Umi Rojiati. "MODERASI BERAGAMA DALAM RUANG DIGITAL: GERAKAN OPINI DIGITAL #SKB3MENTERI." Tatar Pasundan : Jurnal Diklat Keagamaan 15, no. 1 (June 14, 2021): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.38075/tp.v15i1.198.

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The study examines Digital Movement of Opinion (DMO) by using hastag #SKB3Menteri hashtags on Twitter, thus forming a mobilization of digital opinion support between actors and hashtags as well as digital opinions. The research data was taken through Netlytic software ranging from February 03, 2021 to February 11, 2021. The method used is Social Network Analysis combined both quantitative and qualitative approach. Quantitatively, the study investigated 2500 samples from communication networks and tweets #SKB3Menteri as many as 3,232. Qualitatively, the researchers analyzed the text which describes social networks related to #SKB3Menteri. The results showed that #SKB3Menteri hashtag creates mobilization with a wide network system. The study also showed the hashtag was able to reach out Twitter users to giving their opinions. Keywords: Religious moderation; Twitter; SKB 3 Ministers; Digital Movement of Opinion; Social Network Analysis

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Sokolov, Alexander, and Asya Palagicheva. "Mobilization and demobilization in a network political protest." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 266–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.12.

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The article considers the essence and approaches to understanding network political protest. Traditional forms of collective action are changing under the influence of information and communication technologies. The network paradigm focuses on the position of the individual in the social space, the degree of his involvement in the communication space, the ability to control and regulate the intensity of the information flow. Network structures are more flexible and adaptive, more in line with the new reality. Special and main principles of the network structure of political protest are revealed. The article also presents definitions of political mobilization and demobilization. These processes Express the rivalry of the conflicting parties-the state and society, where the support of the broad masses of the population is an important category. Based on the data of the monitoring study, the features of the development of civil protest activism and the use of mobilization technologies were identified. ICTs have a significant impact on their formation and transformation. The state, reacting to forms of real and virtual activity, formulates a counteraction strategy. It is expressed in the use of technologies for the demobilization of citizens, which are also undergoing changes in the era of digitalization

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Dale, A., and J. Sparkes. "Protecting ecosystems: network structure and social capital mobilization." Community Development Journal 43, no. 2 (April 26, 2007): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cdj/bsm007.

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Nydahl, Peter, Eva Spindelmann, Carsten Hermes, Arnold Kaltwasser, and Stefan J. Schaller. "German Network for Early Mobilization: Impact for participants." Heart & Lung 49, no. 3 (May 2020): 301–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.hrtlng.2019.12.004.

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Jackson, Paul R. "Personal networks, support mobilization and unemployment." Psychological Medicine 18, no. 2 (May 1988): 397–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291700007947.

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SynopsisMeasures were obtained of features of social network structure and the mobilization of instrumental and expressive support from a sample of 301 unemployed men. Findings showed dependence on a restricted number of family members and close friends, with high levels of expressive support (for example, 71 per cent of the sample reported that someone had ‘let you know that he or she is always around if you need help with something’). Follow-up interviews were obtained on two further occasions over a period of one year, and significant changes in network structure and support mobilization were found. A decrease in non-family network size suggested greater reliance on close family and friends and a withdrawal from weaker ties with members of the community. Finally, the findings of this study emphasize the importance of incorporating a time dimension into research on the mobilization of support following a stressful life event such as job loss.

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Croucher, Richard, Helmut Martens, and Ingo Singe. "A German Employee Network and Union Renewal." Articles 62, no. 1 (May 10, 2007): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/015801ar.

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The paper shows how redundancies were resisted by Hi-Tech workers in a large German company. It details an employee network’s emergence to provide support to individuals and to pursue legal cases against the company, and analyzes the network’s norms and operation. The network operated in complementary ways to the union and works council, to achieve a favourable outcome. The case is used to test theoretical propositions derived from literature on Hi-Tech workers, union renewal and mobilization theory and it is suggested that mobilization theory requires further extension in several directions.

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Mu, Hong Yang, Xue Guang Yuan, Ying Na Wu, and Yang An Zhang. "Mobile Wireless Network Management System." Applied Mechanics and Materials 571-572 (June 2014): 443–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.571-572.443.

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Mobile Wireless Network Management System provides a new concept in the research of network management. Supported by mobile terminals, the work achieves the mobilization of network management which is of great convenience and efficiency.

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Bursztyn, Leonardo, Davide Cantoni, David Y. Yang, Noam Yuchtman, and Y. Jane Zhang. "Persistent Political Engagement: Social Interactions and the Dynamics of Protest Movements." American Economic Review: Insights 3, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aeri.20200261.

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We study the causes of sustained participation in political movements. To identify the persistent effect of protest participation, we randomly indirectly incentivize Hong Kong university students into participation in an antiauthoritarian protest. To identify the role of social networks, we randomize this treatment’s intensity across major-cohort cells. We find that incentives to attend one protest within a political movement increase subsequent protest attendance but only when a sufficient fraction of an individual’s social network is also incentivized to attend the initial protest. One-time mobilization shocks have dynamic consequences, with mobilization at the social network level important for sustained political engagement. (JEL D72, D74, I23, Z13)

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Casanueva, Cristobal, Angeles Gallego, and Maria Angeles Revilla. "Access and mobilization of network resources and competitive advantage in hotels." International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 27, no. 6 (August 10, 2015): 1279–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijchm-03-2013-0144.

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Purpose – This paper aims to advance a model that will explain how hotel firms access and mobilize external resources. Hotel operators and firms need to complement their internal resources with external resources, which they can access through their personal and organizational ties, so as to compete and to achieve success. Design/methodology/approach – A framework is proposed, on the basis of the resource-based view and network theory, to explain the process of access and mobilization of available external resources thanks to the professional and social ties of the managers of hotel firms. Findings – This framework distinguishes between access to network resources and their mobilization. This paper introduces network resource mobilization capability as an adaptive capability of managers and employees that can improve hotel firm performance. Previous experience and contextual factors such as the type of property and the management style all influence the nature of this capability. Practical implications – This work proposes a repertory of relevant resources in hotels and the preparation of an instrument to measure access to those resources and their mobilization through social capital. It also proposes the need to develop a new dynamic capability: the capability to mobilize network resources in hotel firms through their managers. Finally, it proposes that social capital is a valuable resource for both hotel firms and their managers. Originality/value – This theoretical approach makes a key distinction between access to and mobilization of network resources, which leads to a better understanding of the potential of the individual social capital of hotel managers. Network resource mobilization capability is introduced as an adaptive capability of managers.

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Grosse, Corrie. "Megaloads and Mobilization." Case Studies in the Environment 1, no. 1 (2017): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cse.2017.sc.450285.

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From 2011 to 2014 fossil fuel corporations trucked tar sands processing machinery along rural Idaho highways. The machinery was bound for the world's largest deposits of tar or oil sands, a heavy crude oil substance called bitumen, located in the western Canadian province of Alberta. These loads of machinery, what became known as megaloads, encountered much resistance. Throughout Idaho and the surrounding region, a network organized opposition. Neighbors, grassroots organizations, nonprofits, and the Nez Perce and other tribes all collaborated. They held information sessions, protested, waged legal battles, monitored the loads, and blockaded highways. What oil companies hoped would be a cost-effective solution for transporting their megaloads became a David versus Goliath, Coyote versus the Monster—to reference the Nez Perce creation story—struggle to protect rural and indigenous ways of life and sovereignty, and the planet.

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Buck, Andrew. "Network Mobilization and the Origins of the Putin Coalition." Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics 26, no. 4 (December 2010): 445–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279.2010.519184.

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Prihantoro, Edy, Fajar Rizali Rakhman, and Rizky Wulan Ramadhani. "Digital Movement of Opinion Mobilization: SNA Study on #Dirumahaja Vs. #Pakaimasker." Jurnal ASPIKOM 6, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.24329/aspikom.v6i1.838.

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This study examines the role of #PakaiMasker and #DirumahAja hashtags on Twitter on shaping the mobilization of digital opinion support, measuring the effectiveness of the comparison of a network, actors between hashtags, and digital opinions. The theory used was Digital Movement of Opinion by looking at the level of actors and systems. The method used in this research is a mixture combining quantitative and qualitative methods. Quantitatively, this research looks at the communication networks from the sample of 2,000 tweet data: 1000 tweet data #PakaiMasker with 259 actors and 334 and 1000 tweet data #DirumahAja with 359 actors and 283 relationships using netlytic and gephi. Meanwhile, qualitatively, the researchers analyzed text that described and explained social networks. The results showed #DirumahAja was more able creating mobilization compared to #PakaiMasker. The success of the #DirumahAja was due to its extensive network system that able to reach actors using Twitter in giving their opinions regarding health campaigns during Covid-19 pandemic.

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Ramanadhan, Shoba, Carmel Salhi, Erline Achille, Nashira Baril, Kerrie D'Entremont, Milagro Grullon, Christine Judge, et al. "Addressing Cancer Disparities via Community Network Mobilization and Intersectoral Partnerships: A Social Network Analysis." PLoS ONE 7, no. 2 (February 23, 2012): e32130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0032130.

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Deodhar, Bhakti. "Networks of the ‘Repugnant Other’: Understanding Right-wing Political Mobilization in Germany." Journal of Advanced Research in Social Sciences 3, no. 3 (December 30, 2020): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/jarss.v3i3.518.

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Political scientists and sociologists have long been hesitant in applying frameworks from social movements studies to right-wing collective action. Generally developed for left-wing, progressive, egalitarian movements, concepts like rational mobilization, network analysis and micro-mobilizations are considered an awkward fit for analysis of right-wing political and social groups. This paper argues for the importance of such cross-over analysis on two levels. Methodologically, the paper demonstrates crucial importance of ethnographic fieldwork in study of political groups in order to understand the complexity of internal dynamics of right-wing political parties. Insights are drawn from author’s original fieldwork among rank-and-file members of ‘Alternative für Deutschland’ (AfD), a right-wing party in Germany. Substantively, the paper produces a nuanced empirical account of internal dynamics of right-wing mobilization. The paper argues, using insights from the field, that far from being homogenous, irrational and predictive, the actions of right-wing political activists appear to be multi-layered, complex and indeed rational, however onerous to liberal minds.

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Zuckerman, Sarah. "Mobilization and Adaptation of a Rural Cradle-to-Career Network." Education Sciences 6, no. 4 (October 19, 2016): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci6040034.

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Coppock, Alexander, Andrew Guess, and John Ternovski. "When Treatments are Tweets: A Network Mobilization Experiment over Twitter." Political Behavior 38, no. 1 (April 8, 2015): 105–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11109-015-9308-6.

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Zayakina, R. A. "Predictors of social network mobilization with participation of national university." Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no. 12 (December 2017): 88–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.12-17.088.

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Gallo-Cruz, Selina. "Nonviolence beyond the state: International NGOs and local nonviolent mobilization." International Sociology 34, no. 6 (September 20, 2019): 655–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580919865100.

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Studies of nonviolence have taught us much about what makes nonviolence successful, emphasizing the importance of local circumstance and strategy. Little attention has been given to the effect of ties with international organizations on nonviolence: that is, how the embeddedness of local actors in global networks shapes nonviolent mobilization. In this article, a world society framework is applied with the objective of understanding the transnational factors shaping local nonviolent mobilization. Through global and historical models exploring political, economic, and cultural factors, it is found that: first, the global integration and structure of the nation-state is an important and significant factor in shaping the emergence of nonviolent movements; second, integration into global civil society networks significantly increases the likelihood for large-scale nonviolent resistance; and third, ties to a specialized network of nonviolent organizations significantly shape the path toward nonviolence over violent means of resistance.

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Lee, Jeongyoon, R. Karl Rethemeyer, and Hyun Hee Park. "How Does Policy Funding Context Matter to Networks? Resource Dependence, Advocacy Mobilization, and Network Structures." Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory 28, no. 3 (March 28, 2018): 388–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jopart/muy016.

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Bhargava, Hemant K., and Olivier Rubel. "Sales Force Compensation Design for Two-Sided Market Platforms." Journal of Marketing Research 56, no. 4 (June 3, 2019): 666–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022243719825818.

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The authors study the use of sales agents for network mobilization in a two-sided market platform that connects buyers and sellers, and they examine how the presence of direct and indirect network effects influences the design of the sales compensation plan. They employ a principal–agent model in which the firm tasks sales agents to mobilize the side of the platform that it monetizes (i.e., sellers). Specifically, the presence of network effects alters the agency relationship between the firm and the sales agent, requiring the platform firm to alter the compensation design, and the nature of the alteration depends on whether the network effects are direct or indirect and positive or negative. The authors first show how the agent’s compensation plan should account for different types of network effects. They then establish that when the platform firm compensates the agent solely on the basis of network mobilization on the side cultivated by the agent (sellers), as intuition would suggest, it will not fully capitalize on the advantage of positive network effects; that is, profit can be lower under stronger network effects. To overcome this limitation, the platform should link the agent’s pay to a second metric, specifically, network mobilization on the buyer side, even though the agent is not assigned to that side. This design induces a positive relation between the strength of network effects and profit. This research underlines the complexity and richness of network effects and provides managers with new insights regarding the design of sales agents’ compensation plans for platforms.

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STEINERT-THRELKELD, ZACHARY C. "Spontaneous Collective Action: Peripheral Mobilization During the Arab Spring." American Political Science Review 111, no. 2 (April 19, 2017): 379–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000769.

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Who is responsible for protest mobilization? Models of disease and information diffusion suggest that those central to a social network (the core) should have a greater ability to mobilize others than those who are less well-connected. To the contrary, this article argues that those not central to a network (the periphery) can generate collective action, especially in the context of large-scale protests in authoritarian regimes. To show that those in the core of a social network have no effect on levels of protest, this article develops a dataset of daily protests across 16 countries in the Middle East and North Africa over 14 months from 2010 through 2011. It combines that dataset with geocoded, individual-level communication from the same period and measures the number of connections of each person. Those on the periphery are shown to be responsible for changing levels of protest, with some evidence suggesting that the core’s mobilization efforts lead to fewer protests. These results have implications for a wide range of social choices that rely on interdependent decision making.

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Kleyn, Lisa M., Miles Hewstone, Catherine L. Ward, and Ralf Wölfer. "Using Longitudinal Social Network Analysis to Evaluate a Community-Wide Parenting Intervention." Prevention Science 22, no. 1 (November 19, 2020): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11121-020-01184-6.

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AbstractHarsh parenting attitudes and behaviors negatively impact children’s behavior and development, and are linked to heightened levels of violence in children. Parent training programs are effective preventive interventions, but only reach caregivers who attend them. In this study, programs were implemented alongside a community mobilization process, intended to use caregivers’ social networks to disseminate new parenting skills community wide. We used social network analysis to explore whether this intervention, first, increased positive parenting, second, changed social networks of female caregivers (selection), and, third, influenced parenting behavior via connections (socialization), while controlling for psychiatric morbidity, parenting stress, alcohol misuse, and child’s age. “Colored” Afrikaans-speaking female caregivers (N = 235; mean age 35.92 years) in a rural community in South Africa, with children between 1½ and 18 years old, were included in the study; two waves of data were collected (January–April 2016 and June–October 2017). We detected community-wide increases in positive parenting behavior (involvement, supervision, consistent discipline, and reduced corporal punishment). Attending at least one session of a parenting skills training program (n = 51; 21.7%) significantly predicted increases in network centrality (i.e., outdegree and indegree). Caregivers appeared to use similar parenting behavior to other caregivers they were connected to within the network, especially when those others attended a parenting skills training program. Overall, the results suggest that the information in the intervention was spread throughout the community through social interactions with program attendees and the community mobilization process. The results also illustrate the value of social network analysis for ascertaining the processes by which the intervention achieved its impact.

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Adegbile, Abiodun Samuel, Heinz-Theo Wagner, and Albrecht Söllner. "Resource Mobilization and Performance:The Moderating Role of Network Complementarity and Diversity." Academy of Management Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (August 2017): 10417. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2017.10417abstract.

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Bertuzzi, Niccolo. "No Expo Network: a failed mobilization in a post-political frame." Social Movement Studies 16, no. 6 (July 9, 2017): 752–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2017.1348943.

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Ritvala, Tiina, and Asta Salmi. "Value-based network mobilization: A case study of modern environmental networkers." Industrial Marketing Management 39, no. 6 (August 2010): 898–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.indmarman.2010.06.009.

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Ter Wal, Anne L. J., Paola Criscuolo, and Ammon Salter. "Temporal balancing: The timing of network mobilization across the idea journey." Academy of Management Proceedings 2021, no. 1 (August 2021): 14583. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2021.14583abstract.

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Pepler, Debra, and Wendy Craig. "Promoting relationships and eliminating violence in Canada." International Journal of Behavioral Development 35, no. 5 (July 25, 2011): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025411407455.

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The Promoting Relationships and Eliminating Violence Network (PREVNet) involves Canadian researchers and national organizations working to promote healthy relationships and prevent bullying. In this paper, we provide the rationale for establishing PREVNet, a description of the work of the network, and an assessment of the success of PREVNet. PREVNet’s strategic plan focuses on enhancing the practice of those who work with children and youth through knowledge mobilization under four strategy pillars: education and training, assessment and evaluation, prevention and intervention, and policy and advocacy. For this paper, we focus on proximal indicators of PREVNet’s success: growth of the network, participation in network activities, and development of knowledge mobilization resources. We illustrate that building partnerships with national organizations has been highly effective in the generation and dissemination of knowledge relating to children’s healthy development and healthy relationships.

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Wiewiura, Joachim S., and Vincent F. Hendricks. "Informational pathologies and interest bubbles: Exploring the structural mobilization of knowledge, ignorance, and slack." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (January 10, 2017): 1123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816686095.

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This article contends that certain configurations of information networks facilitate specific cognitive states that are instrumental for decision and action on social media. Group-related knowledge and belief states—in particular common knowledge and pluralistic ignorance—may enable strong public signals. Indeed, some network configurations and attitude states foster informational pathologies that may fuel interest bubbles affecting agenda-setting and the generation of narratives in public spheres.

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Mazur, Kevin. "Networks, Informal Governance, and Ethnic Violence in a Syrian City." World Politics 72, no. 3 (June 11, 2020): 481–524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887120000052.

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ABSTRACTIn cross-national studies, ethnic exclusion is robustly associated with the onset of violent challenge to incumbent regimes. But significant variation remains at the subnational level—not all members of an excluded ethnic group join in challenge. This article accounts for intra-ethnic group variation in terms of the network properties of local communities, nested within ethnic groups, and the informal ties that regimes forge to some segments of the ethnically excluded population. Mobilization within an excluded ethnic group is most likely among local communities where members are densely linked to one another and lack network access to state-controlled resources. Drawing on a case study of the Syrian city of Homs in the 2011 uprising, this article demonstrates how the Syrian regime’s strategies of managing the Sunni population of Homs shaped patterns of challenge. On the one hand, the state’s toleration of spontaneous settlements on the city’s periphery helped to reproduce dense network ties. On the other hand, the regime’s informal bargains with customary leaders instrumentalized those ties to manage local populations. These bargains could not withstand the regime’s use of violence against challengers, which meant that these same local networks became crucial factors in impelling and sustaining costly antiregime mobilization.

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Samain, Emmanuel, Hélène Bouillier, Catherine Rucker-Martin, Jean-Xavier Mazoit, Jean Marty, Jean-François Renaud, and Georges Dagher. "Isoflurane Alters Angiotensin II–Induced Ca2+Mobilization in Aortic Smooth Muscle Cells from Hypertensive Rats." Anesthesiology 97, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 642–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000542-200209000-00019.

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Background Angiotensin II (AngII) is a potent vasoconstrictor involved in the short-term control of arterial blood pressure. Isoflurane was reported to decrease vascular tone through an alteration of vascular smooth muscle cell vasomotor response to several agonists, but its effect on AngII signaling is not known. On the other hand, vascular response to AngII is altered in hypertension. In this study, the authors tested the hypothesis that (1) isoflurane alters AngII-induced intracellular Ca mobilization in aortic vascular smooth muscle cell from Wistar Kyoto and spontaneously hypertensive rats, and (2) this effect could be associated with an alteration of the organization of microtubular network, reported to be involved in AngII signaling. Methods The effect of 0.5-3% isoflurane was studied (1) on AngII (10 m)-induced intracellular Ca mobilization, intracellular Ca release from internal stores, and Ca influx in Fura-2 loaded cultured aortic vascular smooth muscle cell isolated from 6-week-old Wistar Kyoto and spontaneously hypertensive rats, using fluorescent imaging microscopy; and (2) on the organization of cytoskeletal elements, using immunofluorescence labeling. Results In both stains, isoflurane decreased in a concentration-dependent manner AngII-induced intracellular Ca mobilization, Ca release from internal stores, and Ca influx through nifedipine-insensitive Ca channels. This effect occurred at a lower concentrations of isoflurane in Wistar Kyoto rats than in spontaneously hypertensive rats. In both strains, the effect of isoflurane on AngII- Ca mobilization was abolished by impairment with nocodazole, vinblastine, or paclitaxel of microtubules polymerization. Isoflurane directly altered tubular network organization in a concentration-dependent and reversible manner. Conclusions Isoflurane decreased AngII-induced Ca mobilization at clinically relevant concentrations, suggesting that vascular response to AngII could be altered during isoflurane anesthesia. The hypertensive strain was found less sensitive than the normotensive one. In both strains, the isoflurane effect was associated with a microtubular network interaction.

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Kılavuz, İdil Tunçer. "The Role of Networks in Tajikistan's Civil War: Network Activation and Violence Specialists*." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 5 (September 2009): 693–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990903122909.

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This article identifies the dynamics which shaped the eruption of civil war in Tajikistan. It argues that the mechanisms of network activation by the elites, together with the establishment of local militias and their involvement in the war through the activation of violence specialists, were important factors in bringing about the eruption of violence. This article is not about the causes of the civil war. Its aim is not to answer the question of why, but the question of how: what mechanisms led Tajikistan into civil war, how networks were activated from the top down, how mobilization was achieved at the micro level in the villages. This article stresses both macro- and micro-level mechanisms, and argues that there is a connection between the two—a look at both is necessary to understand the dynamics of the war.

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Yan, Grace, Ann Pegoraro, and Nicholas M. Watanabe. "Student-Athletes’ Organization of Activism at the University of Missouri: Resource Mobilization on Twitter." Journal of Sport Management 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 24–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jsm.2017-0031.

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Although social media has been increasingly noted as an outlet for athletes to openly address social issues, there has been very little systematic examination on the organizational capacity of social media. To address this, our study seeks to focus on the strike organized by the football players through Twitter at the University of Missouri in 2015. Specifically, it adopts the theoretical framework of resource mobilization and conducts a comprehensive analysis composed of two parts. First, by identifying geographic characteristics and participant groups for #ConcernedStudent1950, it seeks to reveal the mobilization scope and impact. Second, a social network analysis is used to delineate the organizational dynamics of the players’ protest networks. The results yield both theoretical and practical implications for athletes’ engagement in social activism in the digital era.

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Golovin, Nikolay A., and Vladimir A. Sibirev. "Success factors of network protest movement (analysis of the conflict over St. Isaacs cathedral in 2017–2018)." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 36, no. 2 (2020): 370–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2020.213.

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In the article, the peculiarities of the communication activity of Russian social movements in organizing online and offline actions are explored on the example of the conflict between the authorities and the public concerning the official decision on the transfer of St. Isaac’s Cathedral in St. Petersburg (in the building of which the museum works) to the Russian Orthodox Church. As a theoretical and methodological basis of the study, a modernized theory of social movements is used, taking into account their features associated with their use of new communicative capabilities of social networks. Methods of dynamic network analysis were used for analyzing the collected empirical data on the content of the political communication of the network groups. The structural characteristics of the online communication of the two protest network groups “Let’s protect…” and “Let’s save…” the cathedral museum as well as communication links between them are revealed. The differences in their chosen strategies of fighting against the government’s decision are illustrated. The stages of their development are emphasized: mobilization of the movement’s participants by cultural figures and politicians dissatisfied with the decision (January 2017); organizational institutionalization during meetings and rallies (February — May 2017); attainment of the goal (June 2017) with the subsequent termination of the decision (success of the movement). The dynamics of the volume and structure of communication during the entire period of the conflict are analyzed at each stage. A conclusion is made about the real political power of the e-movement during the conflict. It is proved that the use of social networks does not automatically result in the success of the network protest movement, much depends on the chosen strategy. Network protest mobilization alone does not ensure the success of the movement in Russia.

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Pedulla, David S., and Devah Pager. "Race and Networks in the Job Search Process." American Sociological Review 84, no. 6 (November 7, 2019): 983–1012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122419883255.

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Racial disparities persist throughout the employment process, with African Americans experiencing significant barriers compared to whites. This article advances the understanding of racial labor market stratification by bringing new theoretical insights and original data to bear on the ways social networks shape racial disparities in employment opportunities. We develop and articulate two pathways through which networks may perpetuate racial inequality in the labor market: network access and network returns. In the first case, African American job seekers may receive fewer job leads through their social networks than white job seekers, limiting their access to employment opportunities. In the second case, black and white job seekers may utilize their social networks at similar rates, but their networks may differ in effectiveness. Our data, with detailed information about both job applications and job offers, provide the unique ability to adjudicate between these processes. We find evidence that black and white job seekers utilize their networks at similar rates, but network-based methods are less likely to lead to job offers for African Americans. We then theoretically develop and empirically test two mechanisms that may explain these differential returns: network placement and network mobilization. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for scholarship on racial stratification and social networks in the job search process.

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Annisa, Rifka. "Digital feminist activism: Analyzing Jakarta Feminist as a collective identity, resources, network, information dissemination, and mobilization." Jurnal Sosiologi Dialektika 16, no. 2 (September 13, 2021): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jsd.v16i2.2021.175-186.

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The use of social media for feminist activism in Indonesia has increased in decades. Some studies have mentioned digital feminist activism as the three intersectional relations of collective agenda, civic network, and digital infrastructure. To deepen, this study aims to analyze digital feminist activism works to organize collective identities, develop resources, coordinate networks, disseminate information, and mobilize social actors, in the case of Jakarta Feminist through a qualitative approach combined with social and textual network analysis. As a result, the Jakarta Feminist collective’s identity formed based on their identities, concerns, and defaces to the right of all Indonesian women, and other minorities group succeeded in developing resources in the form of moral, cultural, material, human, and network. Jakarta Feminist disseminated activism information by using social media features, and their members’ ties. Mobilized actors by conducting internal group planning, themes, and hashtags, boosted by social media personalities digital campaigns, individual and cross-organization. This study concluded that feminist digital activism running by the combination of their work in online and offline spheres. The cross-sectional interrelated of feminist activism to other issues, movements, and entities are interesting topics for future research.

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Tindall, D. B. "Social Movement Participation over Time: An Ego-Network Approach to Micro-Mobilization." Sociological Focus 37, no. 2 (May 2004): 163–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00380237.2004.10571240.

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Miller, Wesley E. "The New Christian Right and its Preexistent Network: A Resource Mobilization Explanation." Humanity & Society 10, no. 2 (May 1986): 179–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016059768601000206.

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Kelley, Carolyn, and Julie Mead. "Revolution and Counter-Revolution: Network Mobilization to Preserve Public Education in Wisconsin." Peabody Journal of Education 92, no. 1 (December 2, 2016): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0161956x.2016.1265338.

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Gainforth, Heather L., Amy E. Latimer-Cheung, Spencer Moore, Peter Athanasopoulos, and Kathleen A. Martin Ginis. "Using Network Analysis to Understand Knowledge Mobilization in a Community-based Organization." International Journal of Behavioral Medicine 22, no. 3 (September 4, 2014): 292–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12529-014-9430-6.

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Lee, Cheol-Sung. "Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis." American Sociological Review 72, no. 4 (August 2007): 585–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200405.

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Using network-based measures of unions' centrality among civic associations, this article builds and tests a theoretical framework that highlights labor unions' central role in enhancing governance. I first construct three measures to capture the connectedness and power of representative voluntary civic associations, membership density, degree centrality (comemberships), and power centrality, based on the affiliation network matrices for 54 countries, using the latest World Values Survey. I then test the key argument that unions' power centrality has significant positive effects on governance, controlling for general socioeconomic and international factors. The findings from standard statistical analyses, as well as from comparative case studies of affiliation networks, support my claims that union-centered or union-linked civic mobilization achieves a balance of class power not only in civil society, but also within state institutions, strengthening reformist parties and policy makers. This article also suggests that this power shift in the state power structure leads to better governance. I highlight the role of labor-based organizations in making governments effective and responsible, and I bring the bottom-up process of civic mobilization and social accountability back into the discussion of social capital and governance.

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Andretta, Massimiliano, and Donatella Della Porta. "Contentious precarious generation in anti-austerity movements in Spain and Italy." OBETS. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 10, no. 1 (June 15, 2015): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/obets2015.10.1.02.

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This article focuses on the precarious generation protesting in Spain and Italy in times of crisis and austerity (2010-2012). Their many similarities notwithstanding, the two countries have experienced different types of mobilization against austerity measures. In Spain, a relatively autonomous mobilization –characterized by new collective actors and new forms of action– has made possible the building of a political actor, Podemos, able to seriously challenge the established political parties. In Italy, instead, the mobilization was dominated by established political actors, especially trade unions, did not produce innovative forms of action and has not been able to overcome (so far) the fragmentation of the social movement sector. In both countries, however, the anti-austerity protests have been characterized by a strong presence of what we call hear the “precarious generation”, particularly exposed to the economic crisis and the austerity measures. By relying on data from several surveys conducted in demonstrations on social, economic and labor issues in the two countries from 2010 to 2011, in this article we single out differences and the similarities in terms of presence, social composition, grievances and emotion, collective identity and network embeddedness of the precarious generation. Our findings show that the precarious generation was almost equally present in the selected demonstrations in the two countries, share similar socio-graphic features and similar types of grievance and emotions. Nonetheless, in Spain it seems to have built a more cohesive and radical collective identity based upon a more informal and internet based network integration while in Italy it seems embedded in a more traditional and formal network, which prevented the formation of a strong collective identity. Moreover, while in Spain the differences between the older and the precarious generation reveal that, both have a strong identity based on different networks; more formal the older and more related to informal and online instruments the latter; in Italy, the older generation has a much stronger collective identity based on a organizational network, while the precarious one is less but still integrated in organizational network. We conclude that the more autonomous civil society tradition in Spain, together with the particular political opportunities, under the pressure of a harsher economic crisis, may account for the differences we found.

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Aurelio-Saquet, Marcos. "Desarrollo territorial heterocentrado y autocentrado: diferentes formas de movilizar saberes y redes en Brasil." Textual, no. 65 (June 2015): 11–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5154/r.textual.2015.65.001.

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Yuce, Serpil T., Nitin Agarwal, Rolf T. Wigand, Merlyna Lim, and Rebecca S. Robinson. "Bridging Women Rights Networks." Journal of Global Information Management 22, no. 4 (October 2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jgim.2014100101.

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In recent mass protests such as the Arab Spring and Occupy movements, protesters used social media to spread awareness, coordinate, and mobilize support. Social media-assisted collective action has attracted much attention from journalists, political observers, and researchers of various disciplines. In this article, the authors study transnational online collective action through the lens of inter-network cooperation. The authors analyze interaction and support between the women's rights networks of two online collective actions: ‘Women to Drive' (primarily Saudi Arabia) and ‘Sexual Harassment' (global). Methodologies used include: extracting each collective action's social network from blogs authored by female Muslim bloggers (23 countries), mapping interactions among network actors, and conducting sentiment analysis on observed interactions to provide a better understanding of inter-network support. The authors examine these two distinct but overlapped networks of collective actions and discover that brokering and bridging processes can facilitate the diffusion of information, coalition formation, and the expansion of the networks. The broader goal of the study is to examine the dynamics between interconnected collective actions. This research contributes to understanding the mobilization of social movements in digital activism and the role of cooperative networks in online collective action.

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Ng-A-Fook, Nicholas, Ruth Kane, Jesse Butler, Lisa Glithero, and Rita Forte. "Brokering knowledge mobilization networks: Policy reforms, partnerships, and teacher education." education policy analysis archives 23 (December 6, 2015): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v23.2090.

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Educational researchers and policy-makers are now expected by funding agencies and their institutions to innovate the multidirectional ways in which our production of knowledge can impact the classrooms of teachers (practitioners), while also integrating their experiential knowledge into the landscape of our research. In this article, we draw on the curriculum implementation literature to complicate our understandings of knowledge mobilization (KMb). Policy implementation, we suggest, can be understood as one specific type of KMb. We draw on different models for KMb and curriculum implementation and develop a relational model for KMb. Utilizing our model we critically reflect on the specific successes and challenges encountered while establishing, building, and sustaining the capacity of our KMb network. Our findings suggest that faculties of education are uniquely positioned to act as secondary brokers for the implementation of policy reforms within public education systems. To this end, we discuss how a relational KMb network is a “best practice” for establishing and sustaining partnerships among policy makers, educational researchers, and public school practitioners.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Network mobilization'

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