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1
Sharan, Timor. "The network politics of international statebuilding : intervention and statehood in post-2001 Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14542.
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This thesis focuses on international intervention and statebuilding in post-2001 Afghanistan. It offers an alternative lens, a network lens, to understand the complexity of internationally sponsored state re-building and transformation. It therefore analyses how political power is assembled and flows through political networks in statebuilding, with an eye to the hitherto ignored endogenous political networks. The empirical chapters investigate the role and power dynamics of Afghan political network in re-assembling and transforming the post-2001 state once a political settlement is reached; how everyday political network practices shape the nature of statehood and governance; and subsequently how these power dynamics and practices contribute towards political order/violence and stability/instability. This thesis challenges the dominant wisdom that peacebuilding is a process of democratisation or institutionalisation, showing how intervention has unintentionally produced the democratic façade of a state, underpinning by informal power structures of Afghan politics. The post-2001 intervention has fashioned a ‘network state’ where the state and political networks have become indistinguishable from one another: the empowered network masquerade as the state. This study suggests that a new political order is emerging in post-2001 Afghanistan where political stability is a function of patron-client relations, opportunistic practices of bargaining and expropriation of public resources for political network gain as well as the instrumentalisation of identities. In light of this analysis, it concludes with the implications of the research findings for the future of Afghanistan. It posits that a successful international military exit from Afghanistan and post-2014 state survival may depend primarily on the political stability of the empowered political networks. This research is based on extensive fieldwork, including participatory observation and interviews (more than 130 interviews) with key informants over 16 months in Afghanistan.
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Sweeting, Barbara. "Evaluation of business networks in the AusIndustry business network program." University of Southern Queensland, Faculty of Business, 2005. http://eprints.usq.edu.au/archive/00001516/.
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Researchers have found that inter-firm collaboration, that is, co-operative business networks, can provide a competitive advantage that would not be possible independently for small sized firms. Work has been done by some governments, for example, Danish, Norwegian, New Zealand, American and Japanese, in the area of policy and practice of business networks because they have realised the importance of business networking and have encouraged collaboration of small firms by assisting in the facilitation of networks. The Australian government established a Business Network Program which ran for four years and several studies were completed on various aspects of the program during that period. However, there had been no particular research that examined the success or other outcomes of these networks, thus providing the basis for the research question addressed in this research: How and why did the business networks developed in the AusIndustry Business Networks Program, succeed or not succeed? Further, questions relating to how and why these outcomes may have occurred or how they may have been measured in the Australian government facilitated program were also unanswered. A review of the extant literature in this area established the theoretical foundations upon which this research is based and made possible the development of a model comprising three constructs or research issues that would address the research question: RI 1: How and why is network success evaluated? RI 2: How and why do the internal and external environments affect the outcomes of the network? RI 3: How does facilitation affect the network? In order to address these research issues and the research question, a protocol was developed and case study interviews with the lead business of sixteen networks participating in the AusIndustry Business Network Program were carried out. The resultant data was compared for each of the research issues through a qualitative methodology from which conclusions and answers to the research question and issues were derived. The results of this research showed that network members evaluated their own outcomes often using multiple measures, both qualitative and quantitative, with the most common criteria being whether the network continued or discontinued. Moreover, it was concluded in this research that successful networks usually had a single goal or purpose for joining a network which they ultimately achieved. In contrast the unsuccessful networks generally joined the network with multiple goals and which were not all achieved, thus contributing to their lack of success. This result was not evident in the literature reviewed in chapter 2. Additionally, the findings showed that high levels of trust, commitment and reciprocity were essential elements in the success of business networks. More importantly this study found that whilst all successful networks had these elements, some of the non successful ones also reported high levels of trust, commitment and reciprocity. Thus it appeared in this study that whilst these elements are important for network success, they do not alone ensure that success, further, it was noted that for any network that reported a lack of any one of these elements, non success was more likely. In relation to this finding was the discovery that in these networks formal contracts between the network members increased the levels of commitment and reciprocity and thus increased the chances of success. When external environmental factors were examined in relation to their impact on network success, it was found that whilst all had some impact on their business generally, competition was noted as having the highest impact and government or legal issues the lowest impact. Finally, this research found that facilitation did not necessarily contribute to a network’s success but that possible a lack of appropriate facilitation style did contribute to the non-success of networks. However, it was clear that the small networks needed less facilitator guidance overall and that the larger networks definitely needed facilitation and guidance. Moreover, it was found that the type of facilitation at the various stages of the network process were more important to the likelihood of success, rather than the mere presence of a facilitator. Thus, the main contribution of this theory building research is to extend the general level of knowledge about business networks and provide new insights into network theory and the value of networks using an original application of existing knowledge. This knowledge can contribute to network education and training in business schools and can contribute to the development of future government policy and practice pertaining to network programs.
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Hepburn, Paul Anthony. "Local governance and the local online networked public sphere : enhancing local democracy or politics as usual?" Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/local-governance-and-the-local-online-networked-public-sphereenhancing-local-democracy-or-politics-as-usual(83706217-54a7-4314-ab58-8a583e380371).html.
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This study examines the potential for the Internet, or more specifically the World Wide Web, to enhance local democracy and local governance by providing a networked public sphere. It is located in post-industrial theories of social and political transformation, which see a new, uncertain and complex society emerging which may transform the political significance of the 'local'. Whilst a number of causes are identified as culpable in this process, it is the ICT revolution and the development of the Web in particular, that is seen as possessing a democratising potential that, if realised, may bring greater resilience to geographic localities. The potential of the Web to provide a new networked public sphere is based upon contested views that its topography, its hyperlinked structure, can enable the ordinary citizen's voice to be heard above those that traditionally dominate political discourse. However, there has been no attention paid to this potential being realised at a local governance level within which, this study argues, a favourable environment should exist for a local online networked public sphere to prosper. Accordingly, this prospect is empirically explored here through a case study of the use made of the Web by a variety of local civic, political and institutional actors during a 2008 local (Manchester, UK) referendum on introducing the largest traffic congestion charging scheme in the country. This research applies a distinctive mixed method approach within a conceptually defined internet mediated domain of local governance. Relational Hyperlink Analysis is used to analyse the structural significance of the captured congestion charge. This analysis uses Social Network Analysis (SNA) and an associated statistical technique, Exponential Random Graph Modelling (ERGM) to render the network visible and understandable. To further illuminate how the network was used by local civic and institutional actors involved in the referendum the research draws upon a network ethnography approach which uses SNA to identify subjects for qualitative investigation. The study offers some evidence of the Web providing 'just enough' links in this local context to suggest the structural existence of a networked public sphere. However, further evidence from the narratives and the statistical model paint an alternative picture. This suggests that, in the main, hyperlinking behaviour and use made of the network corresponds to a 'politics as usual' scenario where cliques are more likely to proliferate and powerful economic and media interests dominate online as they do offline. If the ordinary citizen's voice is to be heard in this context then there is a requirement for policy intervention to establish a trusted local networked public sphere or online civic space, independent of vested interests but linked to the local governance decision making process. In addition to this there is a requirement for greater education, particularly aimed at senior local governance policy makers, in the culture of online engagement.
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Scanlon, Christopher 1973. "The network community : governance, ideology and the third way in politics." Monash University, School of Political and Social Inquiry, 2002. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9349.
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Jones, Jeffrey Preiss. "Talking politics in post-network television : the case of Politically incorrect /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Darves-Bornoz, Derek Yves. "Corporate trade policy activism : network and organizational determinants /." view abstract or download file of text, 2006. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1232425981&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2006.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-190). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.
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Wong, Wendy H. "Centralizing principles how Amnesty International shaped human rights politics through its transnational network /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307141.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 9, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-272).
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Sherrod, Rebecca J. "The Politics of Operationalizing the World Health Organization Activities: Global Politics, health security and the Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/88823.
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Infectious diseases attract a lot of mediatic, cultural and political attention. But are those diseases like Ebola, or ‘disease x’ actually what kills us? Since 1946, the WHO is the most authoritative figure in the fights against infectious disease outbreaks. So how does the WHO maintain this power and authority after tremendous budget cuts, competition for authority, and a shift to non-communicable disease epidemiology? This thesis uses a mixed-methods approach of quantitative analysis of ‘Disease Outbreak News’ reports, and qualitative analysis of key WHO literature, to develop the alternative narrative answering those questions. This thesis found that the WHO activities surrounding the collection and distribution of data create a political and institutional environment in which the WHO seems to be the only logical solution to prevent them. Additionally, the narrative put forth by the WHO prioritizes the ‘alert and response’ and operational capabilities of the organization to further expand authority in outbreak response. This study concludes that the WHO, through the collection and distribution of knowledge, and efforts to increase operational capability as seen through the Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network (GOARN), seeks to maintain normative authority and power as an international organization.M.A.
Globalization of trade and travel has only increased the fear of infectious disease transmission. There is a great demand for a global health security system that is alert and capable. Based on this ‘threat’ the WHO justifies their role as global health leader. The Global Outbreak Alert and Response Network (GOARN) is the system that currently acts as the operational arm of the WHO, monitoring and coordinating response to infectious disease outbreaks globally. Despite the critical role of GOARN, its day-to-day endeavors remain unexplored by the public health field. This thesis analyzes how the WHO uses GOARN and its surveillance capabilities to collect and transform data as a method to maintain normative authority, and projects a powerful narrative as the leader of ‘alert and response’. In a competitive environment with limited financial resources, the WHO has adapted in terms of surveillance and operational capability to maintain its leadership and authority in the global public health field.
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Nunan, Fiona S. "The politics of influence in environmental policy-making : an application of policy network analysis." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312216.
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Östin, Emma. "Desynchronized pathways of contentious politics : The interplay between digital socialmovements and political parties on the digital electoral arena." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185003.
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This thesis explores the interplay between digital social movements and political parties on social media. The overarching aim of the thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how the digitalization of the electoral arena has transformed social movements, and how this affects the political parties' perceptions of them. The theoretical framework consists of three analytical lenses to conceptualize this interplay, these are George and Leidner’s (2019) categorization and classification of digital activism, Gunnar Sjöblom’s (1968) theory on partystrategies in a multiparty system, and Anne Kaun’s (2017) concept desynchronization. Acombination of methods is used, including network analysis and interviews, to explore this interplay. The results of the study indicate that there is a desynchronization in the practices of digital social movements and Swedish political parties.
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Johansson, Stina. "European Union Politics : en tidskrift och dess invisible college." Thesis, Högskolan i Borås, Institutionen Biblioteks- och informationsvetenskap / Bibliotekshögskolan, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hb:diva-19687.
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Author Cocitation Analysis (ACA), multidimensional scaling (MDS) and Social Network Analysis (SNA), has been used to analyze and visualize the invisible college of the journal European Union Politics. The concept invisible college was first introduced in the fifteenth century, through the creation of the “the Royal Society of London”, and it was reintroduced in the 1960:ies and the 1970:ies by scholars such as Price and Crane. It is said to have been interpreted in as many ways as there are authors who have used it. Here it has been used synonymously with the term citation network. To show changes over time in the invisible college and in its research themes and trends, citation data from two separate periods of time have been compared; 2003-2004 and 2007-2008. The analysis shows a shift in the invisible college on the actor level –such as changes in density, actors’ positions in the network - and changes in the research agenda towards public opinion research and integration research. Connected to these trends is the theme of “Eurosceptism” – which had a breakthrough after the first period of analysis. This seems to follow the development of the researched object itself (the European Union). The invisible college of European Union Politics has been understood to be relatively young, as is the journal and the field of European Union Politics.
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Patel, Jaynisha. "Strengthening the enforcement of policy to combat human trafficking: a network approach for improving collaboration." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32175.
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Modern-day slavery, now termed human trafficking, is a crime that has remerged in the modern day. It is a transnational crime through which a humans vulnerability is exploited through coercive means. In recent decades the issue has attracted policy and legislative attention from governments, however these responses have failed to effectively respond to the complex dimensions of the phenomena. Alongside state measures to reduce the crime have been networks of understudied non-governmental organisations dedicated to combatting human trafficking. As non-governmental organisations develop capacity and knowledge to combat human trafficking they have often become key stakeholders in the field. In this dissertation, I examine to what extent the efforts of NGOs are aligned with the South African Government policy and legislative agenda in dealing with human trafficking. My aim is to determine the extent of alignment and, through applying a policy network framework, what the prospects are for improved collaboration between NGOs and the state. To determine how a collaborative network response can strengthen South Africa's enforcement of anti-trafficking policy, I have used secondary and collected new primary data. Primary data consists of data gathered through a survey of NGOs working on human trafficking in South Africa from which the scope of the reach, activities, and experiences of these stakeholders can inform prospects for collaboration – to improve enforcement of anti-trafficking measures. Findings suggest that a network approach to improve collaboration between the state and non-state stakeholders will be most effective across activities where the state has performed poorly, and where NGOs have displayed a comparative advantage. These activities include prevention-related work such as public awareness, equipping first responders with knowledge through training on human trafficking and legislation, and victim assistance together with aftercare.
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Östin, Emma. "Desynchronized pathways of contentious politics : The interplay between digital social movements and political parties on the digital electoral arena." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-185003.
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This thesis explores the interplay between digital social movements and political parties on social media. The overarching aim of the thesis is to contribute to the understanding of how the digitalization of the electoral arena has transformed social movements, and how this affects the political parties' perceptions of them. The theoretical framework consists of three analytical lenses to conceptualize this interplay, these are George and Leidner’s (2019) categorization and classification of digital activism, Gunnar Sjöblom’s (1968) theory on partystrategies in a multiparty system, and Anne Kaun’s (2017) concept desynchronization. Acombination of methods is used, including network analysis and interviews, to explore this interplay. The results of the study indicate that there is a desynchronization in the practices of digital social movements and Swedish political parties.
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Shelton, Stephen Arthur. "Bias in the network nightly news coverage of the 2004 presidential election." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3037.
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Examines the issue of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party during the 2004 Presidential Election. To examine the most far reaching form of media in the United States, this study consisted of the three major television networks (ABC, CBS, NBC) and their weekday nightly newscasts during the entire month of October 2004. Emerging themes and strategies were compared to a study conducted at Sonoma State University of the year's most underreported yet newsworthy events. Results of the study indicate that no evidence exists to support the notion of media bias in favor of the Democratic Party in the media coverage leading up to the 2004 Presidential Election.
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Young, Eugene Patrick. "Sport, politics and higher education : higher education's role in the network that supports elite sports development." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365399.
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Smith, Henry L. "An analysis of network evening news coverage of religion and politics in the 1984 presidential campaign /." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487329662147647.
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Mann, Isabella. "Antifa? More Like Antifun! A Qualitative Analysis of the Modern Antifa Movement and the Politics of Fascism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1112.
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In the calendar year since the election of President Donald J. Trump, there has been a marked intensification of activist demonstrations that have permeated mainstream American culture. Roughly one century after its inception, a group of powerful, semi-underground activists and organizers have resurrected a radical social movement called the Antifa network. Antifa, which is short for anti-fascist, originated in early 20th century Germany, Italy and Spain. The group has now been reborn in response to what Antifa members have identified as a strong and dangerous wave of fascist mentality in American politics. They will not rest until they have succeeded in suppressing and defeating every inkling of fascist sentiment from the American political landscape, regardless of what they must do to accomplish that goal.
This thesis examines the intentions, motivations and actions of Antifa by dissecting what they are, who they are, and how they work. I will provide a brief history of the movement in its various recorded forms—both in the United States and Europe. In addition to examining the stated goals and behaviors of the movement, I will assess and evaluate Antifa’s ideology by analyzing several key pieces of writing from their resource archives. Primarily, my goal is to determine the ideological legitimacy of Antifa’s efforts against those they have deemed fascist, and the legitimacy of the claims that it is members of Antifa who are the real perpetrators of fascist action in the United States.
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Escher, Tobias. "Does the use of the Internet further democratic participation? : a comparison of citizens' interactions with political representatives in the UK and Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669872.
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This thesis explores the implications of the Internet for democracy, re-evaluating the various claims and counter-claims that have been made for the Internet's democratic potential. Based on a framework to measure democracy that emphasises popular control and political equality, it assesses whether the Internet gives a greater and more representative share of the population the opportunity to participate in the political process by focusing on use of the Internet to contact political representatives. The analysis combines secondary analysis of population surveys with original data collected in two online surveys from more than 14,000 users of successful contact facilitation platforms in the UK (WriteToThem.com) and Germany (Abgeordnetenwatch.de) that enable sending messages to representatives. The results show that in both countries the Internet in general has only marginally increased the number of people engaged in contacting. At the same time, contact facilitation platforms as specific online applications have attracted large numbers of people who have never before contacted a representative. While all online means of contacting primarily amplify traditional participatory biases, such as for gender and education, they can at least selectively engage traditionally under-represented parts of the population, for example young people or low-income groups. The processes that shape these patterns are identified by developing a basic theory of contacting and using the similarities and differences between the findings for the two countries. It demonstrates not only that participation continues to be dominated by traditional determinants that cannot be completely overcome by technology, but also that Internet applications can shape participation patterns – if designed to appropriately adapt to the context in which they operate, which is rarely the case. This highlights the need to think carefully about how online platforms can be used, building on the – albeit limited – gains identified here, to strengthen them as a means of ensuring democratic participation.
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Matthews, Abigail Anne. "Connected courts: the diffusion of precedent across state supreme courts." Diss., University of Iowa, 2017. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/5809.
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State supreme courts are autonomous institutions with significant power. Yet, despite this authority, state supreme courts routinely rely on one another to explain why and how they reached their decisions. This puzzle of why state supreme courts cite each other in their opinions led me to pose two questions. First, under what conditions do state supreme courts cite other states supreme courts? And second, to whom do they turn for guidance? To answer these questions, I propose a new theory for evaluating state supreme court citations, the social learning model. I borrow policy diffusion’s learning mechanism and I pair it with network theory and methods to explain peer-to-peer state supreme court citations practices. I argue that courts are social actors who interact, influence, and learn from one another, and the citations are communications by and between the courts.
To model citations between courts, I apply a temporal exponential random graph network analysis model or TERGM. TERGMs simulate the evolution of the state-to-state citation network by including aspects of both the courts and the network structure. I argue that only by understanding how networks and issue areas evolve can we begin to understand how courts and justices make decisions. The network approach to citations specifically tests these endogenous relationships, it also directly models the complex dependencies of citation networks.
My findings demonstrate the courts became more connected over time and no single state supreme court leader emerges. I find that citations are endogenous; what one court does affects other courts. I also discover that the area of law matters a lot and it is insufficient to pool all legal issues into a single model. Finally, state supreme courts do not cite state supreme courts who look like them. Overall, the evidence suggests the courts are learning from each other. The courts’ written language discloses the mechanism. Courts state their own case law does not provide a solution to the question presented and they must seek answers elsewhere. Additionally, the courts do not always cite the same state, as we would expect from emulation. Together, these findings demonstrate that state supreme courts are connected, they learn from one another.
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Binette, Aja Jacqueline. "Positions of Authority And Influence In Environmental Nongovernmental Organizations' Networks: An Examination of Network Structure and Participation at UN Climate Change Summits." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2018. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/513885.
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Political SciencePh.D.
Which environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) are positioned to be the most influential in climate negotiations? The structure of the environmental movement has undergone significant change over the development of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Since its inception there has been significant engagement by ENGOs with the yearly Conference of the Parties (COPs). In this tripartite project, I use an original dataset of relationship ties between ENGOs to construct a series of networks using social network analysis. Specifically, I examine network structures prior to three watershed moments in the history of the UNFCCC, the Kyoto, Copenhagen, and Paris COPs. Based on social network theory, an ENGO’s structural position can be viewed as a reflection of an ENGO’s perceived power, authority, and influence. I also study ENGO participation at COPs at these three distinct time points. In part one of this project, I describe how the structure of the environmental movement has changed over time in conjunction with the perceived success and failures of the UNFCCC process, leading to a bifurcated environmental movement. Additionally, I find that the ENGOs occupying central positions may have greater influence than other less central ENGOs, because they are more likely to serve on state delegations at the UNFCCC. In part two, I examine the role of alliance-based organizations in the larger environmental movement. Specifically, I describe how the ENGO network structure between alliance, policy and science-based organizations has changed over the history of the UNFCCC. The results suggest that alliance-based organizations occupy pivotal positions within the network, showing the potential for alliance-based organizations to help facilitate the representation of diverse viewpoints at international negotiations. In part three, I examine the relationships between ENGOs and human-centric organizations at the three distinct time points and find that despite an increased presence of ENGOs connected to human-centric organizations at the yearly COPs over time, there is still very little interconnectedness between these two movements. I also examine regions with the most ENGO/human-centric organizational connections and find Euro-centric dominance. In general, this is discussed as a missed opportunity. These findings have far reaching implications for the prospects of the UNFCCC developing, and states adopting, effective climate change policy that has the support of the environmental movement.
Temple University--Theses
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Dubois, Elizabeth. "The strategic opinion leader : personal influence and political networks in a hybrid media system." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:35b1e408-a70a-4ea0-9c41-10d7df024ee9.
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Opinion leaders are important political players who bridge the gap between the political elite and the general public. Traditionally opinion leaders use social pressure and social support via interpersonal communication to personally influence the opinions, attitudes and behaviours of their everyday associates (who make up the general public). However, in a hybrid media system opinion leaders have access to added channels which mean they can communicate with audiences beyond their everyday associates and/or engage in non-interpersonal interactions, potentially setting the stage for opinion leaders to become more influential since they can access more members of the general public. Conversely, since the ability of opinion leaders to influence others traditionally relies on strong social bonds, even if audiences are accessible for information transfer, the lack of social connection could mean influence does not flow. As such, opinion leaders' channel choice in a hybrid media system is potentially very important. To investigate the patterns of channel use as well as motivations for, and impacts of, channel choices by opinion leaders, a two phase mixed-methods study is employed. Phase one includes online social network analysis of the #CDNpoli (Canadian politics) hashtag on Twitter and an online survey. Phase two investigates the communication practices of 21 specific digitally enabled opinion leaders drawn from the #CDNpoli network. Two hour in-depth interviews are paired with visualizations of the participants trace data. Telephone interviews with associates (alters) of the primary interviewee were conducted (N=27). This design is therefore responsive to the multi-channel reality of a hybrid media system and improves upon large scale and single channel studies which are most common in this line of research. Now strategic and, at times, impersonal, a fundamental shift in how influence is derived challenges theories of social influence and information dissemination. Two types of strategic opinion leaders emerge: enthusiasts and champions. Their strategies contribute to a wider trend - a "just-in-time" informed citizenry - where those who do not opt in to receiving messages from the political elite only get information at the last possible minute, such as during a scandal or an election. Future research and communication strategy must be sensitive to the varied aims and tactics of digitally enabled opinion leaders as well as the subsequent inconsistent relationship between the uninformed and their political system.
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Martin, Steven A. "SOCIAL CAPITAL AT THE CAPITOL: A SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS OF INTEREST GROUP INFLUENCE IN THE 111th CONGRESS." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/14.
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This dissertation builds on existing scholarship in political science and political sociology to explore the influence of interest groups in legislative action networks. The primary theoretical insight is that as the number of interest group affiliations between two members of Congress increases, so does the frequency with which they forge other sorts of social ties necessary to advance the interests of their interest group constituencies. In particular, the analysis looks at interest group donation strategies, legislative co-sponsorships, and roll-call votes during the 111th Congress (2009-2010). The analysis uses social network analysis methods to create network models of 19 different policy domains, as well as an aggregate model, for both the House and Senate. Legislator ideology, state, committee assignments, and experience have a generally significant impact on the number of interest group affiliations shared by each pair of legislators, whereas gender, race/ethnicity, office location and occupational history do not. The results show that interest groups do have consistent impact over co-sponsorships in the House, but somewhat more mixed influence in the Senate. In some instances, groups in the policy domain encourage policy change, and in other instances, status quo protection. The theory did not anticipate the latter effect, though it does make sense in context of other research findings. For roll-call votes, interest groups have a significant influence over some House policy domains but not many Senate policy domains. The increased polarization of the Senate, necessity of minority party discipline to maximize their leverage through use of the filibuster, and staggered nature of Senate elections makes interest group influence tougher to muster in the upper chamber of Congress.
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Perez-Solorzano, Borragan Maria de las Nieves. "Interest politics in the light of the EU's eastward enlargement : rethinking Europeanisation and network building in the business sector." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364431.
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Musselwhite, Paul Philip. "Conflict, Coexistence, and Community: Settlement Politics and the Emergence of a Social Network in Proprietary South Carolina, 1670-1700." W&M ScholarWorks, 2006. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626516.
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Winter, LeAnn. "Policy or politics: a content analysis of how the network nightly news covered the 2009-2010 health care issue." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/8842.
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Master of ArtsDepartment of Communication Studies
William Schenck-Hamlin
Many critics and scholars (e.g. Lippman, 1927, Putnam, 2000, Entman, 1989, McChesney, 2004, Funigiello, 2005), have argued that news media coverage of major political affairs and policy often fails to provided citizens with the information they need to engage in these issues in a thoughtful manner. The style of news utilized by networks as well as choices in framing have been found to have a significant impact on what is covered and how audiences perceive coverage (Bennett, 2005, Patterson, 2000, Prior, 2003, Zaller, 2003, Cappella & Jamieson, 1997, Ibrahim, 2010, ‘T Riet et al., 2009, Bizer & Petty, 2005, Ben-Porath & Shaker, 2010, Domke & Shah, 1995, and Esposito, 1996). According to the PEW Foundation (2010) a large portion of the 2009-2010 healthcare coverage focused on politics and not how the healthcare system functions (policy). This paper explores the coverage of the 2009-2010 heath care issue by the Network Nightly News through the use of a content analysis. For the purpose of this study, the proposed method of Budge et al. (2001) political party platform categories were used to code the content of the broadcast. These 46 codes contained issues that dealt with the policy of health care and the politics surrounding healthcare, as well as positive vs. negative framing. 30 broadcasts were randomly chosen, one day for each month, from the three nightly news networks during the ten months of highest coverage. Each broadcast was divided into “quasi-sentences”, where each sentence was broken down into individual actions. Results illustrate the frequency between policy and political content, and positive and negative content surrounding the 2009-2010 health care issue. KEYWORDS: Framing, Policy, Politics, Health Care Reform, Network Nightly News, Content Analysis, Quasi-Sentence
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Daley, Cara J. "Moving Away From Regulation and Legislation: Solving the Network Neutrality Debate During Obama’s Presidency." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/13.
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This paper examines the Net neutrality, or argument that the Internet should remain and open and equal platform, debate in the United States up to November 2010. After critically examining the past regulatory and legislative efforts, the feasibility of alternate solutions invested in protecting citizens' interests is examined.
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Klekamp, Jesse Janice. "Intentioned Network Convergence: How Social Media is Redefining, Reorganizing, and Revitalizing Social Movements in the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/96.
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This analysis seeks to understand the power of social media to create sustainable social movements. The 1999 World Trade Organization protests in Seattle were one of the first internet-supported acts of protest and illustrate the power of the Internet and social media to bring together diverse coalitions of actors and maintain decentralized power structures. Next, the analysis studies the non-profit advocacy organization Invisible Children and the recent media explosion of their Kony 2012 campaign to make sense of how uses of the Internet have expanded since 1999. The Kony 2012 case illustrates the power of committed networks in disseminating information but also alludes to some of the new challenges social media presents. Ultimately, this analysis concludes that social media has simultaneously empowered and crippled social media, calling for an intentioned use of the Internet applications, strong leadership, and cultural framing to sustain mobilization.
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Kaman, Colleen E. "The world in the network: the Interop trade show, Carl Malamud's Internet 1996 Exposition, and the politics of internet commercialization." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/98338.
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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Comparative Media Studies, 2010.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 90-94).
In the early 1990s, the Internet emerged as a commercially viable global communications medium. This study considers the role that representatives of the military-industrial research world played in the physical expansion of the Internet. It does so by examining the social practices and processes of the semi-annual "Interop" computer-networking trade show, and one affiliated "exposition." Beginning in 1987, and for nearly a decade, Interop operated as a forum that brought representatives from industry and the research and user communities into strategic alliance to tackle the practicalities of expanding the Internet's core networking protocols and assembling diverse networks into a global Internet. The period examined culminates with the Internet 1996 World Exposition. Through that event, technologist Carl Malamud drew on the rhetoric of turn-of-the-century world's fairs to demonstrate the value of faster networks but also argued for a conception of "the commons" that could ideally be served by the rapidly privatizing Internet. In the absence of a comprehensive history of the commercial expansion of the Internet, analysis of these practices provides a pioneering analytic narrative of a crucial strand of this development. This thesis moves between levels of analysis, specifically between the Interop network, the Internet 1996 Exposition event, and the perspective of Malamud himself. By highlighting these hitherto neglected practices, this examination deepens our understanding of the forces that proved critical to the Internet's commercial success.
by Colleen E. Kaman.
S.M.
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Borck, Lewis. "Lost Voices Found: An Archaeology of Contentious Politics in the Greater Southwest, A.D. 1100 - 1450." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10117388.
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This dissertation uses a relational approach and a contentious politics framework to examine the archaeological record. Methodologically, it merges spatial and social network analyses to promote a geosocial archaeology. Combined, the articles create a counter-narrative that highlights how environmentally focused investigations fail to explain how and why societies in the Southwest often reorganize horizontally. The first article uses geosocial networks, which I argue represent memory maps, to reveal that the socially important, and sophisticated, act of forgetting was employed by people in the Gallina region during A.D. 1100–1300. A concomitant community level, settlement pattern analysis demonstrates similarities between the arrangement of Gallina and Basketmaker-era settlements. These historically situated settlement structures, combined with acts of forgetting, were used by Gallina region residents to institute and maintain a horizontally organized social movement that was likely aimed at rejecting the hierarchical social atmosphere in the Four Corners region. The second article proposes that as ideologically charged material goods are consumed, fissures within past ideological landscapes are revealed and that these fissures can demonstrate acts of resistance in the archaeological past. It also contends that social and environmental variables need to be combined for these conflicting religious and political practices to be correctly interpreted. The third article applies many of the ideas outlined in the second article to a case study in the Greater Southwest during A.D. 1200–1450. Fractures in the ideological landscape demonstrate that the Salado Phenomenon was a religious social movement formed around, and successful because of, its populist nature. Based on variations in how the Salado ideology interacted with contemporaneous hierarchical and non-hierarchical religious and political organizations it is probable that the Salado social movement formed around desires for the open access to religious knowledge.
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Stettler, René. "The politics of post-industrial cultural knowledge work." Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/481.
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This dissertation conducts in-depth inquiries into the practices, nature and theory of post-industrial cultural work and the humanities- and arts-based civic dialogues which cultural work promotes. Given the broad neglect of utopian thinking in the mainstream of critical social science and in an attempt to sketch out a vision of an alternative future, the aim of this thesis is to outline an “epistemology” for post-industrial cultural work as well as to reflect upon the outlook for educational cultural work practices and their function as a catalyst for civic dialogue and cultural change. The main concerns are the signification, interests and aims embodied in cultural production touching on issues of cultural and scientific learning, alternative modes of democratic governance of science and technology (Felt, Wynne et al. 2007), industrial society’s logic of accumulation and market rationality, the primacy of contemporary instrumental and capitalist values, neoliberalism, globalization and cosmopolitanism. With a view to addressing elementary questions regarding the future of cultural work, which are explored and theorised alongside future perspectives of a new form of knowledge work for the humanities and the arts, the actual challenges of cultural work are considered from within the wider context of the risk society (Beck 1986) and the threats which affect everybody today. In relying on Beck’s (2009) conceptualization of the world risk society as a “non-knowledge society” characterised by the global existence of incalculable risks/threats and non-knowing, the thesis addresses the problem of non-knowledge and unrecognised contingencies as a challenge for cultural work to design processes of (un)learning in civic dialogues. In exploring the social, cultural and political relevance of three empirical case studies, the thesis ventures into the prospects of a new socio-epistemological perspective for cultural work and workspaces for knowledge. The studies investigate three different (techno-)socio-cultural spaces of knowledge: a public exhibition about the new Gotthard Base Tunnel currently under construction in the Swiss Alps, Jennifer Baichwal’s film Manufactured Landscapes (2006) about the Canadian photographer Edward Burtynsky and China’s industrial revolution, and the living intervention Fairytale at Documenta 12, 2007, which brought 1,001 Chinese citizens to Kassel, Germany. Actor-Network Theory (ANT) is employed as a tool for the analysis of the material-semiotic properties of differing knowledges, the heterogeneous relations of socio-economic networks, and the global and uncertain conditions of the post-industrial world in which cultural work is embedded. What is colloquially referred to as post-industrial cultural knowledge work in this thesis is elaborated in the context of a propositional socio-epistemological second-order framework (Von Foerster 1984; Pakman 2003) for cultural work and its entanglements with ethics, aesthetics, pragmatics, politics—and biopolitical production (Hardt and Negri 2000; 2009). In order to build “third spaces” of knowledge (Turnbull 2000) and to nurture uncertainty-oriented approaches and contingencies, the findings propose the development of more open, (self-)reflexive and anticipating forms of thinking and acting in cultural production fields with the aim to catalyse societal developments, to foster intrinsic values and to create cultural workplace identities with a moral-ecological-political awareness (cf. Banks 2006; 2007) invoking new interactions between viewers, audiences and the environment.
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Ragones, Timothy. "A content analysis of the on-air language of CNN election night coverage in 2000 and 2002 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p1422957.
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Georgiadou, Eleni. "Re-evaluating the greek foreign policy system in a transforming world politics." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2011. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/9081.
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The present thesis evaluates the responses of the contemporary Greek foreign policy structures and processes, conceptualised as the Greek foreign policy system, in the face of the transformation of world politics. This transformation, precipitated by the concurrent complex processes of globalisation and regionalisation, pose empirical and analytical challenges to the national management of foreign policy. Consequently, government departments and agencies assigned with responsibility for the conduct of what has been traditionally termed foreign policy, namely the national foreign policy machinery with the foreign ministry and the diplomatic network at its core, find themselves challenged as roles and responsibilities are relocated. Such change underpins the machinery s institutional responses and the need to rethink its role and structure. The thesis synthesises several literatures, primarily those identified with international relations, transformational foreign policy analysis, and new approaches to diplomatic studies informed by insights from institutionalist approaches. This is combined with extensive fieldwork within the Greek bureaucracy and the diplomatic network, and seeks to cast light on a relatively understudied area: namely the organisation and nature of the Greek foreign policy system in an era of considerable change. The thesis draws a dual image of the contemporary Greek foreign policy system which displays elements of both continuity and change. According to the first image, the Greek foreign policy machinery embraces contemporary foreign policy developments, and is enmeshed in a process of change and adaptation as a response to its changing operational environment. The second image depicts the foreign policy system as traditionalist conforming to geopolitical approaches, which are linked to compartmentalisation in the organisation of foreign policy. This image is supported by evidence which suggests that the Greek foreign policy machinery is infused with elements of hierarchy, centralisation and verticality in its organisation, which prevent the adoption of integrated and horizontal models prescribed by globalist approaches to the management of foreign policy.
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Gorelik, Stas. "United by Inattention? : A Study of the Official Group of the Party United Russia on the Social Network Vkontakte." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för geografi, medier och kommunikation, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-28520.
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This study analyzes the official Vkontakte group of United Russia during the period of January 10 – April 10, 2013. Parliamentary majorities of United Russia have been a pillar of the Russian political regime which, despite being undemocratic, is still characterized by considerable competition. Therefore, the study draws upon the two-way symmetrical model of public relations which is compatible with the catch-all character of the party and the horizontal, open-ended nature of social networks. According to the model, an organization wishing to build an attractive image should communicate with its publics in a two-way fashion and be ready to change in accordance with people’s preferences. The method of content analysis is employed in the study in order to establish instances of two-way communication between the members of the group and its moderators. Special attention is paid to discussions regarding legislation since such conversations can clearly evidence that the party is ready to react to ordinary people’s interests and preferences. However, according to the findings of the study, the users’ messages seldom received feedback and almost all of their suggestions and questions regarding legislation were ignored.
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Ojala, Carl-Gösta. "Sámi Prehistories : The Politics of Archaeology and Identity in Northernmost Europe." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Arkeologi, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-108857.
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Throughout the history of archaeology, the Sámi (the indigenous people in northern Norway, Sweden, Finland and the Kola Peninsula in the Russian Federation) have been conceptualized as the “Others” in relation to the national identity and (pre)history of the modern states. It is only in the last decades that a field of Sámi archaeology that studies Sámi (pre)history in its own right has emerged, parallel with an ethnic and cultural revival among Sámi groups. This dissertation investigates the notions of Sámi prehistory and archaeology, partly from a research historical perspective and partly from a more contemporary political perspective. It explores how the Sámi and ideas about the Sámi past have been represented in archaeological narratives from the early 19th century until today, as well as the development of an academic field of Sámi archaeology. The study consists of four main parts: 1) A critical examination of the conceptualization of ethnicity, nationalism and indigeneity in archaeological research. 2) A historical analysis of the representations and debates on Sámi prehistory, primarily in Sweden but also to some extent in Norway and Finland, focusing on four main themes: the origin of the Sámi people, South Sámi prehistory as a contested field of study, the development of reindeer herding, and Sámi pre-Christian religion. 3) An analysis of the study of the Sámi past in Russia, and a discussion on archaeological research and constructions of ethnicity and indigeneity in the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union. 4) An examination of the claims for greater Sámi self-determination concerning cultural heritage management and the debates on repatriation and reburial in the Nordic countries. In the dissertation, it is argued that there is a great need for discussions on the ethics and politics of archaeological research. A relational network approach is suggested as a way of opening up some of the black boxes and bounded, static entities in the representations of people in the past in the North.
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Jakku, Emma, and n/a. "Murky Waters? Science, Politics and Environmental Decision-Making in the Brisbane River Dredging Dispute." Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040810.131650.
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Environmental sociology and the sociology of scientific knowledge provide a strong theoretical foundation for investigating the role of science in environmental disputes. The field of environmental dispute resolution has built a body of literature, outlining the techniques and practices that underpin the successful resolution of disputes, over controversial environmental issues. However, the literature on dispute resolution has generally neglected the role of science in environmental disputes. This thesis develops a theoretical framework based on concepts from environmental sociology and the sociology of scientific knowledge in order to critically examine the role of science in environmental disputes. In particular, this thesis combines the theory on claims-making from environmental sociology with actor-network theory and the theory on boundary-work from the sociology of scientific knowledge, to analyse the way in which science was involved in the dispute over phasing out extractive dredging from the Brisbane River. Data were collected from qualitative in-depth interviews with key players in the Brisbane River dredging dispute and combined with analysis of relevant documents and newspaper articles. Each of the components of the theoretical framework developed in this thesis contributes to an in-depth analysis of the way in which science was involved in the dredging dispute. The environmental claims-making analysis examines the way in which the claim that extractive dredging was an environmental problem for the Brisbane River was constructed and contested. The actor-network analysis compares the two competing actor-networks that were developed by one of the major concrete companies and by the anti-dredging campaigners. The boundary-work analysis examines the social construction of the science / politics border as an important site of boundary-work, before exploring other related forms of boundary-work within the case study. When combined, these theories highlight the social and political processes that underpin the inherent difficulties associated with applying science to effective environmental dispute resolution. The theoretical framework developed in this thesis highlights the way in which an analysis of environmental claims-making, actor-networks and boundary-work, extends the literature on environmental dispute resolution. This thesis therefore makes a significant contribution to the field of environmental dispute resolution, by illustrating the advantages of drawing on theoretical perspectives from environmental sociology and the sociology of scientific knowledge.
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Cakmak, Cenap. "Transnational activism in world politics : NGOs and creation of the ICC : role of a loosely organized principled network in the establishment of a global court /." Saarbrücken : VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9783836475358.
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Cakmak, Cenap. "Transnational activism in world politics NGOs and creation of the ICC ; role of a loosely organized principled network in the establishment of a global court." Saarbrücken VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2007. http://d-nb.info/988496941/04.
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Bates, Steven John. "Red de Salud -- Network of health : structural violence, exclusion and inclusion in Venezuela." PDXScholar, 2009. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3795.
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This thesis is a study of the socio-economic changes in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela since the new government came into office in 1999. The research hypothesis for this thesis is that the changes and parallel socioeconomic structures being implemented in Venezuela since 1999 have decreased structural violence, and have provided more inclusion for previously excluded people. As the methodology used is qualitative, utilizing textual analysis to conduct a case study, academic journals from the fields of conflict resolution, sociology, political science, public health, cultural studies and economics were relied upon for the most part. This study of structural violence and exclusion has necessitated the contextualization of the situation, and as such, neoliberalism as a major influence has been discussed to aid in understanding and drawing conclusions. The results indicate that the changes and parallel socioeconomic structures being implemented in Venezuela since 1999 have decreased structural violence, and have provided more inclusion for previously excluded people.
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Tomasson, Sebastian, and Adam Ellertam. "Twitter as the digital amphitheather : An analysis on Swedish Twitter users in #Migpol during the day before the Swedish election 2018." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap (from 2013), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-72935.
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The purpose of this study was to analyze Swedish Twitter users participation in Swedish migration politics in an online setting by examining the interactions and discussions between users on the platform the day before the Swedish election of 2018. The potential insight into political views that social media presents gave us an opportunity to explore how Swedish citizens, politicians, or members of other social and professional roles involved themselves politically and how they interacted with others on Twitter. We did this by examining the hashtag “#Migpol” (short for “Migration politics”). We collected and analyzed a total amount of 328 tweets and an additional 400 replies to these tweets where users had included the hashtag. This was done in order to construct our network which consisted of the platform functions @mention and @reply. It was through these we analyzed users interactions with other users and organizations. To perform our study, we chose a mixed method approach of network analysis and a secondary method inspired by discourse analysis. For our analysis, we applied a theoretical framework consisting of Erving Goffman’s dramaturgical theory and Alessandro Pizzorno’s ideas on political participation. Pizzorno’s ideas from 1970 were reworked and adapted in order to fit for research on social media. The result of the network analysis was displayed as a visualization that revealed how multiple users obtained various values of centrality due to the interaction rate between users, it also revealed that the total number of mutual relationships in the network was low and instead there was a prevalence of clusters of smaller networks inside the much larger network. The tweets containing the hashtags were then analyzed with the method inspired by discourse analysis as we wanted a deeper insight into how the users expressed their opinions. This was also done in order to find dominant topics and whether or not the discourse was affected by the actor’s centrality value. The result of this showed that an anti-immigration party and the party leader public debate on the 7th of September held a great focus while there was a third subject emerging which showed signs of nationalism. The discourse was not affected by centrality value but an indication that some actors were more known inside the hashtag than others.Syftet med den här studien var att analysera svenska Twitter användares deltagande i svensk migrationspolitik online genom att forska kring interaktioner och diskussioner mellan olika användare på plattformen en dag före Riksdagsvalet 2018. Den potentiella insynen i politisk åskådning som sociala medier kan bistå med gav oss en möjlighet att utforska hur svenska medborgare, politiker, eller medlemmar i andra sociala- samt yrkesroller involverar sig i politisk aktivitet och hur de interagerade med andra på Twitter. Forskningen i detta arbete har skett genom att granska hashtagen “#Migpol” (kort för migrationspolitik). Vi samlade och analyserade totalt 328 tweets samt ytterligare 400 svar på dessa, där användarna inkluderat hashtagen. Det var med dessa vi konstruerade vårt nätverk som består av @replies och @mentions och det var genom dessa plattforms funktioner som vi också analyserade användarnas interaktioner samt diskussioner med andra användare och organisationer. Vi använde oss utav en metod blandning bestående av nätverks analys och en sekundär metod inspirerad av diskurs analys. Som underlag för vår analys, använde vi oss utav ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av Erving Goffmans dramaturgiska teori samt Alessandro Pizzornos idéer om politiskt deltagande. Pizzornos idéer från 1970 var återskapade och anpassade för att de skulle kunna bli applicerbara för forskning på sociala medier. Resultatet av nätverksanalysen visade att många av de svenska användare fick olika värden av centralitet på grund av att dom integrerade i stor utsträckning med varandra, dock visade det sig att ömsesidiga förhållanden i nätverket var väldigt få. Resultatet visade också att det fanns flera mängder av mindre kluster av nätverk inom det större nätverket. Vi analyserade också de tweets som innehöll hashtagen med metoden inspirerad av diskursanalys, detta då ville få en insikt i hur användarna uttryckte sina åsikter i diskussioner som uppstått. Det var också på så vis vi kunde urskilja vilka ämnen som dominerade inom diskussionerna samt huruvida centralitet påverkade diskussionerna. Resultatet av denna analys visade att ett parti med antimigration åsikter och partiledardebatten som ägde rum den 7:e September var i fokus men att det även fanns spår av ett tredje resultat som indikerade en viss nivå av nationalism. Resultatet visade också att centralitet påverkade inte diskussionerna, dock fann vi en indikation på att vissa användare kan vara mer kända inom hashtagen än andra.
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Michel, Shaun Lucien. "Organizational Strategies of Influence on American Environmental Policy, 1976-2006: A Network Exploration of Power Elitism versus Pluralism." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1437.
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This thesis examines two organizational strategies employed for influencing American environmental policy with considerations to the "power elite" and "pluralist" models of policy control. Using a data set comprised of 379 organizations derived from US congressional hearings on climate change policy between 1976 and 2006, I find that industrial corporations conceal the public footprint of their involvement by financially encouraging "independent" research centers to provide favorable testimony. Meanwhile, nonprofit organizations are more likely to be co-represented by shared experts, a resource that is strategically shared for political gain. These findings provide some circumscribed support for both the power elite and pluralist models of organizational influence: the organization of power elites has a disproportionate amount of resources in a system that provides an arena for competing values and goals. Implications for understanding the organizational strategies towards congressional testimony as well as directions for future research are discussed based on these findings.
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Baldini, Juliana Previatto. "Cineclubismo e políticas culturais : uma análise das implicações das políticas do governo Lula na configuração da rede no Rio Grande do Sul." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/55121.
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O governo do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no período de 2003 a 2010, foi marcado pela adoção de uma nova concepção de cultura, sustentando a necessidade de assumi-la enquanto valores, posturas e comportamentos sociais. Isso exigiu do Estado uma nova postura, sustentada pelas políticas culturais, cabendo destaque ao esforço de democratização promovido com a reestruturação do Ministério da Cultura (MinC) como tentativa de combater o problema da exclusão cultural. Em relação ao cinema, a atitude assumida foi de encontro à de mecenas praticada até então, especificamente baseada em políticas de financiamento, ilustradas pelas Leis Rouanet (1991) e do Audiovisual (1993). Voltada à questão do audiovisual, a iniciativa que se destacou foi o Cine Mais Cultura, parte do Programa Mais Cultura, que tem por objetivo a implementação e a ampliação de espaços de exibição audiovisual fora do esquema comercial, essencialmente representados pelas atividades cineclubistas – organizações formadas por cinéfilos e pessoas interessadas em cinema, que se reúnem para apreciar e refletir sobre essa arte. O alcance dessa ação acontece através da disponibilização de equipamento audiovisual para projeção digital, formação em oficinas cineclubistas e acesso ao acervo da Programadora Brasil. Á luz da teoria de redes, definiu-se como objetivo desta pesquisa verificar e analisar como as políticas culturais do período entre 2003 e 2010 (re)constituíram os laços, a estrutura e a arquitetura da rede cineclubista gaúcha. O método investigativo selecionado para o desenvolvimento dessa pesquisa foi o estudo de caso (YIN, 2005). Foram selecionadas para a coleta dos dados a análise de dados secundários, a observação direta e a entrevista, realizados de março de 2011 a maio de 2012. Os dados foram analisados a partir da análise de conteúdo (BARDIN, 2011; BAUER, 2002), realizada com base nas categorias nomeadas pela teoria de redes – atores, laços, rede, estrutura, arquitetura. Para complementar a análise, alguns índices e figuras foram extraídos do software UCINET 6 (BORGATTI; EVERETT; FREEMAN, 2005). Em relação à análise dos impactos dessa política cultural na atuação dos antigos e novos cineclubes, cabe destacar a entrada de novos atores, decorrente da criação de um grande número de cineclubes por todo o estado. Além disso, também merece destaque a qualificação de espaços de exibição já existentes, que se candidataram aos editais do governo federal e passaram por formação cineclubista. Outro ponto consiste ainda na intensificação da articulação entre os cineclubes, fortalecida por meio do CNC e das ferramentas de horizontalização do movimento por ele criadas. Estruturalmente, a rede teve um aumento significativo em seu tamanho, devido à criação desses novos cineclubes, além da alteração dos atores considerados centrais e periféricos ao longo dessa trajetória. Em geral, as políticas cumprem com sua proposta, na medida em que novos cineclubes foram criados, espaços foram aprimorados e o cinema brasileiro teve maior alcance no território nacional, em especial, o gaúcho, foco deste estudo. Por outro lado, existe a crítica de que aproximar o cineclubismo de uma formatação governamental impede que essa atividade democrática alcance seus objetivos de maneira ampla.The government of president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, in the period 2003 to 2010, was marked by the adoption of a new conception of culture, supporting the need to take it as values, attitudes and social behaviors. This required a new attitude of the State, sustained by cultural politics, being highlighted the democratization effort promoted by the restructuring of the Ministério da Cultura (MinC) in an attempt to combat the problem of cultural exclusion. Concerning the cinema, the stance taken was moving the patrons position practiced so far, specifically policy-financing-based, illustrated by the Lei Rouanet (1991) and Audiovisual (1993). Facing the issue of audiovisual, the initiative that stands out is the Cine Mais Cultura, part of the Programa Mais Cultura, which aims at the implementation and expansion of audiovisual exhibition spaces outside the trading scheme, mainly represented by the film societies activities – organizations formed by cinephile and people interested in cinema, who gather to enjoy and reflect on the art. The scope of this project is through the provision of audiovisual equipment for digital projection, film society training workshops and access to the collection of Programadora Brasil. Based on Network Theory, the aim of this research was defined by verify and analyze how the cultural politics of the period between 2003 and 2010 (re)constituted the ties, the structure and architecture of the film societies network from Rio Grande do Sul. The investigative method selected for the development of this research was the case study (Yin, 2005). The techniques selected for data collection were analyze of secondary datas, direct observation and interview, realized from March 2011 to May 2012. The data was analyzed by the content analysis (Bardin, 2011; BAUER, 2002), realized based on categories designated by the Network Theory – actor, ties, network structure and architecture. To complement the analysis, some indexes and figures were extracted from the software UCINET 6 (Borgatti, Everett, Freeman, 2005). Regarding the analysis of the impacts of cultural policy in the performance of old and new film societies, we highlight the entry of new actors, due to the creation of a large number of film societies throughout the state. Besides, it also deserves the qualification of existing exhibition spaces, which have applied to the edicts of the federal government and have gone through a film societies training. Another point is still the intensification of links between the film societies, strengthened by CNC and flattening tools of the movement it created. Structurally, the network had a significant increase in size due to the creation of these new film societies, besides the alteration of central and marginal actors along this trajectory. In general, the policies comply with its proposal, as those new film societies were created, spaces were enhanced and Brazilian cinema has greater reach in the national territory, in particular, in the Rio Grande do Sul, focus of this study. On the other hand, there is disapproval that the approach of film societies to a government formatting prevents this democratic activity to achieve its goals broadly.
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Reale, Getúlio Sangalli. "Construção de mundos : a onto-política de marketing no contexto do futebol de espetáculo brasileiro." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/143355.
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Esta tese é o rastreamento das forças que as práticas (produtos e serviços) e discursos de marketing fazem circular por espaços do futebol de espetáculo brasileiro, ajudando a transformá-lo. Em aproximação à Actor-Network-Theory (LATOUR, 2005; LAW 2004), o estudo compôs-se de três movimentos principais: geração de controvérsias sobre a natureza do real, estudo das formas como os atores procuram estabilizar as controvérsias e, por fim, um exercício de onto-política (crítica). O caso concreto que serviu como espaço de partida foi o Grêmio de Foot-Ball Porto Alegrense, do estado do Rio Grande do Sul, Brasil. Os dados coletados incluíram a observação, observação participante, análise de documentos, entrevistas, dados financeiros e survey em uma abordagem de inspiração etnográfica. A partir de um olhar sensível para o contexto histórico e social do clubismo brasileiro e do clube estudado em específico (DAMO, 1998, 2005), procurei pensar as práticas e discursos de marketing inseridas na complexidade. Confrontados com diversidade e intensa participação de torcedores apaixonados e fiéis, cujos afetos variam abruptamente conforme as vitórias e derrotas do time no jogo (incerteza), os dirigentes/gestores desenvolvem dispositivos de reconversão de capital afetivo/simbólico em econômico mediados por três agências centrais: O Europeísmo (imaginário de futuro), Estética Dirigente (gosto tramado à classe) e Disciplinarização de Marketing (controle sobre o futuro). A mediação dessas entidades na transformação do futebol de espetáculo brasileiro opera como ‘construção de mundos’ (THRIFT, 2008a e b) com força estética que, entre outras coisas, agem para a inclusão e exclusão de torcedores de participação legítima nos espaços sagrados do clube. Adiciono controvérsia ao debate sobre formação de mercados na disciplina de Marketing (ARAUJO, 2007; KJELLBERG e HELGESSON; HELGESSON, 2007) a partir da proposta da relevância da dimensão estética dos mercados. Por fim, proponho formas alternativas de condução do clube a partir de uma inspiração da crítica pós-colonial (SAID, 1978; MIGNOLO, 2008).This dissertation traces the forces that marketing practices (product and services) and discourses circulate in Brazilian spectacle football (soccer) helping to transform it. Using Actor-Network-Theory (LATOUR, 2005; LAW 2004), it makes three main movements: generates controversies about the nature of reality, studies the ways in which actors seek to stabilize controversies, and finally, an exercise onto-politics (criticism). The empirical space of departure was Grêmio Foot-Ball Porto Alegrense, from Rio Grande do Sul state, Brazil. The data collected included observation, participant observation, document analysis, interviews, financial data and surveys, inspired by an ethnographic approach. Sensitive for the historical and social context of Brazilian clubism and of the specific club studied (DAMO, 1998, 2005), I sought to think marketing practices and discourses within complexity. Faced with the diverse and active participation of passionate and faithful supporters, whose affections vary abruptly with team victories and defeats in the game (uncertainty), directors/managers develop affective/symbolic into economic capital conversion devices which are mediated by three main agencies: Europeism (imaginary future), Director’s Aesthetics (entangled with social class) and Marketing Disciplinarization (control over the future). This entities mediate a ‘world making’ process (THRIFT, 2008a e b) with aesthetic power in the transformation of Brazilian spectacle football that, among other things, acts on the inclusion and exclusion of supporters from legitimate participation in the sacred spaces of the club. I add to the debate on market formation in the Marketing discipline (ARAUJO, 2007; KJELLBERG e HELGESSON; HELGESSON, 2007) through the enactment of the relevance of aesthetics for markets. Finally, I propose alternative ways of conducting the football club inspired in postcolonial criticism (SAID, 1978; MIGNOLO, 2008).
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RebouÃas, HÃbely da Silva. "A pÃgina do facebook nas pÃginas do jornal: um estudo da cobertura de O Povo sobre a Fanpage de Cid Gomes." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2016. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=19035.
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nÃo hÃO objetivo central do trabalho à investigar as relaÃÃes entre Jornalismo impresso, sites de redes sociais (SRS) e polÃtica, examinando, mais exatamente, de que modo o uso do Facebook por lÃderes polÃticos à abordado na cobertura jornalÃstica. Para isso, propÃe-se analisar a cobertura do periÃdico cearense O Povo sobre a fanpage do ex-governador do Cearà Cid Gomes (2007-2014) no Facebook. Torna-se fundamental compreender trÃs questÃes: 1) como o jornal percebe essa fonte de informaÃÃo, 2) como a utiliza na construÃÃo de suas pautas e 3) de que maneira reage Ãs tentativas do lÃder polÃtico de suprimir o papel de mediaÃÃo exercido pela imprensa. O corpus empÃrico à composto por 72 textos publicados no O Povo impresso. Para as questÃes 1 e 2 da pesquisa, acima mencionadas, aplicamos tÃcnicas de anÃlise de conteÃdo, debruÃando-nos sobre textos que abordam especificamente o conteÃdo das postagens de Cid; para a questÃo 3, optamos pela anÃlise do discurso, investigando textos que abordam a estratÃgia do ex-gestor de utilizar o Facebook como ferramenta de comunicaÃÃo. Entrevistas tambÃm foram exploradas como ferramenta metodolÃgica. Partimos de duas hipÃteses: 1) a de que o jornal teria encontrado na fanpage nÃo uma fonte de conteÃdo concorrente, mas uma referÃncia para a construÃÃo de seu noticiÃrio e uma oportunidade de reforÃar seu discurso de credibilidade perante o pÃblico, servindo de fiscal e crÃtico do poder; e 2) a de que, por meio do Facebook como ferramenta de comunicaÃÃo, agentes do campo polÃtico se esforÃariam para suprimir ou driblar a mediaÃÃo do Jornalismo. O estudo mostra que O Povo: embora, eventualmente, aponte a estratÃgia de Cid como positiva, adota tom predominantemente crÃtico ao relacionar a comunicaÃÃo via Facebook com a informalidade e a polÃmica; ignora a maioria das postagens nas quais o ex-gestor procura construir uma agenda positiva, dando preferÃncia à cobertura de temas controversos; e busca reforÃar sua credibilidade e legitimidade como porta-voz oficial da opiniÃo pÃblica. A pesquisa tambÃm mostra que, apesar de ter enxergado na fanpage uma forma de ganhar mais autonomia na divulgaÃÃo de seus temas, o ex-governador tambÃm buscou explorÃ-la de modo a influenciar a agenda midiÃtica. Ao fim do trabalho, verificamos a confirmaÃÃo da hipÃtese 1 e a confirmaÃÃo apenas parcial da hipÃtese 2.
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Scherlis, Gerardo. "Presidents and parties in Latin America: the exceptionality of peronism in the Latin American context." Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/91944.
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Political parties have ceased fulfilling substantial representative functions. Their legitimacy lies now on their role as governmental agencies. This led to an increasing interpenetration between parties and the states, and to the empowerment of those leaders that occupy executive offices. In the Latin American context these features are particularly intense in the case of ruling parties in countries where traditional parties collapsed or suffered significant brand dilution. In these cases the president controls the ruling party, while the «really existent» party organization is built up on the basis of networks recruited by the elected leader to run the government. The central argument of this article is that Peronism is the sole political force which has managed to adapt successfully to the conditions of electoral competition in contemporary Argentina. The president´s autonomy in terms of public policies´ in relation to a political machine sustained on the basis of the control of sub-national states makes it possible to disentangle the legitimacy of the party from that of its current national leadership. This scheme provides Peronism with a successful self-preservation mechanism, which is exceptional in the Latin American context.Los partidos políticos han dejado de cumplir funciones representativas significativas para legitimarse a partir de su rol como agencias de gobierno. Esto ha implicado la creciente inter- penetración entre partidos y estados, así como la concentración de recursos en los líderes que ocupan cargos ejecutivos. En el contexto latinoamericano, estas características alcanzan mayor intensidad en los partidos de gobierno de países en los que se ha producido el colapso o la dilu- ción del valor de la etiqueta de los partidos tradicionales. En estos casos, el presidente controla al partido de gobierno, mientras la estructura partidaria realmente existente se constituye sobre la base de las redes reclutadas por el líder electo para el ejercicio del gobierno.El argumento central del artículo consiste en que el peronismo es la única fuerza política que ha logrado adaptarse exitosamente a las condiciones de la competencia electoral en la Argentina contemporánea. La autonomía del presidente en términos de orientación de políticas públicas frente a una máquina partidaria sostenida sobre la base del control de los estados subnacionales hace posible escindir la legitimidad del partido respecto a la de su coyuntural liderazgo. Esto provee al peronismo de un exitoso mecanismo de preservación, excepcional en el contexto latinoamericano.
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Davies, Andrew Daniel. "Networks of Transitional Tibetan Politics." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507455.
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Iskandarova, Marfuga. "Constructing a macro-actor in practice : the case of wave hub." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/14429.
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This research examines whether study of the controversial evolution of energy systems and emerging energy technologies can contribute to the debates in energy policy and STS, especially those concerning the ongoing search for solutions to energy and environmental problems through the promotion of low-carbon technologies. The focus of this study is on the emergence and growth of a technological project in the renewable energy sector, Wave Hub in Cornwall, UK. The analysis, informed by actor-network theory, helps to explore the emergence of Wave Hub as a complex socio-technical system and a macro-actor. The case study reveals that the project is associated with various controversies and problematic temporalities. The construction of credibility and viability of the technological project is explored, including the 'public face’ of the project, various meanings attributed to Wave Hub and its symbolic capital. The discourse around Wave Hub is critically reviewed, as regards stakeholder assumptions about the technological feasibility of the project. Consideration is also given to the political dimensions of credibility, including the promissory role of policy discourse. An actor-network theory approach helps questioning the idea of policy as ‘macro context’; the utility of an analytical approach to policy as an actant is thus investigated. I ask to what extent, and in what sense, policy can be understood as an element of an actor-network, not merely a context. Furthermore, this helps to build a critical discussion around the evolution of the actor-network with policy as its active element and critically assess to what extent this approach might help to understand the destiny of a technological project. The politics of expertise in the case of Wave Hub is shown to play a critical role for the ‘credibility-economy’ of the project. Exploring how the expertise is understood and performed in the case of Wave Hub, I consider the question of the self-representation of experts and how the expert knowledge and the expert status are constituted. Studying the contestation of expertise and its categorisation helps to analyse various forms of collaboration formed around Wave Hub, but also antagonism which was revealed between different groups of experts.
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Ortigara, Claudino 1961. "Reformas educacionais no período Lula (2003-2010) : implementação nas instituições federais de ensino profissional." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/250755.
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Orientador: Pedro GanzeliTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Realizamos neste trabalho uma análise da implementação de políticas para educação profissional alicerçadas em princípios e fundamentos de formação integral, com a possibilidade de superar a dualidade estrutural que historicamente permeia a relação existente entre a formação geral e a formação para o trabalho. Analisamos a conformação das políticas implementadas no período do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 a 2010), tendo como fio condutor a perspectiva dos mecanismos de regulação, com destaque para o conjunto de influências que atuam no processo de formulação e implementação de políticas, culminado na produção de ordenamentos normativos que representam um dos aspectos da relação entre o Estado e a sociedade. Tivemos como objetivo analisar como as escolas da rede federal de educação profissional e tecnológica, a partir desses ordenamentos normativos, elaboraram e executaram seus projetos pedagógicos, tendo em vista a relação entre o ensino propedêutico e o ensino técnico de nível médio. O percurso metodológico da pesquisa consiste numa abordagem qualitativa na qual foram utilizados três procedimentos básicos na coleta de dados: revisão bibliográfica, análise documental e entrevistas do tipo semi estruturadas, realizadas em dois estudos de caso em instituições da Rede Federal. Os resultados mostraram o ensino integrado em processo de construção e apontaram para redução dessa dualidade, mas ainda limitado na sua capacidade de proporcionar as condições de exercício da plena cidadania.
Abstract: We accomplished in this work an analysis of implantation of education professional politics based in rudiment and fundamental of integral education, with the possibility to overcome the structural duality that historically permeate the relationship between general education and education for work. We parsed the form of politics deployed at the period of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's government (2003 to 2010), and had like linkage the perspective of the mechanism of regulation, with highlight for the influence's kit that act of the process of formulation and implementation of politics, culminated of production of normative orders that represent one of the relationship's aspect between State and society. Our goal was to analyze how federal system schools of professional and technological education, from this normative orders, elaborated and performed their pedagogic plan, with stress the relationship between the initial teaching and technical teaching of secondary school. The methodological course of the research consist in a qualitative approaching where was used three basics procedures at the data collection: bibliographic review, documental review and semistructured interviews, accomplished in two case studies in Federal System institutions. The results showed the integrated system in building process and showed for the reduction of this duality, but still limited in your capacity to provide the conditions for the exercise of full citizenship.
Doutorado
Politicas, Administração e Sistemas Educacionais
Doutor em Educação
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Primi, Lilian. "A imprensa e a sociedade de informação: a disputa de poder nas sociedades em rede." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-10032017-135930/.
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A proposta é resgatar os acontecimentos da história da informação a partir das sociedades industriais na última década do século 20 até a consolidação da rede mundial de informação, com a popularização de dispositivos móveis e o surgimento das mídias sociais na primeira década e meia do século 21, para entender o papel das mídias e da comunicação na disputa de poder em sociedades informacionais conforme definição de Castells: um processo multidimensional[...] associado à emergência de um novo paradigma tecnológico, baseado nas tecnologias de comunicação e informação, que começaram a tomar forma nos anos de 1960 e que se difundiram de forma desigual por todo o mundo. Parto do conceito que norteia as considerações de Castells, de que a sociedade é que dá forma à tecnologia de acordo com as necessidades, valores e interesses das pessoas que as utilizam. (Castells, 2005). E da constatação de que ocorreu neste processo, uma crescente e persistente ideologização da tecnologia: conforme Álvaro Vieira Pinto, houve uma elevação das descobertas e avanços empreendidos nos países centrais ao posto de única tecnologia válida, capaz de levar o ser humano a construir uma vida feliz para todos. (IN COSTA E SILVA, 2013). Neste estudo se pretende construir um embasamento teórico que norteie o uso de ferramentas de medição em rede desenvolvidas nos primeiros anos deste século para medir o auferir a opinião pública nas mídias sociais virtuais na análise das publicações na mídia impressa durante disputas eleitorais majoritárias quando não existia mídia digital consolidada. O objetivo desta medição é verificar a presença ou não da polarização que caracteriza a evolução humana (Dawkins) e social (Castells) nos conteúdos publicados pela mídia pré-web, que é evidente nas mídias sociais virtuais, e avaliar o papel dos veículos na disputa pelo cargo máximo da nação nos dois momentos.The idea is to analyze data about important events of the information history from industrial companies in the last decade of the 20th century until the consolidation of the global information network, with the popularization of mobile devices and the appearance of social medias in the first half of the 21 century, to understand the role of media and communication in the power struggle that exists in information societies, as defined by Castells: a \'multidimensional process \"[...]\" associated with the emergence of a new technological paradigm based on communication and information technologies, which began to take shape in the 1960s and have spread randomly around the world. I use mostly the concepts that guided Castells´ studies, that society is giving shape to technology according to the needs, values, and the taste of people who use it. (Castells, 2005). And, also, from the discovery that in this process occurred a growing and persistent ideologisation of the technology: according to Alvaro Vieira Pinto, there was an increase of undertaken discoveries and advances in the core countries \"to the only valid technology post, able to lead the human being to build a happy life for all. \" (IN COSTA E SILVA, 2013). This study aims to build a theoretical framework that guides the use of network measurement tools developed in the early years of this century to measure the gathering of public opinion in social medias through press media analysis during election periods before the consolidation of networked societies. The reason of this measurement is to check the existence of the polarization that frames human evolution (Dawkins) and social evolution (Castells) in pre-web media content, which is evident is social medias, and assess the role of comunication vehicles in the presidential run between those two moments.
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Santoro, Lauren Ratliff. "Choosing to be Changed: How Selection Conditions the Effect of Social Networks on Political Attitudes." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1498740182855649.
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Sinclair, Betsy Alvarez R. Michael. "Political networks /." Diss., Pasadena, Calif. : California Institute of Technology, 2007. http://resolver.caltech.edu/CaltechETD:etd-05292003-160904.
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