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1
Dowler, Kevin. "The New Democratic Party and the union vote." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ62208.pdf.
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Scroop, Daniel Mark. "Jim Farley, the Democratic Party and American politics." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365516.
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Manning, Seth. "Factionalism in the Democratic Party 1936-1964." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2019. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/477.
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The period of 1936-1964 in the Democratic Party was one of intense factional conflict between the rising Northern liberals, buoyed by FDR’s presidency, and the Southern conservatives who had dominated the party for a half-century. Intertwined prominently with the struggle for civil rights, this period illustrates the complex battles that held the fate of other issues such as labor, foreign policy, and economic ideology in the balance. This thesis aims to explain how and why the Northern liberal faction came to defeat the Southern conservatives in the Democratic Party through a multi-faceted approach examining organizations, strategy, arenas of competition, and political opportunities of each faction. I conclude that an alliance between the labor movement and African-Americans formed the basis on which the liberal faction was able to organize and build its strength, eventually surpassing the Southern Democratic faction by passing the Civil Rights Act of 1964. This passage forced the realignment of Southern states as Southern Democrats sided with Republicans at the national level. However, the party position changes that precipitated liberal Democratic support for the bill began much earlier, starting in the 1930s, another key conclusion of this thesis.
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Neve, S. L. "The Democratic Party in New York State, 1890-1910 : a traditional party in a time of change." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.355888.
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Praud, Jocelyne. "Feminizing party organizations, the cases of the Parti socialiste français, the Parti québécois and the Ontario New Democratic Party." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27713.pdf.
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Kieffer, Christa. "KEEPERS OF THEIR PARTY: HAPPY CHANDLER, ALBEN BARKLEY AND FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT’S FIGHT FOR THE SOUL OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/56.
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This thesis argues that the 1938 Kentucky Democratic primary was a critical moment for the New Deal and the Democratic Party. Furthermore, it demonstrates the fractures forming within the southern wing of the party. Through this primary the paper examines peoples’ perceptions of a changing democracy. One that they believed included a much more powerful president and meddling bureaucracy. It details the major points of the campaign, including Franklin Roosevelt’s visit to the state the famous poisoning accusations, and the corruption within the Works Progress Administration.
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Butovsky, Jonah. "The decline of the New Democratic Party, the politics of postmaterialism or neo-liberalism?" Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ59073.pdf.
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Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.
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Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.
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Barker, Ray Clinton Carleton University Dissertation History. "The Commonwealth labour conferences, the British Labour Party model, and their influence on Canadian social democratic politics, 1920-1961." Ottawa, 1996.
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Brand, Molly Ziek. "The Electoral Influence of Teachers’ Unions on Democratic Education Policy Priorities." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1435092973.
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Harris, Christopher C. "British Columbia 1972-75 : the genesis of a two-party system." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26829.
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The purpose of this thesis is to posit an explanation for the rather spectacular reversal of Social Credit fortunes in British Columbia during the 1972-75 period and the concomitant creation of the province's present two-party system.
A detailed examination of the political events of the period was undertaken in an attempt to determine what had taken place and in what order. The research involved analysis of electoral statistics and press clippings, personal interviews and the traditional review of available academic literature.
The thesis rejected a monocausal explanation of Social Credit's 1975 electoral victory. Research indicates that Socred leader Bill Bennett was able to capitalize on "the widespread -and largely self-created - disenchantment with the NDP government and position his party to be seen by the public as the only credible alternative. Contrary to popular perception, the post-1972 version of Social Credit was not a "coalition" in the political sense. Rather, Liberal and Conservative elites recognized Bennett's success in projecting Social Credit as the only realistic alternative to the NDP and joined him to protect their legislative seats and further their respective political careers.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Scattu, Gianluca. "Behind their rhetoric: How participatory and internally democratic are new participative parties? The case study of Barcelona en Comú and the Five Star Movement." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/21928.
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This thesis analyses the rhetoric and the intra-party democratic and participative qualities of the Five Star Movement (FSM) and Barcelona en Comú (BeC), two examples of ‘new participative parties’. The analysis is developed through a systematic and theoretically informed framework that examines four components of intra-party democracy (IPD): (a) Formal Organisational Structure; (b) Platform Creation Processes; (c) Leadership and Key Positions Selection; and (d) Candidate Selection. These components are analysed through four criteria: (1) Participation; (2) Decentralisation; (3) Competitiveness; and (4) (Ongoing and Ex-Post Electoral) Responsiveness. The design of the study draws on interpretative, ethnographic and comparative approaches. Party texts, participant observation and interviews constitute the primary sources of data. The thesis demonstrates that both case studies adopt a rhetoric heavily loaded with the claim to re-empower the disempowered—the citizens, the members, the activists, and the grassroots— through horizontal, participative and internally democratic organisations, where “uno vale uno” (Italian for “everyone is of equal worth”) and decisions are taken through “intel·ligència col·lectiva” (Catalan for “collective intelligence”). However, the analysis shows, despite those catchy promises, that most of FSM and BeC’s intra-party power is firmly in the hands of the parties’ elites. Members’ and activists’ participation in decision-making processes exists in theory, but is de-facto extensively steered by, and subjugated to, the power of the parties’ official and unofficial elites. Based on the comparative case analysis, the thesis concludes that both BeC and FSM implement organisational approaches that combine the rhetoric of participation with a strategy of pseudo-participation.
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Charlton, Christopher, and University of Lethbridge Faculty of Arts and Science. "An analysis of the links between the Alberta New Democrats and organized labour." Thesis, Lethbridge, Alta. : University of Lethbridge, Dept. of Political Science, 2009, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10133/2526.
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Like its counterparts in other provinces, the Alberta New Democratic Party has a formal relationship with organized labour. This thesis will examine the logic of the underlying relationship that persists between the two parties despite the difficult political and economic environment in Alberta. This thesis will discuss the complex and changing relationship between labour and the NDP in Alberta, making use of data from a variety of sources, but will rely heavily on data gathered from a series of interviews conducted with union and party officials in 2008. The thesis will deal particularly with the increasing fragmentation of the union movement in Alberta and the increasing independence of labour union campaigns during elections as challenges for the Alberta NDP in the future.vi, 176 leaves ; 29 cm
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Tulli, Daniel Gregory. "R. Walton Moore and Virginia Politics, 1933-1941." VCU Scholars Compass, 2006. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/715.
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This study is a chronicle of the efforts of R. Walton Moore and the Roosevelt Administration to liberalize the conservative Virginia Democratic Party during the 1930's. Moore was an elderly politician and amateur historian who had been in and out politics in the state for over forty years. He was opposed at every turn in his efforts by state Democratic Party organization leader Senator Harry F. Byrd, and his conservative colleague Senator Carter Glass. Both Glass and Byrd opposed most New Deal legislation throughout the decade. Moore served officially as Assistant Secretary of State and Counselor to the State Department, but his unofficial role was an advocate for Virginia's anti-organization Democrats. These Democrats were generally supportive of the New Deal and its programs, but wielded little political power because of the tight control with which Byrd and Glass distributed patronage. This essay traces Moore's three major efforts to align the Democratic Party in the Old Dominion closer to the Roosevelt Administration.
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Bauer, Johanna. "A New Dimension of Contestation? : A qualitative analysis of frames used in the European Affairs Committee of the Swedish parliament." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374265.
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This thesis aims to map what arguments are used by the two biggest parties in Swedish politics, The Social Democratic Party and the Moderate Party, when discussing European politics in the European Affairs Committee (EAC) of the Swedish parliament. In order to realise this, frames used by the party representatives in the committee have been analysed. With the typology of Helbling et. al. (2010), a categorisation of four frames is applied, where each frame corresponds with a side of the left-right or the GAL-TAN-dimension. The study is structured by a number of hypotheses constructed based on findings of previous research, comparing both between the parties and changes over time. The results are assessed in relative terms, meaning that the study focuses on the parties’ relative use of frames rather than the absolute. All hypotheses find full or partial support, confirming expectations of previous research made on other European countries. However, some surprising results are found, highlighting new potential research questions for future studies.
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Kim, Ilnyun. "The Party of Hope: American Liberalism from the Fair Deal to the Great Society." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1566169939602897.
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Nilsson, Anton. "En socialistisk farbror mot en krönt, erfaren toppkandidat : En innehållsanalys av New York Times och Washington Posts inramning av Bernie Sanders och Hillary Clinton i demokraternas primärval 2016." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-124585.
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The study of political communication is an old and diverse field, and the media has been proven to have an effect on their readers. The narratives that they create in their reporting can be as damning as they can be auspicious. Therefore, the study of media and how they frame certain events is as important as it has ever been. The democratic primaries in 2016 were certainly an interesting event. Hillary Clinton, the apparent nominee of the party, faced off against Bernie Sanders, who, in America, is something as unusual as a democratic socialist. How were these two polar opposites framed? To find out, a framing analysis was made on New York Times and Washington Post, two of the largest newspapers in the US. The analysis was built around four “events” that were deemed important in the election. 195 articles were analyzed. The methods that were used were both quantitative and qualitative, and the theories of framing (how the media depicts the election) and agenda-setting (what the media deems to be important) were applied. The results showed that the two newspapers did not differentiate all that much from each other, except for a few percent in certain aspects. All in all, the narrative was obvious. Clinton was the candidate that would go on to win the nomination. She was also the most suitable candidate. Bernie Sanders, on the other hand, was framed as the loser and as unsuitable. Though he was consistently framed as having more integrity than his opponent. Clinton was also the candidate that had the biggest focus on her. This was true for all of the events, and in both newspapers. The implications of the study are twofold. First, Sanders was consistently painted in a negative light, which created an undesirable narrative and gave him negative momentum. Secondly, the virtual duplication of the narratives in New York Times and Washington Post suggests that there was some kind of consensus. Either Clinton really was the obvious nominee for the party, or the media hampered Sanders chances to clinch the nomination by depicting him in a negative manner.
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Maldonado, Hernández Gerardo de Jesús. "The social mechanisms of political intermediation: three essays on the causes and consequences of political discussion." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286740.
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The general purpose of this thesis is to analyse in which ways the social context—particularly, the intermediation of political information through interpersonal discussion networks—conditions citizens’ attitudes and behaviour. The topic is important because, considering that citizens are rationally-informational limited, political intermediation provides them with low cost pieces and traces of information to function within the democratic order. Therefore, this thesis will proved empirical analysis to support the following arguments. First, in new democracies, the frequency of political discussion is conditioned by the legacies of the past non democratic regimes. Second, the effect of political deliberation on individual electoral volatility is conditioned by the institutionalisation of party system. And third and finally, the effect of political deliberation on interest in politics is conditioned by individual political knowledge, partisanship strength, and the kind of ties between discussants.El propósito general de esta tesis es analizar de qué maneras el contexto social, particularmente la intermediación de la información política mediante redes de interlocutores personales, condiciona las actitudes y comportamiento de los ciudadanos. El tema es importante porque, considerando que los ciudadanos están racional e informacionalmente limitados, la intermediación política les provee de piezas de información a bajo coste para desempeñarse en el orden democrático. Por lo tanto, esta tesis hace análisis empíricos para apoyar los siguientes argumentos. Primero, en las nuevas democracias, la frecuencia de discusión política está condicionada por los legados del pasado no democrático. Segundo, el efecto de la deliberación política en la volatilidad electoral individual está condicionado por la institucionalización del sistema de partidos. Y finalmente, el efecto negativo de la deliberación política en el interés político de los ciudadanos está condicionado por el conocimiento político individual, la fuerza de la identificación partidista y el tipo de relación entre los interlocutores.
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Garon, David H. E. "The New Democratic Party in Québec,: 1957-1963 :." Thesis, 1990. http://spectrum.library.concordia.ca/5860/1/MM59177.pdf.
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Carrothers, Leslie C. "Telecommunications policy and the Manitoba New Democratic Party : party politics and the policy community." 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/29822.
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Penner, Lloyd. "The foreign policy of the New Democratic Party, 1961-1988." 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/18205.
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Chen, Chaojung, and 陳昭蓉. "The Best Partners of Coalition Government in Japan：The Cooperative Relationship between the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito Party." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/12652845869289118402.
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碩士國立臺北大學
公共行政暨政策學系
100
In this article, it takes the observation of creation and development of the coalition government on politics in Japan as a point of departure. Since 1955, the Liberal Democratic Party and the Socialist Party made the “five-five system”formed, the Liberal Democratic Party had taken the leading power of politics in Japan, up to 38 years. In 1993, the Liberal Democratic Party failed to obtain over half of the seats in the House of Representatives in the election and lost the ruling power temporarily. The politics was instable in Japan during this period of time. In 1996, the Liberal Democratic Party obtained the majority seats of the House of Representatives in the election and took the ruling power back, but still less than half of the seats, it should look for partner(s) to organize the coalition. In 1999, the New Komeito Party cooperated with the Liberal Democratic Party. No matter there was a third party in the Cabinet or not, the two parties had maintained the stable cooperation of coalition for 10 years since then. In this paper, it will first make an introduction to “the theory of coalition” and “the theory of path-dependent ”, and then take the most suitable model from “the theory of coalition” to explain the cooperation of the Liberal Democratic Party and the New Komeito Party. There are four dimensions of cooperation in the theory of coalition: (1) the cooperation of the elections; (2) the cooperation of the Congressional seats; (3) the cooperation of executive positions; (4) the cooperation of legislation; it focus on the cooperation of the elections in this paper. After all, it will take “the theory of path-dependent” as basic to analyze a decade-long partnership between the two parties, including that it worked or not of cooperation in election and whether the two parties reached their separate goal and common goal set before election or not, which effected the continuance of the cooperation between the two parties or not and whether the two parties would cooperate before the election again at next time or not. In the result of this paper, we can find that the cooperation of the elections between the Liberal Democratic Party and the Komeito Party was a process of “path-dependent” . The consensus of symbiosis came into existence between the two parties from the process of the cooperation of the elections and the two parties shared the achievements of the elections. The results of the elections fitted in with the expectations of the two parties. The Liberal Democratic Party was still the largest party in parliament after the elections in 2000, 2003 and 2005. Although the New Komeito Party was a small party, it could be a member of the coalition and thus retained that kind of power as the ruling party. It could also avoid the fate of most of small parties that disappeared like bubbles.
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LIAO, JIA-SIN, and 廖嘉馨. "The Political Marketing of the 2016 Ninth Legislator Elections- The Case Study of New Power Party and Social Democratic Party." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/tsp462.
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碩士國立臺北大學
公共行政暨政策學系
107
In recent years, many large-scale social movements in Taiwan have accumulated considerable social energy. Voters are disappointed and tired of the past governance of the two major political parties. With the rise of social media, voters have more opportunities to contact with emerging parties that used to have less influence on the media. It made the prompting the rise of a large number of emerging political parties. In the ninth legislature election in 2016, New Power Party and Social Democratic Party gained widespread attention due to the similar background of the establishment. The difference in the election results of the two parties in this legislature election will be reference for the emerging parties in the future. The purpose of this study is to explore the political marketing strategies between New Power Party and Social Democratic Party in the election of the Ninth Legislative Council in 2016, which led to the completely different election results of the two parties. First, this paper adopt the research approach of political marketing, trying to use the 4P theory in marketing theory, product, promotion, place and price, to analyze the political marketing strategy of New Power Party and Social Democratic Party. Second, the social psychology approach, economic approach and marketing approach in the voting behavior were used as the analytical framework to analyze the voting behavior of the voters. Finally, the key factors in the difference between the bipartisan election results is supplemented by the in-depth interview method to observe the characteristics of voters and the reasons for voting, and to test the effectiveness of marketing strategies. This study found that New Power Party used the professional image of the leader of the political party as the method to promote itself. It could expand the popularity of itself and stabilize the social-psychological voters, and gain the majority of marketing voters. In comparison, the social democratic party use the value of the party as the mainstay of promotion. New Power Party also gained the support of social-psychological voters from the cooperation with the DPP. Although Social Democratic Party had won a large number of economic voters, but because of the inability to expand its popularity, it had limited the types of voters. It was difficult for the Social Democratic Party to obtain social psychology and marketing voters. Therefore, in the ninth legislature election in 2016, the key factor in the difference between New Power Party and Social Democratic Party was that New Power Party used the promotion methods of Charisma as the mainstay and gained the success of political marketing.
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Farquhar, R. M. "Green politics and the reformation of liberal democratic institutions : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the University of Canterbury /." 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20070414.120756.
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McCaffrey, Shaun. "A study of policy continuity between the Progressive Conservative and New Democratic Party governments of Manitoba, 1958-1977." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/3585.
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There existed a fundamental similarity in the policies of the Roblin and Schreyer administrations during the years from 1958 to 1977. By means of historical analysis, this thesis traces several major fields of public policy which characterized the Roblin Progressive conservatives and the Schreyer New Democrats, demonstrating that although there were ideological differences between the two governments, the policies of the two administrations reflected a significant continuity. Both administrations maintained an interventionist presence in economic and social matters. Both governments were more active in their earlier years in office, and both slowed down somewhat in their later years. This thesis focuses on five policy areas: education, health and we1fare, urban renewal, northern development and general economic policy. A substantial continuity of policy was evident in all of these areas, demonstrating that the period of interventionist government in Manitoba initiated by Roblin, was maintained by the Schreyer administration.
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Chou, Yu-Cheng, and 周佑政. "The Formation and Development of Rising Parties in Taiwan after the Sunflower Student Movement: The Cases Studies on the New Power Party and Social Democratic Party." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/b6xqby.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
104
The paper’s main research targets are the New Power Party and Social Democratic Party. It’ll probe the background of their establishment, process of party establishment and their relations to the Sunflower Student Movement, the two parties’ current organizational framework, and their plans for development in the short and long terms. It’ll also probe the two parties’ election plans for the 2016 Legislative Election and view the effects of the initial development plans based on the election results. Political parties originate from the social crises within the political system. When people’s awareness of their rights start to rise, their willingness to participate in political matters also rise. When people’s needs to participate in public affairs or their right to government participation expands, it may affect the reconfiguration of governmental powers. The main function of political parties is interest aggregation. When the main political party within the governmental system cannot reflect or represent the voices or benefits of some within the society, they’ll naturally search or create new political parties to represent them or reflect their needs. Starting in 2012, there were some major conflicts that happened under Kuomintang’s rule in Taiwan, such as: Wenlin Yuan Shilin District Urban Renewal Project, The Anti-Media Monopoly Movement, The Anti-Eviction Dapu Rally, The Death of Army Conscript Hung Chung-chiu, and the 2014 Sunflower Student Movement. Some people believe that the social movement outside of the system and the political party within the system can no longer reform the corruption within the government. Therefore, New Power Party, Social Democratic Party, and other new political parties were born. The current electoral system for legislators benefit large parties, therefore candidates of small parties have great difficulties in winning elections. New Power Party and Social Democratic Party differed in their election strategies of the 2016 Legislative Election. New Power Party utilized the candidate-oriented strategy, while Social Democratic Party utilized issue-oriented strategy. In the end, New Power Party was able to win five seats, while the social democratic party won none. The different election strategies of the two parties resulted in different election results.
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Moyes, Michael. "The Doer/Dexter model: political marketing and the NDP 1988 to 2009." 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/31228.
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This Master of Arts thesis examines how political marketing, and the Doer/Dexter model specifically, helped the NDP in Manitoba and Nova Scotia win elections from 1999 through 2007 in Manitoba and in 2009 in Nova Scotia. The study uses content analysis on the election platforms of the period and elite interviews with key political strategists of the NDP in order to gain insight and draw conclusions on what political marketing elements were critical to the party’s electoral success. This study concludes that the NDP in Manitoba and Nova Scotia used market research and a similar comprehensive political marketing strategy, now known as the Doer/Dexter model, which focused on the simplification of communication, the moderation of policy and the inoculation of any perceived weakness in order to win power.May 2016
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Rudý, Jakub. "Politický systém a socioekonomické proměny v NDR: 1958 - 1968." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-343220.
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The main aim of the thesis is to compare (by diachronic historical comparison) the basic aspects of political, economic and social development of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), between the years 1958 and 1963 with the overlap to the year 1968. The milestone between the two periods is the building of the Berlin wall in 1961. In this context, the thesis examines to what extent the inner development in the GDR after 1961 can be seen as (non)continual. In other words, the questions asked are, whether we can see the change of the political regime and socio-economic realities in the development of the country after 1961 as a natural continuation of the previous development, even while changing its means and reformulating its goals, but retaining its original character and focus, or if we need to approach the change of the political regime as a diversion from the previous development and as such to approach it as a qualitatively different regime.
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Ashbourne, Craig Donald. "Rules of engagement: how current tactics corrode the relationship between progressive parties and their bases, and potential means of re-mobilizing the Left." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/3950.
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The professionalization of political parties has significantly altered the means by which parties interact with voters and supporters. The current study is an attempt to examine what these changes in political communication mean for the ability of parties to organize supporters and mobilize them both in a campaign setting and in the longer-term struggle. Habermasian and Gramscian perspectives on the relational aspects of political communication highlight the challenges presented by the growing unidirectionality of communication and the concomitant atrophying of intermediary institutions. Beyond this, the work of Bottici and McLuhan is used to expose the effects of the 'arational' aspects of these changes in both form and content. To test the plausibility of the theoretical insights obtained, the case of the New Democratic Party of Canada is considered. The study concludes by considering the potential of new technological developments for resolving or mitigating concerns identified throughout the thesis.Graduate
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Jorge, Paulo Emanuel Ramos. "A oposição ao Estado Novo no Concelho de Almada (1933 - 1974)." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/62904.
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Esta dissertação de mestrado visa estudar a resistência política no concelho de Almada ao Estado Novo entre 1933, data em que o regime passa a adoptar essa designação, e 1974, quando o 25 de Abril põe termo ao velho e autoritário regime.
Analisar-se-á neste aspecto a implantação do MUD, movimento de oposição unitário criado em 1945 como forma de concorrer às eleições engendradas pelo regime como forma de aparentar uma abertura política que permitisse a sua sobrevivência a seguir à derrota do fascismo na Segunda Guerra Mundial, com o qual tinha afinidades ideológicas. Será feito sobretudo a partir das campanhas de Norton de Matos, em 1949, e de Humberto Delgado, em 1958.
Procura-se compreender, ao mesmo tempo, o desenvolvimento socio-económico do concelho atendendo que constituía á época um pólo industrial, sobretudo na freguesia da Cova da Piedade (Romeira, Caramujo) e Cacilhas (Olho de Boi, Margueira). Especialmente importantes foram as industrias corticeira com as fábricas de proprietários ingleses, tais como a Rankin & Sons e a Bucknal & Sons, e naval com a Parry & Sons, o Arsenal do Alfeite e a Lisnave.
Já o movimento associativo teve uma grande força em Almada desde 1848, quando é criada a Incrível Almadense, como meio de fazer face às agruras da vida e à negligência do poder local. Durante a ditadura constituíram ilhas de liberdade num mar de repressão uma vez que ali nas Assembleias Gerais podia-se discutir com o respeito e o á vontade que fora de portas não se encontrava, além de as bibliotecas terem escondidos livros proibidos e conduzirem actividades culturais que contribuíam para o fermentar de uma mentalidade oposicionista. Tal não passou despercebido ao regime que procurou, em vão, tentar controlar as colectividades assistindo-se por vezes a choques entre direcções mais progressistas e outras mais reacionárias.
Espera-se dar um contributo para o desenvolvimento da História Local, no sentido de que a luta contra o regime mais do que um fenómeno de centros com Lisboa e Porto à cabeça abrangeu todo o país, existindo nos livros do Registo Geral de Presos homens e mulheres das mais variadas regiões do país. Por fim, a memória dos que em Almada lutaram e tombaram em nome de uma sociedade mais humana e digna deve ser preservada uma vez que faz parte da identidade colectiva dos almadenses, em particular, e dos portugueses, em geral, que viveram oprimidos durante 48 anos.The main goal of this dissertation is to study the political resistance in the municipality of Almada to the New State between 1933, when the regime starts to call itself in that fashion, and 1974, date of the Revolution of April 25th 1974 that ended the old dictatorship. First of all, I will analyse the implantation of MUD, a unitary oppositionist movement that was created in 1945 to participate on the elections held by the regime to disguise a political opening in order to survive in a world after the defeat of fascism to which it had some ideological affinities. On the other hand I will look at the socio-economic development of the municipality bearing in mind that it constituted at the time an industrial core, particularly in Cova da Piedade (Caramujo and Romeira) and Cacilhas (Olho de Boi and Margueira). Most important where the cork factories from English proprietors, such as Rankin & Sons and Bucknal & Sons, and the ship industry, such as Parry & Son, Lisnave and Arsenal do Alfeite. The associative movement played a significant role in Almada since 1848, when Incrível Almadense was founded, as a mean of defence against the misery and the political negligence of the local power. During the dictatorship the associations were islands of freedom under a sea of repression because at the General Assemblies one could debate with the ease and the respect that could not be found outside and at the same time the libraries had the forbidden books hidden and organized cultural activities which were important to create an oppositionist mindset. It didn’t go unnoticed since the regime tried in vain to infiltrate in theses associations and there were clashes between more progressive factions on the Direction and others more reactionaries. I hope to leave a contribution to the Regional History, in a sense that the struggle against the dictatorship was not just fought at the centres, headed by Lisbon and Oporto, because at the books of the General Register of Prisoners we can find men and women from every region of the country. Finally, the memory of the ones in Almada who fought and tumbled for a more humane and equalitarian society must be preserved because it is a part of the collective identity of the people of Almada, in particular, and of the Portuguese people, in general, that lived oppressed for 48 years.
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Addie, Sean C. "“Go back to the capital and stay there”: the mining industry’s resistance to regulatory reform in British Columbia 1972-2005." Thesis, 2017. https://dspace.library.uvic.ca//handle/1828/8988.
Full textAbstract:
The Barrett (1972-1975) and Harcourt-Clark (1991-2001) New Democratic Party (NDP) governments attempted to redefine their relationship with the mining industry by changing the regulatory structures that governed mining in British Columbia. In both cases the mining industry publicly resisted these attempts, and was successful in having the reforms dismantled by subsequent free-enterprise oriented governments. These instances of conflict were centred on a foundational debate over government’s role in, and/or duty to, the mining industry. Intense industry-led resistance occurred when the traditional industry-government compact, which required government to serve as a promoter of the industry, and a liquidator of Crown owned mineral resources, was perceived to have been violated.
The Barrett government more stringently asserted its ownership of public mineral resources through the enactment of a mineral royalty, and by assuming greater regulatory authority over mining operations. These actions instigated a substantial public relations campaign against the Barrett government over taxation laws. The Harcourt-Clark government pursued the development of strategic land-use plans and rejected the historic consensus that mining was innately the highest and best use of the land. This led to substantial anti-government rhetoric and an industry withdrawal from all public engagement and land-use planning processes. In both cases the mining industry was able to revive the traditional relationship when free-enterprise oriented governments replaced the NDP administrations.Graduate
2018-12-15
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Smith, Tamara Leanne. "Too foul and dishonoring to be overlooked : newspaper responses to controversial English stars in the Northeastern United States, 1820-1870." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-921.
Full textAbstract:
In the nineteenth century, theatre and newspapers were the dominant expressions of popular culture in the northeastern United States, and together formed a crucial discursive node in the ongoing negotiation of American national identity. Focusing on the five decades between 1820 and 1870, during which touring stars from Great Britain enjoyed their most lucrative years of popularity on United States stages, this dissertation examines three instances in which English performers entered into this nationalizing forum and became flashpoints for journalists seeking to define the nature and bounds of American citizenship and culture. In 1821, Edmund Kean’s refusal to perform in Boston caused a scandal that revealed a widespread fixation among social elites with delineating the ethnic and economic limits of citizenship in a republican nation. In 1849, an ongoing rivalry between the English tragedian William Charles Macready and his American competitor Edwin Forrest culminated in the deadly Astor Place riot. By configuring the actors as champions in a struggle between bourgeois authority and working-class populism, the New York press inserted these local events into international patterns of economic conflict and revolutionary violence. Nearly twenty years later, the arrival of the Lydia Thompson Burlesque Troupe in 1868 drew rhetoric that reflected the popular press’ growing preoccupation with gender, particularly the question of woman suffrage and the preservation of the United States’ international reputation as a powerfully masculine nation in the wake of the Civil War.
Three distinct cultural currents pervade each of these case studies: the new nation’s anxieties about its former colonizer’s cultural influence, competing political and cultural ideologies within the United States, and the changing perspectives and agendas of the ascendant popular press. Exploring the points where these forces intersect, this dissertation aims to contribute to an understanding of how popular culture helped shape an emerging sense of American national identity. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that in the mid-nineteenth century northeastern United States, popular theatre, newspapers, and audiences all contributed to a single media formation in which controversial English performers became a rhetorical antipode against which “American” identity could be defined.text