Journal articles: 'Network Politics'

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Solo, Ashu M. G., and Jonathan Bishop. "Network Politics and the Arab Spring." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 3, no. 1 (January 2016): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2016010102.

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Network politics is examined in the context of the Arab Spring. Network politics refers to politics and networks. These networks include the Internet, private networks, cellular networks, telephone networks, radio networks, television networks, etc. Network politics includes the applications of networks to enable one or more individuals or organizations to engage in political communication. Furthermore, network politics includes government regulation of networks. Finally, network politics includes the accompanying issues that arise when networks are used for political communication or when there is government regulation of networks. The domain of network politics includes, but is not limited to, e-politics (social networking for driving revolutions and organizing protests, online petitions, political blogs and vlogs, whistleblower websites, online campaigning, e-participation, virtual town halls, e-voting, Internet freedom, access to information, net neutrality, etc.) and applications of other networks in politics (robocalling, text messaging, TV broadcasting, etc.). Network politics has played a crucial role in the Arab Spring.

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Swords, Alicia C. S. "Neo-Zapatista Network Politics." Latin American Perspectives 34, no. 2 (March 2007): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x06298746.

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kang jang mook and 이원태. "Exploring New Configurations of Network Politics: Theoretical Search for Network Theory of Politics." 21st centry Political Science Review 20, no. 1 (May 2010): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17937/topsr.20.1.201005.27.

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Ibsen, Christian Lyhne, Christoph Houman Ellersgaard, and Anton Grau Larsen. "Quiet Politics, Trade Unions, and the Political Elite Network: The Case of Denmark." Politics & Society 49, no. 1 (February 8, 2021): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329220985748.

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Pepper Culpepper’s seminal Quiet Politics and Business Power has revitalized the study of when business elites can shape policies away from public scrutiny. This article takes the concept of quiet politics to a new, and surprising, set of actors: trade union leaders. Focusing on the case of Denmark, it argues that quiet politics functions through political elite networks and that this way of doing politics favors a particular kind of corporatist coordination between the state, capital, and labor. Rather than showing macrocorporatist coordination between the two classes and governments, it identifies representatives of business and labor that hold privileged positions in political elite networks. Representatives of segments are found in industries important for the Danish economy, specifically, the exporting manufacturing sector. Being at the core of the network requires not only a key position in the Danish economy but also an understanding that politics is often done best without politicians and voters. The analysis shows that trade union and business association representatives work closely on a wide number of issues through quiet politics, using their extensive network to broker and foster agreement between different stakeholders.

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Kuznetsov, D. "Network Texture of World Politics: Transregionalism of BRICS." World Economy and International Relations 64, no. 11 (2020): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2020-64-11-124-131.

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In the world witnessing profound transformations at all levels of interstate relations as well as the search for effective forms of international interaction, networks have already proved to be among the most effective patterns of cooperation. Informal, flexible, stable, cooperative, multilevel and pluralistic international networks have been promoting a new architecture of the 21st century world politics, with BRICS being one of its manifestations. BRICS also represent a special type of networks – a transregional one, which combines resources of the powerful states from different regional subsystems claiming to be the leaders of a new polycentric world. Applying the network approach, the author analyzes the nature, potential, resources, mechanisms and institutions of BRICS as an actor in the global governance. This network is based on a balance of interests, resources and values. The group forms a stable network with relatively stable links that contribute to its stability despite political and economic factors forcing its disintegration. Such a pattern of transregional cooperation has not only become an objective reality, but also confirms its effectiveness and competitiveness in the multilevel system of global governance. BRICS, while remaining an informal forum, could not avoid institutionalization (albeit in a soft and flexible form), having formed a complex network of forums, councils, as well as real institutions such as the New Development Bank or BRICS Network University. The group is distinguished by a high concentration of resources in a network that operates on the basis of group interest and a culture of consensus, which ensures its stability even in case of internal political changes and bilateral contradictions. Amid increasing competition of new transregional associations and projects, the BRICS states tend to use the openness of the group to cement their global leadership, initiating “BRICS+” project that might become an even more inclusive transregional network embracing more regional and middle powers in the framework of cooperation.

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Park, Sungjin, Jihye Lee, Seungjin Ryu, and Kyu S. Hahn. "The Network of Celebrity Politics." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 659, no. 1 (April 9, 2015): 246–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215569226.

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With the rise of networked media such as Twitter, celebrities’ ability to speak on policy matters directly to the public has become amplified. We investigate the political implications of celebrity activism on Twitter by estimating the political ideology of thirty-four South Korean news outlets and fourteen political celebrities based on the co-following pattern among 1,868,587 Twitter users. We also had a rare opportunity to match their following behavior with individual-level attributes by relying on supplementary survey data on 11,953 members of an online survey panel. Our results reveal that celebrity following on Twitter is ideologically skewed; a vast majority of Korean Twitter users following politically influential celebrities are liberal. Additionally, survey results show that political celebrities are more likely to attract those lacking the ability to process one-sided information in a balanced manner.

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Hassan, Robert. "Network Speed and Democratic Politics." World Futures 64, no. 1 (January 22, 2008): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604020701801767.

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Parobo, Parag D. "The State, Networks and Family Raj in Goa." Studies in Indian Politics 6, no. 2 (September 24, 2018): 168–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023018797408.

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Goa achieved statehood in 1987. While from 1963 to 1989 there were only two legislators with ‘dynastic ties’, since 1990, there have been 23 political families contesting elections, with 10 dynastic candidates voted to the assembly. How might we understand the rise of ‘family raj’ in Goa’s politics? What does Goa teach us about the relationship between economy and politics? This article analyses Goa’s changing political economy and argues that apart from ‘increasing financial returns associated with state power’, it is the ‘networked’ contexts of these families that catapult them and sustain their growth. Two important political families and their particular networks are discussed to show how family raj is weaved in a wider network of power and money.

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Germain, Gilbert. "The Network Society." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 1 (March 2005): 252–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905350104.

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The Network Society, Darin Barney, London: Polity, 2004, pp. 198In The Network Society, Darin Barney investigates the claim that “the spirit of our age is the spirit of the network” (2). This claim, the so-called “network society thesis,” announces the birth of a new social order in which “identity, politics, and economy are structured, and operate, as networks” (2). The argument that networks form the organizational principle of social, political, and economic configurations is a direct consequence, we are told, of the communication and management technologies that mediate virtually all contemporary societal practices. This being said, Barney sets out to assess the status of the network society thesis as a truth claim: Does the thesis in fact describe the arrival of a new societal order or does it merely provide a script for its possible realization? Although he concludes the rhetoric of the network society serves both functions, Barney's ultimate concern is that its prescriptive capacity is sufficiently powerful that the political will to offset the further advance of the network society is fast disappearing.

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Blauvelt, Timothy K. "March of the chekists: Beria’s secret police patronage network and Soviet crypto-politics." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 44, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2011.01.005.

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Lavrentii Beria built up one of the most powerful patronage networks in Soviet history. Its success represents a unique case in Soviet history in which a regionally based secret police patron-client network, comprised primarily of representatives of ethnic minorities, took control first of the civilian leadership of one of the major regions of the Union, and then of the most powerful institution in the USSR, the national secret police, and subsequently became one of the main competing factions in the “crypto-politics” of the late-Stalin era. The fact that the Beria network emerged from the secret police gave it certain advantages in the political struggles of the period, but it also held weaknesses that played a role in Beria’s final undoing. The evolution and political struggles of Beria’s network also shed light on the inner workings of the competition among informal networks that made up the crypto-politics of the period. Using recent memoirs, new archival sources and interviews, this article will examine how Beria developed, managed and advanced his informal network, giving particular attention to the specific and unique outcomes that resulted from the rooting of this network in the secret police, at five critical junctures in Beria’s career.

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Staar, Henning, Monique Janneck, Frederik Metzger, Stefan Berwing, and Thomas Armbrüster. "Does the Playing Field Determine the Game?" International Journal of Sociotechnology and Knowledge Development 5, no. 3 (July 2013): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijskd.2013070103.

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Virtual networks are often characterized as having less formal and hierarchical structures compared to traditional intra-organizational contexts. Instead, informal actions and so-called political behaviour of individual members play an important role regarding power and decision-making. In the present paper the authors investigate the relation between structural characteristics of virtual networks and informal influence tactics of network members. Results show that there are indeed numerous relations between the ‘playing field’ provided by the network structure and the behaviour of individual network players. Surprisingly, an increase of formalization, e.g. through the use of agreements, fixed principles and rules or even contracts, did not constrain informal political behavior. On the contrary, higher formalization was comprehensively associated with higher use of micro-political tactics. In addition, the use of all tested influence tactics showed to be positively related to network outcomes in terms of product, process and service innovation on a moderate level. Overall, these first insights into the interplay between network structures and informal influence behavior suggest that the approach to restrict micro-politics through stronger structuring might not only be ineffective but possibly misconceives the potential of micro-politics for collective goals in virtual collaborations. Despite the fact that this was an exploratory study, the results strongly argue for a deeper investigation on how virtual networks could benefit from micro-political actions.

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WAMBACH, JULIE ANN. "Network politics in an educational organization." Behaviour & Information Technology 14, no. 3 (May 1995): 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01449299508914645.

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Sørensen, Eva, and Jacob Torfing. "Network Politics, Political Capital, and Democracy." International Journal of Public Administration 26, no. 6 (June 2003): 609–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1081/pad-120019238.

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Villacampa, Javier Alcalde. "Media, Politics and the Network Society." Sociological Research Online 10, no. 1 (June 2005): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/136078040501000101.

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McCargo, Duncan. "Network Monarchy as Euphoric Couplet." Pacific Affairs 94, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 549–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2021943549.

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Since the publication of my article "Network monarchy and crises of legitimacy in Thailand" (Pacific Review, 2005), network monarchy has become an influential concept in the analysis of Thailand's politics. Though widely adopted, the argument has also spawned rival or complementary coinings, ranging from "autonomous political networks" (Joseph Harris) to "working towards the monarchy" (Serhat Uenaldi), and the "deep state" (Eugenie Mérieau), as well as the "parallel state" and the "monarchized military" (Paul Chambers and Napisa Waitoolkiat ). This article revisits the argument, elaborates on the meanings of the original term, and makes a case for network monarchy's continuing salience in the Tenth Reign.

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Kearney, Michael Wayne. "Analyzing change in network polarization." New Media & Society 21, no. 6 (January 10, 2019): 1380–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818822813.

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The growing influence of social media in an era of media fragmentation has amplified concerns of political polarization. Yet relatively few studies have analyzed polarization in user networks over time. This study therefore examines change in network polarization on Twitter during a highly contested general election. Using Twitter’s REST API, user networks of 3000 randomly selected followers of well-known partisan and entertainment-oriented accounts were recorded 17 times in the 7 months leading up to the 2016 general election. Results suggest that partisan users form highly partisan networks on Twitter, while moderate, or less engaged, users continue to mostly avoid politics.

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McDermott, Gerald A. "Politics and the Evolution of Inter-firm Networks: A Post-Communist Lesson." Organization Studies 28, no. 6 (June 2007): 885–908. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0170840607075263.

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This article attempts to account for both continuity and change in network structures and relationships by analyzing how a country's political approach to institution building shapes the reproduction of industrial networks. While firm-level actors may develop tenacious socio-economic relationships, the authority structure of a network emerges from the ways certain constituent firms align themselves with public institutions. I empirically examine this approach by analyzing the evolution of Czech industrial networks during and after communism. The fragility, eventual stability, and subsequent changes in networks come not from purely `intra-network' factors, but rather from the political approaches of the government toward institution building. In short, this article aims to renew our focus on the origin and evolution of social capital and networks by enjoining network analysis with recent work in political economy.

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Korhonen, Jaana, Alexandru Giurca, Maria Brockhaus, and Anne Toppinen. "Actors and Politics in Finland’s Forest-Based Bioeconomy Network." Sustainability 10, no. 10 (October 19, 2018): 3785. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10103785.

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To foster innovativeness for supporting (forest-based) bioeconomy development, participation in decision-making and interaction between diverse actors become a necessary precondition for designing and implementing transition policies. However, who forms the emerging policy networks, and which policy beliefs are promoted? Based on data from a national online survey, we performed a quantitative social network analysis to investigate emerging social structures and policy beliefs in the context of the Finnish forest-based bioeconomy. Our explorative analysis shows that research, governmental, and industrial organizations mainly constitute the Finnish forest-based bioeconomy network. Actors primarily exchange information, and most key organizations report high levels of trust among each other. However, the network structure is rather closed. This raises concerns about equal benefit sharing and the inclusiveness of concerned actors. We discuss the implication of this network structure for enabling new innovations. Finally, we present the key aspects and drivers of “business as usual”, and suggest an option for or a more transformative change in the Finnish forest-based bioeconomy.

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Skocpol, Theda, and Alexander Hertel-Fernandez. "The Koch Network and Republican Party Extremism." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 681–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716001122.

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Presidential election years attract attention to the rhetoric, personalities, and agendas of contending White House aspirants, but these headlines do not reflect the ongoing political shifts that will confront whoever moves into the White House in 2017. Earthquakes and erosions have remade the U.S. political terrain, reconfiguring the ground on which politicians and social groups must maneuver, and it is important to make sure that narrow and short-term analyses do not blind us to this shifting terrain. We draw from research on changes since 2000 in the organizational universes surrounding the Republican and Democratic parties to highlight a major emergent force in U.S. politics: the recently expanded “Koch network” that coordinates big money funders, idea producers, issue advocates, and innovative constituency-building efforts in an ongoing effort to pull the Republican Party and agendas of U.S. politics sharply to the right. We review the major components and evolution of the Koch network and explore how it has reshaped American politics and policy agendas, focusing especially on implications for right-tilted partisan polarization and rising economic inequality.

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Goddard, Stacie E. "Brokering change: networks and entrepreneurs in international politics." International Theory 1, no. 2 (July 2009): 249–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971909000128.

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Political entrepreneurs reside at the core of international relations (IR) theory. Structures might constrain agents, but entrepreneurs can remake and transform these structures, contesting norms, shifting identities and creating space for significant political change. Despite this, IR theorists note that key questions about entrepreneurs remain under-theorized. Under what conditions are political entrepreneurs likely to emerge? Who is likely to succeed as an entrepreneur, and how do entrepreneurs produce structural change? I argue scholars could strengthen their answers to these questions by drawing from the growing program of social network theory. Networks influence entrepreneurship in three ways. First, networks provide certain actors – brokers – with resources to effect change. It is not an actor’s attributes or interests but her position, then, that enables entrepreneurial behavior. Second, networks create the conditions of entrepreneurship. While certain networks are extremely stable, others contain contradictions that allow entrepreneurs to emerge. Finally, network theory posits structural mechanisms – including mobilization, polarization, and yoking – to explain political change.

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Strauß, Nadine, Laura Alonso-Muñoz, and Homero Gil de Zúñiga. "Bursting the filter bubble: the mediating effect of discussion frequency on network heterogeneity." Online Information Review 44, no. 6 (July 11, 2020): 1161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-11-2019-0345.

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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to identify the structural processes that lead citizens to escape their common social circles when talking about politics and public affairs (e.g. “filter bubbles”). To do so, this study tests to what extent political attitudes, political behavior, news media consumption and discussion frequency affect discussion network heterogeneity among US citizens.Design/methodology/approachSupported by the polling group Nielsen, this study uses a two-wave panel online survey to study the antecedents and mechanisms of discussion network heterogeneity among US citizens. To test the hypotheses and answer the research questions, ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions (cross-sectional, lagged and autoregressive) and mediation analyses were conducted.FindingsThe findings imply that political discussion frequency functions as the key element in explaining the mechanism that leads politically interested and participatory citizens (online) as well as news consumers of traditional and online media to seek a more heterogeneous discussion network, disrupting the so-called “filter bubbles.” However, mediation analyses also showed that discussion frequency can lead to more homogenous discussion networks if people score high on political knowledge, possibly reflecting the formation of a close network of political-savvy individuals.Originality/valueThe survey data give important insights into the 2016 pre-election situation, trying to explain why US citizens were more likely to remain in homogenous discussion networks when talking about politics and public affairs. By using two-wave panel data, the analyses allow to draw tentative conclusions about the influential and inhibiting factors and mechanisms that lead individuals to seek/avoid a more heterogeneous discussion network.

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Fuchs, Gerhard. "Integrated services digital network: The politics of European telecommunications network development." Journal of European Integration 16, no. 1 (September 1992): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07036339208428982.

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Zhan, Xi, and Choon-kwang Kim. "A study on the political skill of Korean entrepreneurs contributing to social network guarantee." Nankai Business Review International 6, no. 3 (August 3, 2015): 335–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/nbri-11-2014-0043.

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Purpose – This paper aims to set social network, which is recently drawing the most attention in the business administration field, as a major dependent variable of political skill. It is because social network plays a very important role in improving the productivity and performance of firms, and, in actuality, many researches have proved that social network greatly contributes to firm performance. Design/methodology/approach – Researches into social network have not yet established that “through what” or “how” social network can be formed and affected. Findings – In this study, the authors attempt to connect social network with political skill, which is a cause variable. Originality/value – This approach will give us a better understanding on the formation of social networks and its relationship with political skill, and so eventually, such negative recognition about the politics can be viewed from a different sight of angle.

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Höpner, Martin, and Lothar Krempel. "The Politics of the German Company Network." Competition & Change 8, no. 4 (December 2004): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1024259042000304392.

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Chesher, Chris. "Review: Media, Politics and the Network Society." Media International Australia 117, no. 1 (November 2005): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0511700119.

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Weiner, Richard R. "Network Knowledge Governance: Algorithms and Platform Politics." European Legacy 23, no. 3 (November 8, 2017): 306–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2017.1396101.

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Pawlak, Patryk. "Network Politics in Transatlantic Homeland Security Cooperation." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 10, no. 4 (December 2009): 560–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705850903314833.

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Kim, Moonju. "『The Social Network』- Politics of Facebook Addiction." Korean Association of Addiction Crime Review 8, no. 2 (July 2, 2018): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26606/kaac.2018.8.2.1.

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Wilkenfeld, Jonathan, and Joyce Kaufman. "Political Science: Network Simulation in International Politics." Social Science Computer Review 11, no. 4 (December 1993): 464–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089443939301100405.

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Miller, Gerald J. "STRATEGIC FINANCE, PUBLIC AUTHORITIES, AND NETWORK POLITICS." Policy Studies Journal 18, no. 4 (June 1990): 961–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.1990.tb00864.x.

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Young, J. "Network Culture: Politics in the Information Age." Genre 40, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2007): 191–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00166928-40-1-2-191.

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Bratich, Jack Z. "Pox Populi." Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 11, no. 4 (August 2011): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708611414659.

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This article examines recent developments in U.S. network politics. Focusing on the rise of the Tea Party as well as the standoffs in Madison, WI, it analyzes the emergent forms of populism via network forms. In addition, this conjuncture produces new mutations in the relationship between networks and sovereignty. Finally, the affective charge of these future networked movements, from fear to hope to love, need investigation.

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McAdam, Doug, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly. "To Map Contentious Politics." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 1, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.1.1.y3p544u2j1l536u9.

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Different forms of contentious politics such as social movements, revolutions, ethnic mobilizations, and cycles of protest share a number of causal properties, but disciplinary fragmentation has obscured their similarities. Recent work and this new journal provide opportunities for comparison and synthesis. A network of researchers is undertaking a broad survey of contentious politics in hopes of producing an intelligible map of the field, a synthesis of recent inquiries, a specification of scope conditions for the validity of available theories, and an exploration of worldwide changes in the character of contention. Discussions of 1) social movements, cycles, and revolutions, 2) collective identities and social networks, 3) social movements and institutional politics, 4) globalization and transnational contention illustrate the promise and perils of the enterprise.

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Holt, Rebecca. "Pornifying the Network." A Peer-Reviewed Journal About 9, no. 1 (August 4, 2020): 120–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/aprja.v9i1.121494.

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Watching pornography online is a deeply personal, if not secretive act, yet the ease with which a near-infinite supply of adult content is shored up by networks of shared experiences. In fact, the persistent assumption that consuming adult content is a ‘closed’ experience has largely stunted efforts to reconceptualize online pornography as a “network experience.” As Wendy Chun asks, “Why are networked devices described as ‘personal,’ when they are so chatty and promiscuous?” This article, therefore, attempts to ‘pornify the network’ by tracing the movement, flows, and processual emergence of networks that have been crucial to the formation and continued proliferation of online pornography. Two case studies are used to illustrate the persistence of this framework: the first theorizes ‘edging’ in early online pornography, while the second puts into question the politics of the world’s largest porn website deploying user data for titillating effect. Theorizing a pornified network ultimately reroutes persistent technological imaginaries of the network through affect, sensation, and the entanglements of desire.

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Lin, Luc Chia-Shin. "Facebook Politics: Strategic Network Campaigning in the 2012 Taiwan Presidential Election." Media International Australia 155, no. 1 (May 2015): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1515500107.

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The networked nature of social media allows users to link their pre-existing connections and develop new types of online relationships. This study aimed to examine the relationships between candidates' camps and ‘netizens' during the 2012 Taiwan presidential election. To benefit from the rapid growth of social networking, political candidates have used social media as an election campaign tool. However, the strategic approach of these candidates seems to contradict the networked nature of social media, especially in terms of friendship. Through in-depth interviews with campaign staff, journalists and scholars, this research found that a new concept – strategic network campaigning (SNC) – can be proposed. Combining ‘two-step flow’ communication, para-social relationships and network society theory, SNC explains how election camps mimic Facebook's networked nature by placing staff in the network to influence netizens. Through SNC, campaign staff develop hubs that they can control, establish friend-like relationships with netizens, and influence perceptions of candidates.

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Hale, Henry E. "Russian Patronal Politics Beyond Putin." Daedalus 146, no. 2 (April 2017): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00432.

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Russian politics from the tsars through Vladimir Putin has been shaped by patronalism, a social equilibrium in which personal connections dominate, collective action happens primarily through individualized punishments and rewards, and trends in the political system reflect changing patterns of coordination among nationwide networks of actual acquaintances that typically cut across political parties, firms, nongovernmental organizations, and even the state. The “chaotic” Yeltsin era reflects low network coordination, while the hallmark of the Putin era has been the increasingly tight coordination of these networks’ activities around the authority of a single patron. In at least the next decade, Russia is unlikely to escape the patronalist equilibrium, which has already withstood major challenges in 1917 and 1991. The most promising escape paths involve much longer-term transitions through diversified economic development and integration with the Western economy, though one cannot entirely rule out that a determined new ruler might accelerate the process.

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Girman, Alla, and Natalia Kodatska. "DEVELOPMENT OF PUBLIC POLICY NETWORK COMMUNICATIONS IN MODERN POLITICAL SYSTEMS." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 1 (7) (March 18, 2020): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2020-01-62-68.

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The article presents the dynamics of transformation of network characteristics of modern society, related to changes in the quality and structure of communications, which are expanding and differentiating in the public space integrated with the Internet. The ways of development of information and communication technologies in all spheres – social, political, economic, cultural, which are conditioned by the network logic of development of social subjects are analyzed. The analysis of the actual researches concerning problems of formation of the new model of organization of socio-political space in which horizontal network communications dominates and many different actors involved in the transformation of public policy, as well as the role and importance of network structures possessing high potential for self-organization and mobilization. The peculiarities of functioning of the Ukrainian political system, which, on the one hand, reflect the global trends of network public policy formation, are considered; on the other hand, existing social networking practices are not always linked to increasing public resources and developing democratic foundations of politics. The author draws attention to the dominance of informal political communication practices, the imitation of publicity, the formation of clan politics and the patrimonial political system that characterize the destructive potential of social networks. The article provides a theoretical substantiation of the concept of "Internet in public regional policy", which allows to expand the paradigmatic field of political science, as well as to apply the network method to the analysis of Ukrainian public policy, which makes it possible not only to explain new socio-political phenomena, but also to define new vectors development of the modern political system of Ukraine based on the principles of democratic participation and cooperation of the state and civil society. The effects of the Internet of communications through the penetration of network society into public policy and its actions, which is multidimensional in nature and manifested as changes at different levels, causes the emergence of innovative mechanisms that reproduce its new type, namely network public policy.

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Khan, Asif, Huaping Zhang, Jianyun Shang, Nada Boudjellal, Arshad Ahmad, Asmat Ali, and Lin Dai. "Predicting Politician’s Supporters’ Network on Twitter Using Social Network Analysis and Semantic Analysis." Scientific Programming 2020 (September 1, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/9353120.

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Politics is one of the hottest and most commonly mentioned and viewed topics on social media networks nowadays. Microblogging platforms like Twitter and Weibo are widely used by many politicians who have a huge number of followers and supporters on those platforms. It is essential to study the supporters’ network of political leaders because it can help in decision making when predicting their political futures. This study focuses on the supporters’ network of three famous political leaders of Pakistan, namely, Imran Khan (IK), Maryam Nawaz Sharif (MNS), and Bilawal Bhutto Zardari (BBZ). This is done using social network analysis and semantic analysis. The proposed method (1) detects and removes fake supporter(s), (2) mines communities in the politicians’ social network(s), (3) investigates the supporters’ reply network for conversations between supporters about each leader, and, finally, (4) analyses the retweet network for information diffusion of each political leader. Furthermore, sentiment analysis of the supporters of politicians is done using machine learning techniques, which ultimately predicted and revealed the strongest supporter network(s) among the three political leaders. Analysis of this data reveals that as of October 2017 (1) IK was the most renowned of the three politicians and had the strongest supporter’s community while using Twitter in a very controlled manner, (2) BBZ had the weakest supporters’ network on Twitter, and (3) the supporters of the political leaders in Pakistan are flexible on Twitter, communicating with each other, and that any group of supporters has a low level of isolation.

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Samarkina, Irina. "THE POLITICAL WORLDVIEW OF VKONTAKTE COMMUNITIES: THE EXPERIENCE OF ANALYZING THE SUBJECTIVE SPACE OF POLITICS IN A NETWORK SOCIETY." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 1 (2021): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.107.

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The article presents the results of a theoretical analysis of the political worldview as part of the subjective space of politics in a network society and its empirical verification. The author shows that the integration of phenomenology and the network approach allows researchers to advance their understanding of content and parameters of the political worldview of network communities as part of the subjective space of modern public policy. The analysis of the discourse of network communities makes it possible to identify, describe and analyze the features of their political worldview. The author presents an original methodology, created within the framework of the RFBR research project "Subjective Space of Politics: Opportunities and Challenges of a Network Society", for studying the political world view of network communities and the empirical results obtained with its usage. In particular, the typology of political worldviews existing in network communities is described. It reflects the structural and substantive components of the political worldview in the discourse of network communities: the core of the political worldview (reflecting the ontological level of the political worldview, including images of the Motherland, state, power), political roles, political institutions (the last two clusters reflect the basic level of the political worldview elements), political participation (reflects the instrumental level of the political worldview), socio-political problems). The typology of political worldviews of network communities identified (zero, horizontal, non-political, activity and political world view of active resistance) requires verification in further research. An important result of the empirical analysis is the identification of two political worldview profiles (closed and open) and their connection with the dominant type of participant socio-political activity in network communities. Further study in this direction will improve analytical and predictive tools for research and practical work with network communities.

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Stockwell, Steve. "Dealing with World Domination: Lessons from The Powerpuff Girls and Friends." Media International Australia 113, no. 1 (November 2004): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411300105.

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How did the world change on September 11, 2001? While the events of that day may be more the product of shifting geopolitical formations than the cause, September 11 brings into focus the political functions of global media networks and their potential as conduits of world domination. In this context, Cartoon Network provides some insights and challenges for both media theory and the politics of the twenty-first century. World domination is a recurring theme on Cartoon Network in anime products such as Dragon Ball Z and Gundam Wing, in post-feminist products such as The Powerpuff Girls and Dexter's Laboratory, and in cross-over work such as Samurai Jack and, most intriguingly, Pinky and the Brain, where a super-smart lab rat and his stupid friend are constantly plotting to take over the world. The failure — on Cartoon Network at least — of all plans for world domination invites us to consider means of resistance to aspirational politics on a global scale.

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Paterson, Matthew. "Using Negotiation Sites for Richer Collection of Network Data." Global Environmental Politics 19, no. 2 (May 2019): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00504.

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Global environmental governance (GEG) is widely recognized as particularly networked. And negotiation sites are sites not only of formal decision-making processes but also of intense networking by various actors. Use of formal social network analysis to analyze both networked governance and governance networks in global environmental politics has to date mostly rested on relatively easy-to-get data, such as membership in formal organizations or treaties. These analyses give useful broad-brush analyses to help think about the social structure of environmental governance, but relatively limited inferences can be drawn about key processes that network analysis can help understand, such as learning, diffusion, and other forms of institutional interaction. This article proposes how to advance the value of the method in the field by focusing on the personal networks of actors who make up the decision-making processes in GEG. Negotiation sites could thus become important sites for collection of data about these networks, through direct observation of interactions, intensive short interviews, and surveys, in particular.

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Sandal, Hakan. "Radical Queer Epistemic Network: Kurdish Diaspora, Futurity, and Sexual Politics." Migration Letters 17, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v17i1.750.

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This article examines the ways in which London's queer Kurdish activists imagine Kurdistan(s) and their relation to politics surrounding Kurdish and queer struggles in the United Kingdom. In doing so, the article draws attention to a “radical queer epistemic network” that establishes a transnational link among/across different borders of queer communities in the United Kingdom, such as race and class; “homeland” and “hostland”; present and future. Although there are works focusing on the Kurdish diaspora in Europe and the United Kingdom, there is a gap in the literature when it comes to queer voices and epistemologies. How do Kurdish queer subjects negotiate ethnic, gender and sexual identities whilst imagining and (re)constructing the homeland, hostland, and politics? How do queer Kurds assert their existence and make alliances in the United Kingdom’s political sphere? Can these experiences subvert the orientalist gaze directed towards queer Middle Easterners while critiquing the existing oppressive structures that affect them? This article sheds light not only on the experiences of a segment of the queer Middle East diaspora community in London but also on the mobilisation of the diasporic sexual impulsions within the political sphere through an auto-ethnographic account from London Pride 2017, contributing to the deconstruction of a presumed monolithic group, namely the Kurdish diaspora.

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Mackenzie, Adrian. "Wireless Networks and the Problems of over-Connectedness." Media International Australia 125, no. 1 (November 2007): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712500111.

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The idea of connectivity underpins much recent investment and innovation in wireless networks. This paper suggests wireless networks such as Wi-Fi actually put the ideal of network connectivity in question in some ways. The paper constructs a set of contrasts based on different wireless networks in Asia, Africa, Europe and North America. It argues that many different ideals of network connectivity intersect in wireless internet networks. Rather than being the examplar of connectivity, the practices, spaces, cultures and politics of wireless networks display forms of over-connectedness irreducible to the ideal of connectivity. They entail deep entanglements between the political economy of information, visions of technoeconomic progress and market competition, feelings of proximity, connectivity and mobility, and sensibilities of change.

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Mackenzie, Adrian. "Wireless Networks and the Problems of Over-Connectedness." Media International Australia 125, no. 1 (November 2007): 94–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0812500111.

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The idea of connectivity underpins much recent investment and innovation in wireless networks. This paper suggests wireless networks such as Wi-Fi actually put the ideal of network connectivity in question in some ways. The paper constructs a set of contrasts based on different wireless networks in Asia, Africa, Europe and North America. It argues that many different ideals of network connectivity intersect in wireless internet networks. Rather than being the examplar of connectivity, the practices, spaces, cultures and politics of wireless networks display forms of over-connectedness irreducible to the ideal of connectivity. They entail deep entanglements between the political economy of information, visions of technoeconomic progress and market competition, feelings of proximity, connectivity and mobility, and sensibilities of change.

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Min, Seong Jae. "Who Believes in Conspiracy Theories? Network Diversity, Political Discussion, and Conservative Conspiracy Theories on Social Media." American Politics Research 49, no. 5 (May 2, 2021): 415–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211013526.

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A survey of 3,441 U.S. social media users showed that a high portion believes in conspiracy theories, and their beliefs vary widely along the party lines and socio-demographic factors. In particular, conservative conspiracy theories were more pronounced than liberal ones, and older White males with high conservatism and Protestantism showed higher endorsement of conservative conspiracy theories. Furthermore, ideological conservatives who frequently discuss politics showed higher association with a conservative conspiracy theory than conservatives who discuss politics less frequently. However, network diversity moderated the interaction of conservative ideology and political discussion such that conservatives who discuss politics frequently in a relatively heterogeneous social media network setting had lower beliefs in a conspiracy theory than conservatives who do so in a more homogeneous network.

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Sangbae Kim. "The World Politics of Network Power: Beyond Traditional Theories of Power in International Politics." Korean Political Science Review 42, no. 4 (December 2008): 389–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2008.42.4.016.

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Lu, Yanqin, Jae Kook Lee, and Eunyi Kim. "Network characteristics matter in politics on Facebook: evidence from a US national survey." Online Information Review 42, no. 3 (June 11, 2018): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-09-2016-0262.

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PurposeFacebook has been identified as a primary source of political information by a majority (63 percent) of its users. The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between Facebook use and political participation, and investigate the mediating effects of the characteristics of one’s Facebook network (i.e. network size, proportion of strong ties, and discussion network heterogeneity).Design/methodology/approachThis study relies on a representative survey of American adults (n=1,032) conducted during the 2012 primary election campaigns from May 3 to May 10. The sample was randomly selected from a representative online panel maintained by a professional research organization. Given this study’s focus on the influence of Facebook use and network characteristics, an online panel is suitable for testing the hypotheses.FindingsThe results show positive associations between Facebook use and both off- and online political participation. Further, the positive association between Facebook use and political participation is mediated by discussion network heterogeneity and the proportion of strong ties in one’s Facebook network, but not the network size.Originality/valueThis study sheds light on the roles played by network characteristics of Facebook. The composition of a user’s Facebook network is closely related with what kind of information she encounters and how likely she is to participate in politics. Hence, network characteristics (e.g. Facebook discussion network heterogeneity) arise as important for gaining a nuanced understanding of the relationship between general use of the medium and its political outcomes.

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Paik, Anthony, John P. Heinz, and Ann Southworth. "Political Lawyers: The Structure of a National Network." Law & Social Inquiry 36, no. 04 (2011): 892–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01255.x.

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Some research on lawyers active in politics has found that the ties among them create networks in which a center or core of influential actors is surrounded by more peripheral participants. Other studies, however, found more segmented networks, sometimes lacking central players. This research examines the structure and determinants of political ties among forty-seven elite lawyers who served organizations prominent in fourteen national policy issues in 2004–05. The analysis finds a network structure that resembles a rough circle with Republicans on one side and Democrats on the other. Lawyers affiliated with organizations representing a broad constellation of interests are closer to the center of the network, while those working for specialized or narrow causes tend to be located in the periphery. Ties are more dense among conservatives than among liberals. Lawyers who work as organizational leaders or managers are more likely to be near the center than are litigators. Central actors contribute larger amounts to election campaigns. The organized bar, especially the American Bar Association, appears to provide links between liberals and conservatives in one segment of the network.

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Kalpokas, Ignas, J. D. Mininger, and Viktorija Rusinaitė. "The human network revisited: responses to Brynnar Swenson’s “The human network: social media and the limit of politics”." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 124–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjlp-2013-0014.

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ABSTRACT This article combines contributions from three authors, each of whom writes in scholarly response to Brynnar Swenson’s “The Human Network: Social Media and the Limit of Politics,” originally published in the Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 4:2 (2011): 102-124. Ignas Kalpokas reads Swenson’s theories of revolt and social change alongside a robust theory of sovereignty drawn from Carl Schmitt, while also expanding Swenson’s interpretations of the media representations of the Egyptian revolution and the 2011 riots in England by an appeal to theories drawn from Lacanian psychoanalysis. J.D. Mininger also draws from psychoanalytic discourse as he revisits a key interview given in Swenson’s account of the media interpretations of the London riots of 2011. Viktorija Rusinaitė addresses Swenson’s provocation about the limits and status of politics, turning to media theory and the concept of politics found in the work of Jacques Rancière.

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Gonzalez-Bailon, Sandra, Andreas Kaltenbrunner, and Rafael E. Banchs. "The Structure of Political Discussion Networks: A Model for the Analysis of Online Deliberation." Journal of Information Technology 25, no. 2 (June 2010): 230–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/jit.2010.2.

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This paper shows that online political discussion networks are, on average, wider and deeper than the networks generated by other types of discussions: they engage a larger number of participants and cascade through more levels of nested comments. Using data collected from the Slashdot forum, this paper reconstructs the discussion threads as hierarchical networks and proposes a model for their comparison and classification. In addition to the substantive topic of discussion, which corresponds to the different sections of the forum (such as Developers, Games, or Politics), we classify the threads according to structural features like the maximum number of comments at any level of the network (i.e. the width) and the number of nested layers in the network (i.e. the depth). We find that political discussion networks display a tendency to cluster around the area that corresponds to wider and deeper structures, showing a significant departure from the structure exhibited by other types of discussions. We propose using this model to create a framework that allows the analysis and comparison of different internet technologies for the promotion of political deliberation.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Network Politics'

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