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Relevant bibliographies by topics / New Democratic Party (Seychelles)

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Academic literature on the topic 'New Democratic Party (Seychelles)'

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Published: 24 February 2023

Last updated: 3 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "New Democratic Party (Seychelles)"

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Hatchard, John. "Re-establishing a Multi-Party State: Some Constitutional Lessons from the Seychelles." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 601–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001226x.

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Several African countries have found that the road towards the reintroduction of multi-party politics is not easy. This short article examines aspects of constitutional developments in the Seychelles, and argues that three fundamental criteria are necessary for a genuine return to democratic pluralism: the implementation of a proper and fairly organised electoral process, the drafting of a new constitution which represents the wishes of the people, and the effective de-linking of ruling party and government.

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Jeansonne, Glen, and David Luhrssen. "Feingold: A New Democratic Party." Annals of Iowa 66, no. 3 (July 2007): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.1160.

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Ghazarian, Zareh. "A party reborn? The new Democratic Labor Party in Australian politics." Journal of Australian Studies 37, no. 4 (December 2013): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2013.831113.

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Susilo, Cahyo. "DARI AKSI HINGGA PESTA DEMOKRASI: DINAMIKA PARTAI RAKYAT DEMOKRATIK MENUJU PEMILU (1996-1999)." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 8, no. 1 (September 23, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v8i1.20103.

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This research illustrated the historical event in Indonesia, especially in 1990s period. The study examined the development of People Democratic Party as one of the political parties in the New Order regime. This research-based on the author’s interest in the pro-democracy movement’s widespread in Indonesia, evidenced by the resistance movement of peoples, in this case, is the People Democratic Party. The study aimed to identify programs and strategies of the People Democratic Party to build a pro-democracy movement in the 1996-1999 period. The author used the historical method. People Democratic Party was one of the political party which develop at that time and had a political movement to subvert a New Order regime. People Democratic Party often referred to as a radical political party, because of the political program that confronted the New Order regime namely to eliminate the Indonesian National Armed ForcesDual function, to eliminate a five-pack of Political Act and Timor-Timur referendum. The impact, People Democratic Party regarded as a forbidden party and accused as the actor behind July 27th 1996 tragedy. After the tragedy, the People Democratic Party arose with people’s committees. The four elements of People Democratic Party namely (1) the urban poor, (2) workers, (3) youth people, (4) PDI-Megawati supporters. After 1998 Reformation, People Democratic Party declared as a legal party and has participated as a contestant of 1999 electoral. People Democratic Party argued that the Electoral system is a moment for campaigning political programs. Several thingsin the campaign was about amnesty for political prisoners, completion of Civil Rights violation cases, and people’s political rights.

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Smart, John. "The Waffle’s Impact on the New Democratic Party." Studies in Political Economy 32, no. 1 (January 1990): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1990.11675490.

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Inoguchi, Takashi. "A Step Toward One-Party Predominance: Japan’s General Election of 20 October 1996." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01209.x.

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THE GENERAL ELECTION IN JAPAN OF OCTOBER 1996 brought back the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to a position of predominance, if not preponderance, in the House of Representatives. Out of 500 seats, the LDP acquired 239, while the second largest New Frontier Party (FNP) won 156, the newly-formed Democratic Party 52, the Communist Party 26, the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPJ) 15, and the Sakigake New Party two seats. Prior to the general election, the LDP, the SDPJ and the Sakigake had cooperated in a coalition government with 211, 30 and 9 seats, respectively. After the election, the LDP formed a minority government without making a formal coalition arrangement with the much enfeebled SDPJ and Sakigake. Why was the LDP able to make this sort of comeback? Why have ‘reformist parties’, starting with the New Japan Party, the Renewal Party, the New Frontier Party and most recently the Democratic Party, experienced such a brief period of increased power before their fall (or stagnation)? These are the questions that this article addresses in describing and explaining Japanese politics today.

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Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism II Socialism and Capitalism Reconsidered." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000487.

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The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.

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Posner, Paul W. "Popular Representation and Political Dissatisfaction in Chile's New Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 1 (1999): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166227.

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The constraints imposed on Chile’s democratic transition by the military regime, plus the impact of structural reform and the political renovation of the dominant parties of the center and left, have made the traditional party allies of the popular sectors unable or unwiIIing to represent those constituents in the political arena. This argument is substantiated through an overview of pacted democratic transitions, an analysis of the evolution of party-base relations in Chile, and a consideration of the institutional impediments to further democratic reform.

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Grzymała-Busse, Anna. "Encouraging Effective Democratic Competition." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 1 (February 2007): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297129.

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Political party competition is critical to fostering good governance and preventing corruption. However, several aspects of competition—the number of parties, their vote share, or their specific ideology—have no demonstrable impact on corruption. In contrast, the robustness of competition is critical in constraining governments and monitoring policy. Parties have to clearly profile themselves, be credible coalition partners, and prioritize parliamentary monitoring above building organizations. Above all, political party competition must be inclusive: no party should be excluded a priori from governance or coalitions because of their ideology or the identity of the constituency they represent. This is especially the case in new democracies, where capable and stable competitors are in short supply. Consequently, former authoritarian parties need to be included: they have the greatest incentives to monitor the behavior of the new governing parties, and they often have the greatest capacity to do so.

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Rabotyazhev, N. "West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-39-55.

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The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "New Democratic Party (Seychelles)"

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Dowler, Kevin. "The New Democratic Party and the union vote." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ62208.pdf.

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Scroop, Daniel Mark. "Jim Farley, the Democratic Party and American politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365516.

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Manning, Seth. "Factionalism in the Democratic Party 1936-1964." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/477.

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The period of 1936-1964 in the Democratic Party was one of intense factional conflict between the rising Northern liberals, buoyed by FDR’s presidency, and the Southern conservatives who had dominated the party for a half-century. Intertwined prominently with the struggle for civil rights, this period illustrates the complex battles that held the fate of other issues such as labor, foreign policy, and economic ideology in the balance. This thesis aims to explain how and why the Northern liberal faction came to defeat the Southern conservatives in the Democratic Party through a multi-faceted approach examining organizations, strategy, arenas of competition, and political opportunities of each faction. I conclude that an alliance between the labor movement and African-Americans formed the basis on which the liberal faction was able to organize and build its strength, eventually surpassing the Southern Democratic faction by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This passage forced the realignment of Southern states as Southern Democrats sided with Republicans at the national level. However, the party position changes that precipitated liberal Democratic support for the bill began much earlier, starting in the 1930s, another key conclusion of this thesis.

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Neve, S. L. "The Democratic Party in New York State, 1890-1910 : a traditional party in a time of change." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.355888.

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Praud, Jocelyne. "Feminizing party organizations, the cases of the Parti socialiste français, the Parti québécois and the Ontario New Democratic Party." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27713.pdf.

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Kieffer, Christa. "KEEPERS OF THEIR PARTY: HAPPY CHANDLER, ALBEN BARKLEY AND FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT’S FIGHT FOR THE SOUL OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/56.

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This thesis argues that the 1938 Kentucky Democratic primary was a critical moment for the New Deal and the Democratic Party. Furthermore, it demonstrates the fractures forming within the southern wing of the party. Through this primary the paper examines peoples’ perceptions of a changing democracy. One that they believed included a much more powerful president and meddling bureaucracy. It details the major points of the campaign, including Franklin Roosevelt’s visit to the state the famous poisoning accusations, and the corruption within the Works Progress Administration.

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Butovsky, Jonah. "The decline of the New Democratic Party, the politics of postmaterialism or neo-liberalism?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ59073.pdf.

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Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.

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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961." Ottawa, 1996.

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Brand, Molly Ziek. "The Electoral Influence of Teachers’ Unions on Democratic Education Policy Priorities." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1435092973.

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Books on the topic "New Democratic Party (Seychelles)"

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(Seychelles), New Democratic Party. The pledge: An agenda for real change! Seychelles]: [The New Democratic Party], 2010.

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The New Democratic Party. Calgary: Weigl, 2012.

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Archer, Keith. Canadian trade unions and the New Democratic Party. Kingston, Ont., Canada: Industrial Relations Centre, Queen's University, 1993.

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Dewalt, Brian. Challenge and achievement, the Manitoba New Democratic Party. Winnipeg: The Party, 1987.

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1951-, Berlin Z. David, and Aster Howard, eds. What's left?: The New Democratic Party in renewal. Oakville, Ont: Mosaic Press, 2001.

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Nova Scotia Advisory Council on the Status of Women. New Democratic Task Force on Jobs. Halifax: [s.n.], 1985.

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The party that changed Canada: The New Democatic Party, then and now. Toronto, Ont., Canada: Macmillan of Canada, 1987.

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Desmond, Morton, ed. The new democrats, 1961-1986: The politics of change. Toronto, Ont: Copp Clark Pitman, 1986.

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Crisis of clarity: The New Democratic Party and the quest for the Holy Grail. Toronto: Summerhill Press, 1985.

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What's left?: A new Democratic vision for America. Holbrook, Mass: Adams Media Corp., 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "New Democratic Party (Seychelles)"

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Heyer, Anne. "A New Perspective on Party Emergence." In The Making of the Democratic Party in Europe, 1860–1890, 27–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-87748-4_1.

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Mazar, Alissa. "The Canadian auto workers, the New Democratic Party, and the casino industry." In Deindustrialization and Casinos, 90–129. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028505-5.

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Fishman, Nina. "The British Road is Resurfaced for New Times: From the British Communist Party to the Democratic Left." In West European Communist Parties after the Revolutions of 1989, 145–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23692-3_6.

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Kantola, Johanna, Anna Elomäki, and Petra Ahrens. "Introduction: European Parliament’s Political Groups in Turbulent Times." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 1–23. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94012-6_1.

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AbstractThe turbulent times the European Union witnessed over the last years together with the increased competences for the European Parliament call for closer examination of political groups as core actors in this setting. In this introductory chapter, we engage with political groups as unique alliances of national party delegations and the context they operate in. We first discuss the core features of the political groups and then proceed to present new inroads into studying their functions, work and practices. By engaging with broader questions of democracy and what political groups research can contribute, we suggest that theorising the democratic functioning within the EP allows casting a critical eye on democratic practices and the growing salience of the political groups. The chapter closes by introducing the chapters of the volume which provide new insights into the practices of political groups, the dynamics and power relations between them and, thus, decision-making and policy-making in the European Parliament.

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Rollins, Alfred B. "Fight for a New Democratic Party." In ROOSEVELT and HOWE, 206–30. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351307161-17.

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Renaud, Terence. "Social Democratic Modernization." In New Lefts, 173–205. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691220819.003.0007.

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This chapter explores social democratic modernization. Economic recovery went unevenly across Western Europe, but it had the help of the US Marshall Plan wherein post-war economies regained or surpassed their pre-war levels of production. Soviet efforts at postcolonial development acted as a powerful accelerator of modernization. Capitalism thrived as well. The chapter also highlights how the perceptions of social classes changed as employers and employees entered a mutually beneficial social partnership. It highlights the contributions of Richard Löwenthal and Fritz Erler to social democratic modernization. The usual paradigm of historians for the transformation of the German Social Democratic Party and West German society in the 1950s is the Westernization thesis.

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Dorrien, Gary. "New Left, Old Left, and Michael Harrington." In American Democratic Socialism, 362–459. Yale University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300253764.003.0006.

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The Shachtmanites who took over the Socialist Party in the late 1950s had a vision of a realigned Democratic Party that put trade unions at the center, supported the civil rights movement, and drove out the party’s Dixiecrat flank. They said the Democratic Party was becoming a labor party in disguise. Meanwhile the leaders of Students for a Democratic Society called for a New Left, lumping together communists and anticommunist socialists as the Old Left. The left broke apart in the 1960s over the exotic turmoil of the antiwar, wave two feminist, Black Power, and Third World revolutionary movements. Two new Socialist organizations arose in response: the Democratic Socialist Organizing Committee and the New American Movement. In 1982 they merged to form Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).

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Heath, Anthony F., Roger M. Jowell, and John K. Curtice. "Old Labour and the Social Democratic Party." In The Rise of New Labour, 82–99. Oxford University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0199245118.003.0005.

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"A NEW FRONTIER FOR THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY?" In Two Suns of the Southwest, 30–49. University Press of Kansas, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvj7wp80.7.

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Boyd, Tim S. R. "“A Truly Democratic Party” 1962–1966." In Georgia Democrats, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Shaping of the New South, 121–55. University Press of Florida, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813037653.003.0005.

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Conference papers on the topic "New Democratic Party (Seychelles)"

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Lan, Meng. "The New Development of the Democratic Centralism Against the Background of All-out Effort to Enforce Strict Party Discipline." In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Economy, Judicature, Administration and Humanitarian Projects (JAHP 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/jahp-19.2019.59.

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Danilov, Valery. "THE NEW ITALIAN GOVERNMENT. EUROSCEPTICS TRIUMPH." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/35.

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sufficient amount of foreign research literature has been devoted to the study of such a political phenomenon as euroscepticism; recently, interest in it among the Russian scientific community has intensified due to the strengthening of its positions in the EU countries. Italy after the elections of March 4, 2018 turned into a “show-window” of the success of euroscepticism and populism. The purpose of this article is to determine the sustainability of the new government. The author identifies the causes of the weakening of the position of the Democratic Party in Italy, the coming to power of radical parties, whose leadership until recently was not taken seriously among the EU political establishment. The paper also analyzes the main concepts of the program called “Contract for the government of change” and the prospects for its implementation. To solve these tasks, a historical and chronological method was used, which allowed to track the stages of weakening popular support for traditional parties and the growing popularity of euro skeptics. The research was also used the theoretical research method as an analysis to determine the future prospects of the government in domestic and foreign policy. The author comes to the conclusion that in the coming years Italy will become the leader of all eurosceptic forces with the prospect of creating and heading a similar faction in the European Parliament in May 2019. The conclusion is also formed that the Government’s attitude to cancel anti-Russian sanctions should not be considered too optimistic. Analyzing the declining rhetoric of the Italian leadership on this issue, the author assumes that the Russian issue is just a bargaining chip in knocking out EU preferences on fiscal and migration issues

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.

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Maigre, Marie-Elisabeth. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE EMERGENCE OF A TURKISH CULTURAL THIRD WAY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mxux7290.

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This paper aims to understand the role of Fethullah Gülen’s movement in the emergence of the new Islamic culture in Turkey. Among the Islamic dynamics that emerged in the 80s, the movement based on Gülen’s ideas is unique not in that it spread through an intellectual, healthcare and media network – this is true of other Sufi communities – but in its develop- ment of an effective educational programme now comprising more than 300 schools around the world. In the 1990s, this movement favoured a ‘Turkish Islam’ encompassing the principles of de- mocracy and moderation, and so rejected the radical ideals of Necmettin Erbakan’s Refah party. After the 1997 ‘soft coup’ removed the Erbakan government, pro-Islamic businesspeo- ple became more disinclined to support a party that could threaten their business interests. A reformist branch led by Istanbul mayor, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, began to adopt the principles of democracy and religious freedom as part of a new political argument, and eventually won the general elections of November 2002. It seems that three actors – the Islamist reformists, the businessmen, and Gülen’s followers – converged around the common concepts of Turkish Islam, Conservative Democracy, and Business to re-elaborate the cultural content of the Islamic movement with a more Western- democratic and capitalist orientation. The phrase ‘Islam de marché’, coined by Patrick Haenni, refers to the culture, born of globalisation, in which business success is efficiently used to translate thinking or religious beliefs into something practical and derive some cul- tural influence from association with the state. Fethullah Gülen, whose movement is a paradigm of these new approaches, could be consid- ered a far-sighted visionary since he anticipated the need for Turkish people, whether secular or Islamist, to adapt to the present times, and the strong potential of globalisation to diffuse his vision of Islam.

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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.

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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.

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