Relevant bibliographies by topics / Network Politics

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Network Politics'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 19 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Network Politics"

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Solo, Ashu M. G., and Jonathan Bishop. "Network Politics and the Arab Spring." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 3, no. 1 (January 2016): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2016010102.

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Network politics is examined in the context of the Arab Spring. Network politics refers to politics and networks. These networks include the Internet, private networks, cellular networks, telephone networks, radio networks, television networks, etc. Network politics includes the applications of networks to enable one or more individuals or organizations to engage in political communication. Furthermore, network politics includes government regulation of networks. Finally, network politics includes the accompanying issues that arise when networks are used for political communication or when there is government regulation of networks. The domain of network politics includes, but is not limited to, e-politics (social networking for driving revolutions and organizing protests, online petitions, political blogs and vlogs, whistleblower websites, online campaigning, e-participation, virtual town halls, e-voting, Internet freedom, access to information, net neutrality, etc.) and applications of other networks in politics (robocalling, text messaging, TV broadcasting, etc.). Network politics has played a crucial role in the Arab Spring.
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Swords, Alicia C. S. "Neo-Zapatista Network Politics." Latin American Perspectives 34, no. 2 (March 2007): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x06298746.

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kang jang mook and 이원태. "Exploring New Configurations of Network Politics: Theoretical Search for Network Theory of Politics." 21st centry Political Science Review 20, no. 1 (May 2010): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.20.1.201005.27.

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Ibsen, Christian Lyhne, Christoph Houman Ellersgaard, and Anton Grau Larsen. "Quiet Politics, Trade Unions, and the Political Elite Network: The Case of Denmark." Politics & Society 49, no. 1 (February 8, 2021): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329220985748.

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Pepper Culpepper’s seminal Quiet Politics and Business Power has revitalized the study of when business elites can shape policies away from public scrutiny. This article takes the concept of quiet politics to a new, and surprising, set of actors: trade union leaders. Focusing on the case of Denmark, it argues that quiet politics functions through political elite networks and that this way of doing politics favors a particular kind of corporatist coordination between the state, capital, and labor. Rather than showing macrocorporatist coordination between the two classes and governments, it identifies representatives of business and labor that hold privileged positions in political elite networks. Representatives of segments are found in industries important for the Danish economy, specifically, the exporting manufacturing sector. Being at the core of the network requires not only a key position in the Danish economy but also an understanding that politics is often done best without politicians and voters. The analysis shows that trade union and business association representatives work closely on a wide number of issues through quiet politics, using their extensive network to broker and foster agreement between different stakeholders.
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Kuznetsov, D. "Network Texture of World Politics: Transregionalism of BRICS." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 11 (2020): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-11-124-131.

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In the world witnessing profound transformations at all levels of interstate relations as well as the search for effective forms of international interaction, networks have already proved to be among the most effective patterns of cooperation. Informal, flexible, stable, cooperative, multilevel and pluralistic international networks have been promoting a new architecture of the 21st century world politics, with BRICS being one of its manifestations. BRICS also represent a special type of networks – a transregional one, which combines resources of the powerful states from different regional subsystems claiming to be the leaders of a new polycentric world. Applying the network approach, the author analyzes the nature, potential, resources, mechanisms and institutions of BRICS as an actor in the global governance. This network is based on a balance of interests, resources and values. The group forms a stable network with relatively stable links that contribute to its stability despite political and economic factors forcing its disintegration. Such a pattern of transregional cooperation has not only become an objective reality, but also confirms its effectiveness and competitiveness in the multilevel system of global governance. BRICS, while remaining an informal forum, could not avoid institutionalization (albeit in a soft and flexible form), having formed a complex network of forums, councils, as well as real institutions such as the New Development Bank or BRICS Network University. The group is distinguished by a high concentration of resources in a network that operates on the basis of group interest and a culture of consensus, which ensures its stability even in case of internal political changes and bilateral contradictions. Amid increasing competition of new transregional associations and projects, the BRICS states tend to use the openness of the group to cement their global leadership, initiating “BRICS+” project that might become an even more inclusive transregional network embracing more regional and middle powers in the framework of cooperation.
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Park, Sungjin, Jihye Lee, Seungjin Ryu, and Kyu S. Hahn. "The Network of Celebrity Politics." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 659, no. 1 (April 9, 2015): 246–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215569226.

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With the rise of networked media such as Twitter, celebrities’ ability to speak on policy matters directly to the public has become amplified. We investigate the political implications of celebrity activism on Twitter by estimating the political ideology of thirty-four South Korean news outlets and fourteen political celebrities based on the co-following pattern among 1,868,587 Twitter users. We also had a rare opportunity to match their following behavior with individual-level attributes by relying on supplementary survey data on 11,953 members of an online survey panel. Our results reveal that celebrity following on Twitter is ideologically skewed; a vast majority of Korean Twitter users following politically influential celebrities are liberal. Additionally, survey results show that political celebrities are more likely to attract those lacking the ability to process one-sided information in a balanced manner.
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Hassan, Robert. "Network Speed and Democratic Politics." World Futures 64, no. 1 (January 22, 2008): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604020701801767.

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Parobo, Parag D. "The State, Networks and Family Raj in Goa." Studies in Indian Politics 6, no. 2 (September 24, 2018): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018797408.

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Goa achieved statehood in 1987. While from 1963 to 1989 there were only two legislators with ‘dynastic ties’, since 1990, there have been 23 political families contesting elections, with 10 dynastic candidates voted to the assembly. How might we understand the rise of ‘family raj’ in Goa’s politics? What does Goa teach us about the relationship between economy and politics? This article analyses Goa’s changing political economy and argues that apart from ‘increasing financial returns associated with state power’, it is the ‘networked’ contexts of these families that catapult them and sustain their growth. Two important political families and their particular networks are discussed to show how family raj is weaved in a wider network of power and money.
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Germain, Gilbert. "The Network Society." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 1 (March 2005): 252–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905350104.

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The Network Society, Darin Barney, London: Polity, 2004, pp. 198In The Network Society, Darin Barney investigates the claim that “the spirit of our age is the spirit of the network” (2). This claim, the so-called “network society thesis,” announces the birth of a new social order in which “identity, politics, and economy are structured, and operate, as networks” (2). The argument that networks form the organizational principle of social, political, and economic configurations is a direct consequence, we are told, of the communication and management technologies that mediate virtually all contemporary societal practices. This being said, Barney sets out to assess the status of the network society thesis as a truth claim: Does the thesis in fact describe the arrival of a new societal order or does it merely provide a script for its possible realization? Although he concludes the rhetoric of the network society serves both functions, Barney's ultimate concern is that its prescriptive capacity is sufficiently powerful that the political will to offset the further advance of the network society is fast disappearing.
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Blauvelt, Timothy K. "March of the chekists: Beria’s secret police patronage network and Soviet crypto-politics." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.01.005.

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Lavrentii Beria built up one of the most powerful patronage networks in Soviet history. Its success represents a unique case in Soviet history in which a regionally based secret police patron-client network, comprised primarily of representatives of ethnic minorities, took control first of the civilian leadership of one of the major regions of the Union, and then of the most powerful institution in the USSR, the national secret police, and subsequently became one of the main competing factions in the “crypto-politics” of the late-Stalin era. The fact that the Beria network emerged from the secret police gave it certain advantages in the political struggles of the period, but it also held weaknesses that played a role in Beria’s final undoing. The evolution and political struggles of Beria’s network also shed light on the inner workings of the competition among informal networks that made up the crypto-politics of the period. Using recent memoirs, new archival sources and interviews, this article will examine how Beria developed, managed and advanced his informal network, giving particular attention to the specific and unique outcomes that resulted from the rooting of this network in the secret police, at five critical junctures in Beria’s career.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Network Politics"

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Sharan, Timor. "The network politics of international statebuilding : intervention and statehood in post-2001 Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14542.

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This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post-2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. This study suggests that a new political order is emerging in post-2001 Afghanistan where political stability is a function of patron-client relations, opportunistic practices of bargaining and expropriation of public resources for political network gain as well as the instrumentalisation of identities. In light of this analysis, it concludes with the implications of the research findings for the future of Afghanistan. It posits that a successful international military exit from Afghanistan and post-2014 state survival may depend primarily on the political stability of the empowered political networks. This research is based on extensive fieldwork, including participatory observation and interviews (more than 130 interviews) with key informants over 16 months in Afghanistan.
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Sweeting, Barbara. "Evaluation of business networks in the AusIndustry business network program." University of Southern Queensland, Faculty of Business, 2005. http://eprints.usq.edu.au/archive/00001516/.

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Researchers have found that inter-firm collaboration, that is, co-operative business networks, can provide a competitive advantage that would not be possible independently for small sized firms. Work has been done by some governments, for example, Danish, Norwegian, New Zealand, American and Japanese, in the area of policy and practice of business networks because they have realised the importance of business networking and have encouraged collaboration of small firms by assisting in the facilitation of networks. The Australian government established a Business Network Program which ran for four years and several studies were completed on various aspects of the program during that period. However, there had been no particular research that examined the success or other outcomes of these networks, thus providing the basis for the research question addressed in this research: How and why did the business networks developed in the AusIndustry Business Networks Program, succeed or not succeed? Further, questions relating to how and why these outcomes may have occurred or how they may have been measured in the Australian government facilitated program were also unanswered. A review of the extant literature in this area established the theoretical foundations upon which this research is based and made possible the development of a model comprising three constructs or research issues that would address the research question: RI 1: How and why is network success evaluated? RI 2: How and why do the internal and external environments affect the outcomes of the network? RI 3: How does facilitation affect the network? In order to address these research issues and the research question, a protocol was developed and case study interviews with the lead business of sixteen networks participating in the AusIndustry Business Network Program were carried out. The resultant data was compared for each of the research issues through a qualitative methodology from which conclusions and answers to the research question and issues were derived. The results of this research showed that network members evaluated their own outcomes often using multiple measures, both qualitative and quantitative, with the most common criteria being whether the network continued or discontinued. Moreover, it was concluded in this research that successful networks usually had a single goal or purpose for joining a network which they ultimately achieved. In contrast the unsuccessful networks generally joined the network with multiple goals and which were not all achieved, thus contributing to their lack of success. This result was not evident in the literature reviewed in chapter 2. Additionally, the findings showed that high levels of trust, commitment and reciprocity were essential elements in the success of business networks. More importantly this study found that whilst all successful networks had these elements, some of the non successful ones also reported high levels of trust, commitment and reciprocity. Thus it appeared in this study that whilst these elements are important for network success, they do not alone ensure that success, further, it was noted that for any network that reported a lack of any one of these elements, non success was more likely. In relation to this finding was the discovery that in these networks formal contracts between the network members increased the levels of commitment and reciprocity and thus increased the chances of success. When external environmental factors were examined in relation to their impact on network success, it was found that whilst all had some impact on their business generally, competition was noted as having the highest impact and government or legal issues the lowest impact. Finally, this research found that facilitation did not necessarily contribute to a network’s success but that possible a lack of appropriate facilitation style did contribute to the non-success of networks. However, it was clear that the small networks needed less facilitator guidance overall and that the larger networks definitely needed facilitation and guidance. Moreover, it was found that the type of facilitation at the various stages of the network process were more important to the likelihood of success, rather than the mere presence of a facilitator. Thus, the main contribution of this theory building research is to extend the general level of knowledge about business networks and provide new insights into network theory and the value of networks using an original application of existing knowledge. This knowledge can contribute to network education and training in business schools and can contribute to the development of future government policy and practice pertaining to network programs.
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Hepburn, Paul Anthony. "Local governance and the local online networked public sphere : enhancing local democracy or politics as usual?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-governance-and-the-local-online-networked-public-sphereenhancing-local-democracy-or-politics-as-usual(83706217-54a7-4314-ab58-8a583e380371).html.

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This study examines the potential for the Internet, or more specifically the World Wide Web, to enhance local democracy and local governance by providing a networked public sphere. It is located in post-industrial theories of social and political transformation, which see a new, uncertain and complex society emerging which may transform the political significance of the 'local'. Whilst a number of causes are identified as culpable in this process, it is the ICT revolution and the development of the Web in particular, that is seen as possessing a democratising potential that, if realised, may bring greater resilience to geographic localities. The potential of the Web to provide a new networked public sphere is based upon contested views that its topography, its hyperlinked structure, can enable the ordinary citizen's voice to be heard above those that traditionally dominate political discourse. However, there has been no attention paid to this potential being realised at a local governance level within which, this study argues, a favourable environment should exist for a local online networked public sphere to prosper. Accordingly, this prospect is empirically explored here through a case study of the use made of the Web by a variety of local civic, political and institutional actors during a 2008 local (Manchester, UK) referendum on introducing the largest traffic congestion charging scheme in the country. This research applies a distinctive mixed method approach within a conceptually defined internet mediated domain of local governance. Relational Hyperlink Analysis is used to analyse the structural significance of the captured congestion charge. This analysis uses Social Network Analysis (SNA) and an associated statistical technique, Exponential Random Graph Modelling (ERGM) to render the network visible and understandable. To further illuminate how the network was used by local civic and institutional actors involved in the referendum the research draws upon a network ethnography approach which uses SNA to identify subjects for qualitative investigation. The study offers some evidence of the Web providing 'just enough' links in this local context to suggest the structural existence of a networked public sphere. However, further evidence from the narratives and the statistical model paint an alternative picture. This suggests that, in the main, hyperlinking behaviour and use made of the network corresponds to a 'politics as usual' scenario where cliques are more likely to proliferate and powerful economic and media interests dominate online as they do offline. If the ordinary citizen's voice is to be heard in this context then there is a requirement for policy intervention to establish a trusted local networked public sphere or online civic space, independent of vested interests but linked to the local governance decision making process. In addition to this there is a requirement for greater education, particularly aimed at senior local governance policy makers, in the culture of online engagement.
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Scanlon, Christopher 1973. "The network community : governance, ideology and the third way in politics." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9349.

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Jones, Jeffrey Preiss. "Talking politics in post-network television : the case of Politically incorrect /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.

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Darves-Bornoz, Derek Yves. "Corporate trade policy activism : network and organizational determinants /." view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1232425981&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-190). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Wong, Wendy H. "Centralizing principles how Amnesty International shaped human rights politics through its transnational network /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307141.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 9, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-272).
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Sherrod, Rebecca J. "The Politics of Operationalizing the World Health Organization Activities: Global Politics, health security and the Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/88823.

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Infectious diseases attract a lot of mediatic, cultural and political attention. But are those diseases like Ebola, or ‘disease x’ actually what kills us? Since 1946, the WHO is the most authoritative figure in the fights against infectious disease outbreaks. So how does the WHO maintain this power and authority after tremendous budget cuts, competition for authority, and a shift to non-communicable disease epidemiology? This thesis uses a mixed-methods approach of quantitative analysis of ‘Disease Outbreak News’ reports, and qualitative analysis of key WHO literature, to develop the alternative narrative answering those questions. This thesis found that the WHO activities surrounding the collection and distribution of data create a political and institutional environment in which the WHO seems to be the only logical solution to prevent them. Additionally, the narrative put forth by the WHO prioritizes the ‘alert and response’ and operational capabilities of the organization to further expand authority in outbreak response. This study concludes that the WHO, through the collection and distribution of knowledge, and efforts to increase operational capability as seen through the Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network (GOARN), seeks to maintain normative authority and power as an international organization.
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Globalization of trade and travel has only increased the fear of infectious disease transmission. There is a great demand for a global health security system that is alert and capable. Based on this ‘threat’ the WHO justifies their role as global health leader. The Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network (GOARN) is the system that currently acts as the operational arm of the WHO, monitoring and coordinating response to infectious disease outbreaks globally. Despite the critical role of GOARN, its day-to-day endeavors remain unexplored by the public health field. This thesis analyzes how the WHO uses GOARN and its surveillance capabilities to collect and transform data as a method to maintain normative authority, and projects a powerful narrative as the leader of ‘alert and response’. In a competitive environment with limited financial resources, the WHO has adapted in terms of surveillance and operational capability to maintain its leadership and authority in the global public health field.
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Nunan, Fiona S. "The politics of influence in environmental policy-making : an application of policy network analysis." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312216.

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Östin, Emma. "Desynchronized pathways of contentious politics : The interplay between digital socialmovements and political parties on the digital electoral arena." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185003.

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This thesis explores the interplay between digital social movements and political parties on social media. The overarching aim of the thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how the digitalization of the electoral arena has transformed social movements, and how this affects the political parties' perceptions of them. The theoretical framework consists of three analytical lenses to conceptualize this interplay, these are George and Leidner’s (2019) categorization and classification of digital activism, Gunnar Sjöblom’s (1968) theory on partystrategies in a multiparty system, and Anne Kaun’s (2017) concept desynchronization. Acombination of methods is used, including network analysis and interviews, to explore this interplay. The results of the study indicate that there is a desynchronization in the practices of digital social movements and Swedish political parties.
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Books on the topic "Network Politics"

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Hassan, Robert. Media, politics and the network society. Maidenhead: Open University Press, 2004.

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Şebeke =: Network. Kadıköy, İstanbul: YGS Yayınları, 2002.

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Benkler, Yochai. Network Propaganda: Manipulation, Disinformation, and Radicalization in American Politics. New York, US: Oxford University Press, 2018.

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Bozarslan, Hamit. Network-building, ethnicity and violence in Turkey. Abu Dhabi: Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research, 1999.

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Mann, Bill. Politics on the Net. Indianapolis, IN: Que, 1995.

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Ewers, Andy. The European internet: A brief review of its structure, politics and potential for the future. London: Library Information Technology Centre, 1995.

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Schatz, Lincoln. The network: Portrait conversations. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Books, 2012.

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Gennaro, Ferraiuolo, ed. Nella rete dei partiti: Trasformazione politica, forma di governo, network analysis. Napoli, NA - Italia: Jovene editore, 2014.

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Gunaratna, Rohan. Inside Al Qaeda: Global network of terror. New Delhi: Roli Books, 2002.

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Gunaratna, Rohan. Inside Al Qaeda: Global network of terror. London: C. Hurst & Co., 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Network Politics"

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Rose, Richard. "Government as a Network." In Politics in England, 68–108. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20153-2_4.

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Aujla-Sidhu, Gurvinder. "Language and Identity Politics." In The BBC Asian Network, 149–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65764-2_7.

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Katzenstein, Peter J., and Takashi Shiraishi. "Conclusion: Regions in World Politics, Japan and Asia- Germany in Europe." In Network Power, edited by Peter J. Katzenstein and Takashi Shiraishi, 341–82. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501731457-013.

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Pavan, Elena. "Social Networks and Politics." In Encyclopedia of Social Network Analysis and Mining, 1893–901. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6170-8_39.

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Pavan, Elena. "Social Networks and Politics." In Encyclopedia of Social Network Analysis and Mining, 2731–42. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-7131-2_39.

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Pavan, Elena. "Social Networks and Politics." In Encyclopedia of Social Network Analysis and Mining, 1–12. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7163-9_39-1.

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Aujla-Sidhu, Gurvinder. "Public Service Versus the Politics of Representation." In The BBC Asian Network, 25–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65764-2_2.

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Zherebtsov, Mikhail, and Sergei Goussev. "Tweeting Russian Politics: Studying Online Political Dynamics." In The Palgrave Handbook of Digital Russia Studies, 537–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42855-6_30.

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AbstractThe established study of political networks has surged with the rise of digital social networks and modern computational analytics. Social Network Analysis (SNA) enables the study of Russia’s hybrid politics and society as it produces accurate alternative content to controlled official and semi-official statistics, providing live and detailed insight into current political processes in the country. Using six resonant political events, the chapter illustrates how SNA methods allow the designation of political communities and support the evaluation of such important questions as the presence of “echo-chambers,” the dynamic tracing of group reactions to informational events, and the detection of leaders and influencers. These methods provide a framework for the analysis of political phenomena as astroturfing and botnets, opinion mining, as well as topic and sentiment analysis.
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Klinger, Ulrike, and Jakob Svensson. "Network Media LOGIC." In The Routledge Companion to Social Media and Politics, 23–38. New York, NY: Routledge, 2016.: Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315716299-3.

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Griggs, Steven, and David Howarth. "Airport Governance, Politics and Protest Networks." In Democratic Network Governance in Europe, 66–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230596283_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Network Politics"

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Fichtner, Laura. "Techno-Politics as Network(ed) Struggles." In ISIS Summit Vienna 2015—The Information Society at the Crossroads. Basel, Switzerland: MDPI, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/isis-summit-vienna-2015-s3033.

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Zhu, Yue-sheng. "The opportunities and challenges of network political communication in Chinese politics study." In 2011 IEEE 3rd International Conference on Communication Software and Networks (ICCSN). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iccsn.2011.6013867.

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"Research on Strategy Planning of Network Marketing Product." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.68.

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Wang, Ke, Chunfang Li, and Xiaoyan Zhou. "Complex Network Analysis Based on Politics of Northern Song Dynasty." In 2019 6th International Conference on Dependable Systems and Their Applications (DSA). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/dsa.2019.00076.

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Liu, Peng, and Jingchao Liu. "Research and Exploration on Network Politics of College Students Education." In 8th International Conference on Management and Computer Science (ICMCS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icmcs-18.2018.103.

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"Agricultural Product Marketing Evaluation Index System Based on Complex Social Network." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.100.

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"Risk Prediction and Evaluation of Transnational Transmission of Green Financial Crisis Based on Complex Network." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.101.

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"Accelerating Digital Transformation An analysis of Network Readiness Index 2020 Post Covid -19." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p23.

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He, Yangming, and Guohua Jin. "Application of BP Neural Network in Experimental Teaching Evaluation." In Proceedings of the 2018 3rd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-18.2018.47.

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Santos, Douglas V., Thiago C. Cunha, Antônio B. O. Silva, Fernando S. Parreiras, and Orlando A. Gomes. "Comparação de Técnicas de Predição de Links em Sub-redes de Coautoria Formada por Currículos da Plataforma Lattes." In VI Brazilian Workshop on Social Network Analysis and Mining. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/brasnam.2017.3251.

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The study of Lattes platform allows addressing and analyzing Brazil researchers network which could be useful for defining politics to improve science, technology, and innovation. This work evaluated Lattes Platform coauthorship network. This network evolves over time, which means that new coauthorships will arise in future. Therefore, using link prediction methods in this network would help to identify growing knowledge areas in Brazil. The used technics were Spectral Evolution, wich is new in this context, Common Neighbors, Adamic-Adar and Jaccard. The main goal was to evaluate the link prediction accuracy with different methods at the coauthorship network of Lattes Platform. The Spectral Evolution was worse than the others. Adamic-Adar method presented the best result - 817 times better than the random link prediction.
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Reports on the topic "Network Politics"

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Helfstein, Scott, and John Solomon. Risky Business: The Global Threat Network and the Politics of Contraband. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada602252.

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Avant, Deborah, and Lindsay Heger. The New Power Politics: Networks and Transnational Security Governance. One Earth Future Foundation, February 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18289/oef.2014.006.

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Munshi, Kaivan, and Mark Rosenzweig. Networks, Commitment, and Competence: Caste in Indian Local Politics. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, July 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19197.

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Chen, Yiran, and Hanming Fang. Inferring the Ideological Affiliations of Political Committees via Financial Contributions Networks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w24130.

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Johnson, Eric M., and Robert Chew. Social Network Analysis Methods for International Development. RTI Press, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3768/rtipress.2021.rb.0026.2105.

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Social Network Analysis (SNA) is a promising yet underutilized tool in the international development field. SNA entails collecting and analyzing data to characterize and visualize social networks, where nodes represent network members and edges connecting nodes represent relationships or exchanges among them. SNA can help both researchers and practitioners understand the social, political, and economic relational dynamics at the heart of international development programming. It can inform program design, monitoring, and evaluation to answer questions related to where people get information; with whom goods and services are exchanged; who people value, trust, or respect; who has power and influence and who is excluded; and how these dynamics change over time. This brief advances the case for use of SNA in international development, outlines general approaches, and discusses two recently conducted case studies that illustrate its potential. It concludes with recommendations for how to increase SNA use in international development.
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Núñez Ladevéze, L., M. Núñez Canal, and JA Irisarri Núñez. Guidelines for the cultural and political integration of the mass media society into the network society. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, January 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2018-1252en.

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Halberstam, Yosh, and Brian Knight. Homophily, Group Size, and the Diffusion of Political Information in Social Networks: Evidence from Twitter. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, November 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w20681.

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Yatsymirska, Mariya. KEY IMPRESSIONS OF 2020 IN JOURNALISTIC TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11107.

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The article explores the key vocabulary of 2020 in the network space of Ukraine. Texts of journalistic, official-business style, analytical publications of well-known journalists on current topics are analyzed. Extralinguistic factors of new word formation, their adaptation to the sphere of special and socio-political vocabulary of the Ukrainian language are determined. Examples show modern impressions in the media, their stylistic use and impact on public opinion in a pandemic. New meanings of foreign expressions, media terminology, peculiarities of translation of neologisms from English into Ukrainian have been clarified. According to the materials of the online media, a «dictionary of the coronavirus era» is provided. The journalistic text functions in the media on the basis of logical judgments, credible arguments, impressive language. Its purpose is to show the socio-political problem, to sharpen its significance for society and to propose solutions through convincing considerations. Most researchers emphasize the influential role of journalistic style, which through the media shapes public opinion on issues of politics, economics, education, health care, war, the future of the country. To cover such a wide range of topics, socio-political vocabulary is used first of all – neutral and emotionally-evaluative, rhetorical questions and imperatives, special terminology, foreign words. There is an ongoing discussion in online publications about the use of the new foreign token «lockdown» instead of the word «quarantine», which has long been learned in the Ukrainian language. Research on this topic has shown that at the initial stage of the pandemic, the word «lockdown» prevailed in the colloquial language of politicians, media personalities and part of society did not quite understand its meaning. Lockdown, in its current interpretation, is a restrictive measure to protect people from a dangerous virus that has spread to many countries; isolation of the population («stay in place») in case of risk of spreading Covid-19. In English, US citizens are told what a lockdown is: «A lockdown is a restriction policy for people or communities to stay where they are, usually due to specific risks to themselves or to others if they can move and interact freely. The term «stay-at-home» or «shelter-in-place» is often used for lockdowns that affect an area, rather than specific locations». Content analysis of online texts leads to the conclusion that in 2020 a special vocabulary was actively functioning, with the appropriate definitions, which the media described as a «dictionary of coronavirus vocabulary». Media broadcasting is the deepest and pulsating source of creative texts with new meanings, phrases, expressiveness. The influential power of the word finds its unconditional embodiment in the media. Journalists, bloggers, experts, politicians, analyzing current events, produce concepts of a new reality. The world is changing and the language of the media is responding to these changes. It manifests itself most vividly and emotionally in the network sphere, in various genres and styles.
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Lago-Vázquez, D., S. Direito-Rebollal, AI Rodríguez-Vázquez, and X. López-García. Millennials’ consumption of political information on television and social networks. An analysis of the 2015 Spanish general election campaign. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, November 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2016-1139en.

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Hotsur, Oksana. SOCIAL NETWORKS AND BLOGS AS TOOLS PR-CAMPAIGN IMPLEMENTATIONS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11110.

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The article deals with the ways in which social networks and the blogosphere influence the formation and implementation of a PR campaign. Examples from the political sphere (election campaigns, initiatives), business (TV brands, traditional and online media) have revealed the opportunities that Facebook, Telegram, Twitter, YouTube and blogs promote in promoting advertising, ideas, campaigns, thoughts, or products. Author blogs created on special websites or online media may not be as much of a tool in PR as an additional tool on social media. It is noted that choosing a blog as the main tool of PR campaign has both positive and negative points. Social networks intervene in the sphere of human life, become a means of communication, promotion, branding. The effectiveness of social networks has been evidenced by such historically significant events as Brexit, the Arab Spring, and the Revolution of Dignity. Special attention was paid to the 2019 presidential election. Based on the analysis of individual PR campaigns, the reasons for successful and unsuccessful campaigns from the point of view of network communication, which provide unlimited multimedia and interactive tools for PR, are highlighted. In fact, these concepts significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of PR-campaign, its final effectiveness, which is determined by the achievement of goals. Attention is drawn to the culture of communication during the PR campaign, as well as the concepts of “trolls”, “trolling”, “bots”, “botoin industry”. The social communication component of these concepts is unconditional. Choosing a blog as the main tool of a marketing campaign has both positive and negative aspects. Only a person with great creative potential can run and create a blog. In addition, it takes a long time. In fact, these two points are losing compared to other internet marketing tools. Further research is interesting in two respects. First, a comparison of the dynamics of the effectiveness of PR-campaign tools in Ukraine in 2020 and in the past, in particular, at the dawn of state independence. Secondly, to investigate how/or the concept of PR-campaigns in social networks and blogs is constantly changing.
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