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1
Hatchard, John. "Re-establishing a Multi-Party State: Some Constitutional Lessons from the Seychelles." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 601–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0001226x.
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Several African countries have found that the road towards the reintroduction of multi-party politics is not easy. This short article examines aspects of constitutional developments in the Seychelles, and argues that three fundamental criteria are necessary for a genuine return to democratic pluralism: the implementation of a proper and fairly organised electoral process, the drafting of a new constitution which represents the wishes of the people, and the effective de-linking of ruling party and government.
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Jeansonne, Glen, and David Luhrssen. "Feingold: A New Democratic Party." Annals of Iowa 66, no. 3 (July 2007): 351–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17077/0003-4827.1160.
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Ghazarian, Zareh. "A party reborn? The new Democratic Labor Party in Australian politics." Journal of Australian Studies 37, no. 4 (December 2013): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2013.831113.
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Susilo, Cahyo. "DARI AKSI HINGGA PESTA DEMOKRASI: DINAMIKA PARTAI RAKYAT DEMOKRATIK MENUJU PEMILU (1996-1999)." FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 8, no. 1 (September 23, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v8i1.20103.
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This research illustrated the historical event in Indonesia, especially in 1990s period. The study examined the development of People Democratic Party as one of the political parties in the New Order regime. This research-based on the author’s interest in the pro-democracy movement’s widespread in Indonesia, evidenced by the resistance movement of peoples, in this case, is the People Democratic Party. The study aimed to identify programs and strategies of the People Democratic Party to build a pro-democracy movement in the 1996-1999 period. The author used the historical method. People Democratic Party was one of the political party which develop at that time and had a political movement to subvert a New Order regime. People Democratic Party often referred to as a radical political party, because of the political program that confronted the New Order regime namely to eliminate the Indonesian National Armed ForcesDual function, to eliminate a five-pack of Political Act and Timor-Timur referendum. The impact, People Democratic Party regarded as a forbidden party and accused as the actor behind July 27th 1996 tragedy. After the tragedy, the People Democratic Party arose with people’s committees. The four elements of People Democratic Party namely (1) the urban poor, (2) workers, (3) youth people, (4) PDI-Megawati supporters. After 1998 Reformation, People Democratic Party declared as a legal party and has participated as a contestant of 1999 electoral. People Democratic Party argued that the Electoral system is a moment for campaigning political programs. Several thingsin the campaign was about amnesty for political prisoners, completion of Civil Rights violation cases, and people’s political rights.
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Smart, John. "The Waffle’s Impact on the New Democratic Party." Studies in Political Economy 32, no. 1 (January 1990): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19187033.1990.11675490.
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Inoguchi, Takashi. "A Step Toward One-Party Predominance: Japan’s General Election of 20 October 1996." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01209.x.
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THE GENERAL ELECTION IN JAPAN OF OCTOBER 1996 brought back the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) to a position of predominance, if not preponderance, in the House of Representatives. Out of 500 seats, the LDP acquired 239, while the second largest New Frontier Party (FNP) won 156, the newly-formed Democratic Party 52, the Communist Party 26, the Social Democratic Party of Japan (SDPJ) 15, and the Sakigake New Party two seats. Prior to the general election, the LDP, the SDPJ and the Sakigake had cooperated in a coalition government with 211, 30 and 9 seats, respectively. After the election, the LDP formed a minority government without making a formal coalition arrangement with the much enfeebled SDPJ and Sakigake. Why was the LDP able to make this sort of comeback? Why have ‘reformist parties’, starting with the New Japan Party, the Renewal Party, the New Frontier Party and most recently the Democratic Party, experienced such a brief period of increased power before their fall (or stagnation)? These are the questions that this article addresses in describing and explaining Japanese politics today.
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Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism II Socialism and Capitalism Reconsidered." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000487.
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The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.
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Posner, Paul W. "Popular Representation and Political Dissatisfaction in Chile's New Democracy." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 41, no. 1 (1999): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166227.
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The constraints imposed on Chile’s democratic transition by the military regime, plus the impact of structural reform and the political renovation of the dominant parties of the center and left, have made the traditional party allies of the popular sectors unable or unwiIIing to represent those constituents in the political arena. This argument is substantiated through an overview of pacted democratic transitions, an analysis of the evolution of party-base relations in Chile, and a consideration of the institutional impediments to further democratic reform.
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Grzymała-Busse, Anna. "Encouraging Effective Democratic Competition." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 1 (February 2007): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297129.
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Political party competition is critical to fostering good governance and preventing corruption. However, several aspects of competition—the number of parties, their vote share, or their specific ideology—have no demonstrable impact on corruption. In contrast, the robustness of competition is critical in constraining governments and monitoring policy. Parties have to clearly profile themselves, be credible coalition partners, and prioritize parliamentary monitoring above building organizations. Above all, political party competition must be inclusive: no party should be excluded a priori from governance or coalitions because of their ideology or the identity of the constituency they represent. This is especially the case in new democracies, where capable and stable competitors are in short supply. Consequently, former authoritarian parties need to be included: they have the greatest incentives to monitor the behavior of the new governing parties, and they often have the greatest capacity to do so.
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Rabotyazhev, N. "West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2010): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-3-39-55.
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The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.
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Cotter, Patrick R., Samuel H. Fisher, and Patrick Fuller. "Alabama: Maturing Party Competition." American Review of Politics 24 (April 1, 2003): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.21-34.
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After years of a virtual Democratic monopoly over its electoral politics, Alabama has become a politically competitive state. Reflecting this political transformation, the results of the 1991 and 2001 Grassroots Party Activists surveys show that Alabama’s Democratic and Republican party activists are increasingly distinguishable in their social characteristics, ideological stands, and policy positions. Also accompanying the state’s new political competitiveness has been the development of party organizations that are now roughly balanced in terms of their strength and capabilities.
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Thompson, Wayne C. "The Party of Democratic Socialism in the new Germany." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 29, no. 4 (December 1996): 435–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(96)80025-0.
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Zielinski, Jakub, Kazimierz M. Slomczynski, and Goldie Shabad. "Electoral Control in New Democracies: The Perverse Incentives of Fluid Party Systems." World Politics 57, no. 3 (April 2005): 365–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0006.
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How do fluid party systems that exist in many new democracies affect democratic accountability? To address this question, the authors analyze a new database of all legislative incumbents and all competitive elections that took place in Poland since 1991. They find that when district-level economic outcomes are bad, voters in that country punish legislators from a governing party and reward legislators from an opposition party. As a result, electoral control in Poland works through political parties just as it does in mature democracies. However, the authors also find that, in contrast to mature democracies, legislators from a governing party tend to switch to an opposition party when the economy in their district deteriorates. When they do so, their chances of reelection are better than those of politicians who remained loyal to governing parties and are no worse than those of incumbents who ran as opposition party loyalists. These empirical results suggest that while elections in new democracies function as a mechanism of political control, fluid party systems undermine the extent to which elections promote democratic accountability.
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Hogan, James. "Analyzing The Risk Thresholds For Banning Political Parties After NPD II." German Law Journal 23, no. 1 (February 2022): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/glj.2022.1.
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AbstractThe recent global growth of anti-democratic sentiment has renewed the question of when a political party should be barred from the electoral arena. In modern democracies, even explicitly militant ones, constitutional mechanisms for banning political parties are rarely used. The recent decision by the German Federal Constitutional Court (BVerfG) not to ban the National Democratic Party, despite its neo-Nazi platform, is an example of this restraint, with the BVerfG introducing a new, stricter criterion called “potentiality” for the dissolution of a political party under the German Basic Law. This article draws on neo-institutionalism and comparative constitutional law to explore the democratic ramifications of three different European thresholds for banning an anti-democratic political party: the presumptive test previously used by the BVerfG, the new potentiality criterion introduced by the BVerfG, and the European Court of Human Rights’ requirement for the party in question to be an imminent threat before it can be dissolved.
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Santo, Paula do Espírito, Marco Lisi, and Bruno Ferreira Costa. "Party Membership and Activism in a New Democracy: Evidence from the Portuguese Case." Dados 61, no. 4 (December 2018): 467–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/001152582018165.
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ABSTRACT While the analysis of party models and types of party members has been widely discussed at the theoretical level, empirical research has not attracted similar attention. This study contributes to filling this gap by examining an understudied case, namely party members in Portuguese political parties. The key objective of this article is to make a contribution to the study of activism and dedication to the party, in a comparative perceptive, considering different types of parties. The survey applied was based on an on-line questionnaire conducted within the MAPP (Members and Activists of Political Parties) research network. The dataset included members of several parties ranging from typical catch-all parties (PS - Socialist Party; PSD - Social Democratic Party) to elite-based types (CDS-PP - Social Democratic Centre-Popular Party), as well as 'movement' party types (BE - Left Bloc; LIVRE). The study covers four main dimensions of party membership: party members' socio-demographic profile, ideological attitudes, reasons for joining the party, and activism levels and types. We show that party membership in Portugal follows similar trends to other advanced European democracies, albeit with important differences between parties. These results are an important barometer for measuring the quality of democracy, especially one as young as Portugal's.
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Von Beyme, Klaus. "Party Leadership and Change in Party Systems: Towards a Postmodern Party State?" Government and Opposition 31, no. 2 (April 1996): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb00601.x.
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In Continental Europe a New Debate Has Emerged Over the interpretation of the major changes that have taken place in political parties during the 1990s. A ‘fourth wave’ of democratic party-building originating in Eastern Europe has highlighted a number of new developments. Parties have emerged which are built around leaders, which have few members, are subsidized by the state and which direct their activities towards the media and the electorate rather than towards partyidentifiers. Recent contributions to this debate have sought to transform a picture of the decline of political parties by offering a new image of the party. The future of the party is to be found in what have been variously dubbed ‘professional framework parties‘, ‘media parties’ or ‘cartel parties’.
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Hijino, Ken Victor Leonard. "Delinking National and Local Party Systems: New Parties in Japanese Local Elections." Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no. 1 (April 2013): 107–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008547.
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Broader structural developments in Japan in the past two decades—decline of clientelist practices, partisan de-alignment, and decentralization—have dissolved traditionally close ties between national and local party systems, creating an environment conducive to the emergence of local parties. In this context, popular chief executives in four regions launched new parties. I trace how these parties emerged and how national parties reacted to them, from the appearance of the new-party leaders to the 2011 local elections. In comparing the four cases, two factors appear to shape their trajectories: the urbanness of their electoral environments and the responses of the two national parties at the local and the national level. In dealing with the new challengers, both the Liberal Democratic Party and Democratic Party of Japan experienced considerable intraparty conflict and defections, indicating a process of delinking between national and local party systems.
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Febriyanti, Resya Fikriyah, and Reni Nuraeni. "The Democratic Party “Coup” between Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono and Moeldoko on Detik.com and Okezone.com." Jurnal Kajian Jurnalisme 6, no. 1 (July 31, 2022): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jkj.v6i1.37811.
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At the beginning of 2021, the Democratic Party was burdened by the coup issue with the Extraordinary Congress (KLB) initiated by Jhoni Allen Marbun and company who produced the new Chairman of the Democratic Party, Moeldoko. The culmination of the Democratic Party leadership takeover case occurred when Minister Yasonna Laoly officially mentioned that the Democratic Party KLB had submitted the results of the KLB led by Jhoni Allen Marbun (one of the initiators of KLB). News of the coup carried out by Moeldoko against the Democratic Party has been widely highlighted by the mass media, especially online media such as Detik.com and Okezone.com. The study aimed to find out how the two media outlets framed the news of the Democratic Party coup case between Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY) and Moeldoko, researchers using Zhongdang Pan & Gerald M. Kosicki framing looked at the framing of syntactic, script, thematic and rhetorical structures. Researchers use the consumerist paradigm and qualitative research methods. Research results showed that Detik.com emphasized on cornering the Moeldoko party where the Democratic Party coup carried out by Moeldoko's side was wrong and not right from the legal side, and many featured sources that were pro-AHY. Meanwhile, Okezone.com is more balanced and bolder in conveying criticism to Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (AHY) so the two online media both Detik.com and Okezone.com have different ways of building opinions and perceptions of readers by looking at the issue of the coup carried out by the Moeldoko camp against the leadership of the Democratic Party and adjusting to what each of the media wants.
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Prospero, Michele, and Francesco Marchianò. "From the ‘New Party’ to the Party of Nuovismo: The Decline of the Political and Institutional Culture of Italian Communists." Notebooks: The Journal for Studies on Power 1, no. 2 (February 14, 2022): 270–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26667185-01020004.
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Abstract This article uses a comparative framework to study the two party models that characterised the early years of the Italian Communist Party and its dissolution: the ‘New Party’ outlined by Palmiro Togliatti and the ‘nuovismo’ introduced in the 1980s by the post-’68 leadership. The analysis focuses on the aspects of political culture, the idea of party organisation, the role of the party within the democratic system, the concept of democracy in the Italian political system, and the role of the party leadership. This analysis brings to light the great foresight of Togliatti, in addition to the constructive role entrusted to the party within the democratic system and the destructive role of later leaders of the party, which resulted in a broader collapse of the Italian political system and the total marginalisation of the heirs of Gramsci.
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Thornton, Patricia M. "Of Constitutions, Campaigns and Commissions: A Century of Democratic Centralism under the CCP." China Quarterly 248, S1 (September 28, 2021): 52–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741021000758.
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AbstractDemocratic centralism, a hallmark of Leninist party organizations, has played a formative role in the history of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Yet despite being hailed as an “inviolable” and “unchanging” Party principle, understandings of democratic centralism have shifted dramatically over the century of its existence. This study traces the long arc of the concept's evolution across successive Party Constitutions, focusing on three critical historical junctures: the Sixth Party Congress, which formally adopted democratic centralism into its Constitution as an organizational principle; the Seventh Party Congress, which adopted rectification as the Party's practice of democratic centralism; and the 19th Party Congress, which set a new milestone in codifying the system as a disciplinary tool. I argue that while democratic centralism exemplifies the CCP's institutional plasticity and adaptive governance and is critical to understanding Party-driven constitutionalism in contemporary China, it also highlights an irresolvable paradox inherent in Party rule. Adaptability does not necessarily impart resilience. I conclude that the CCP's normatively unconstrained extra-constitutional leadership under Xi Jinping highlights the essentially and increasingly irrationalist aspects of its illiberal governance project.
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Helf, Gavin, and Jeffrey W. Hahn. "Old Dogs and New Tricks: Party Elites in the Russian Regional Elections of 1990." Slavic Review 51, no. 3 (1992): 511–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500058.
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Much of the analysis of the results of republican and local elections held in the USSR in 1989-1990 understandably focused on the dramatic victories of candidates and groups committed to a radical reform of the old system. Anti-communist majorities were elected to the parliaments of several republics. The city governments of Moscow, Leningrad and Sverdlovsk fell under the control of activists associated with the self-styled “democratic bloc” and, in summer 1990, Boris Yeltsin was elected to chair the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. Conversely, local party officials suffered embarrassing defeats in the face of competition from popular fronts united under the banner of Democratic Russia. That the Party itself was in disarray over how to respond to these challenges was reflected in the open split between rival platforms at the 28th party Congress in July 1990. Taken together, these events could easily convey the impression that old party elites “lost” the local elections of 1990 and that they lost because they failed to adapt to the new rules of democratic politics.
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Malčič, Matevž, and Alenka Krašovec. "New Parties and Democracy in Slovenia." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0005.
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AbstractWhile no stranger to new political parties, Slovenia’s party system became much more unstable after 2008 with the constant arrival of electorally very successful parties. Further, while the citizens’ satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions has never reached the heights seen in Western Europe, the crisis years saw them drop to historical lows. In these circumstances, one may expect successful new parties to assure greater responsiveness, or a balance between responsible and responsive politics, and to bring improvements to citizens’ opinion on their satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions. In addition, new parties are usually more prone to democratic innovations, which can be associated with the popular idea of introducing stronger intra-party democracy in their internal functioning. The analysis shows that in 2014 Slovenia experienced both the nadir of public opinion on democracy and the political system, and the most electorally successful new party. Nevertheless, improvements in satisfaction with democracy and the political system only slowly emerged after 2014, to a considerable extent coinciding with the return to economic prosperity, while even these improvements left enough room for yet another successful new party at the 2018 elections. Concerning innovations in intra-party democracy, we are only able to identify some smaller democratic innovations. Given this, it seems that the new parties themselves have had a relatively limited impact on democracy in Slovenia.
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Nothomb, Charle-Ferdinand. "La première décènnie du Parti Social Chrétien autonome." Res Publica 30, no. 4 (December 31, 1988): 467–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v30i4.18894.
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The first ten years of the autonomous francophone Christian Democratic Party (PSC) in Belgium has pro and cons.Positive elements are the accession to power of a new generation of leaders, the reorganisation through more participation, clearer relations towards the flemish Christian Democratic Party (CVP), an open mind towards an acceptable regionalization, an active role in creating the European Christian Democratic Party and the restructuring of municipal government.Negative elements are the absence of a federal party-structure between PSC and CVP and of a satisfactory state reform, and the missing of a centrist project of handling the economic crisis and of a decentralization in favour of the local powers.
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Clark, Terry D., and Jovita Pranevičciūte. "Perspectives on communist successor parties: The case of Lithuania." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (November 9, 2008): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.003.
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The successor party to the Lithuanian Communist Party (LCP) has shown amazing adaptability in weathering the transition period to remain a major political force throughout the post-communist period. The LCP severed all formal ties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) and became the independent Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party (LDLP) in late 1989. As the LDLP, the party was the governing party from 1992 to 1996. In early 2001 it merged with the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party (LSDP) to become the new LSDP. The LSDP has been the major party in governing coalitions from 2001 to the present. We explore the challenges that Lithuania’s successor party has faced and the reasons for its remarkable success.
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Fisher, Pamela. "Post-Communist Feminism in Germany: Equality and Difference in the Party of Democratic Socialism." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 68–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385525.
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In December 1989, the ruling communist party of East Germany,the Socialist Unity Party (SED), was reconstituted when it adopted thename Socialist Unity Party-Party of Democratic Socialism (SED-PDS),which was simplified on 4 February 1990 to the Party of DemocraticSocialism.1 The brand of Marxism-Leninism that had prevailed in theGerman Democratic Republic (GDR) appeared to be irredeemablydiscredited, and the new leadership of this successor party wasobliged to create an alternative vision of socialism and to redefinetheir political goals. The PDS program of 1990,2 with its clear adoptionof a feminist agenda, constituted a breach with the party’s politicalpast. Whereas the Marxist-Leninist theory underpinning SEDpolicy had been based on the principle that inequality is economicallydetermined, the new PDS program acknowledged patriarchyas a separate issue.
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Barrow, Lynda K. "Party On? Politicians and Party Switching in Mexico." Politics 27, no. 3 (October 2007): 165–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2007.00296.x.
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The breakdown of Mexico's hegemonic party system raises questions about the nature of the new system and of the prospects of consolidating Mexican democracy. The concern addressed in this article is that, at the very same time that democratisation has made Mexicans' electoral choices more significant, frequently changing party allegiances among candidates and even elected officials renders these choices less meaningful. Since parties ‘matter’ in a democratic polity, party switching may prove an impediment to the development of a liberal and stable democracy. Partisan shifts within the state congress of Morelos illustrate this point.
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Moss, Ambler H. "A Democratic Party Approach to Latin America." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166026.
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As in most presidential election years, Latin America is not significant in the campaign issues presently under discussion, nor is it likely to become so before November 1992. This article focuses, therefore, not so much upon which issues might, or even should, be emphasized by the Democratic Party during the campaign, as upon what might be the design of a Latin American policy by a new Democratic administration in January 1993. Start, then, by assuming a Democratic victory in November.It would be reasonable to predict that Latin America will get more attention, of a different nature and on a more consistent basis, than it has during the Reagan-Bush years. The Democrats have had the affiliation of the greater number of this country's Latin Americanists, and their weight will be felt. They will want, demand, and probably get, some serious input.
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Baldvinsson, Hrannar. "The Decline and Fall of the LDP in Japan." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 15, no. 2 (November 2, 2009): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.15.2.3.
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This article explores the reason why the LDP has stayed so long in power and why it ultimately fell out. It begins by giving an overview of the political situation in Japan in the past decades. It then proceeds to explain the main theories on why the LDP stayed so long in power and maintains that the main contributing factor has been a weak opposition. Finally it discusses how the new party has distinguished itself from former opposition parties and how and why the LDP had failed to meet that challenge. Keywords: Liberal Democratic Party, Democratic Party of Japan, Elections, New Komeito, Japan Communist Party, Japan socialist Party, Junichiro Koizumi, Shinzo Abe, Taro Aso.
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Archer, Keith. "The Failure of the New Democratic Party: Unions, Unionists, and Politics in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 2 (June 1985): 353–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900030298.
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AbstractIn 1961, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation collaborated with the Canadian Labour Congress to form the New Democratic party. The CLC urged its affiliates to affiliate with the new party; and assumed that widespread affiliation would lead to a more competitive party. Increased electoral support, however, was not forthcoming. This note argues that levels of union support forthe NDP(measured by rates of affiliation) are very low, and thus the transformation of the CCF into the NDP was, in many respects, a non-event. However, the study also argues that members of NDP-affiliated union locals are more likely to identify with the vote for the NDP than are members of unions not affiliated with the party. Thus, the problem forthe NDP is that too few Canadian unions are explicitly advocating NDP support through affiliation.
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Marinova, Dani M. "A New Approach to Estimating Electoral Instability in Parties." Political Science Research and Methods 3, no. 2 (December 22, 2014): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2014.35.
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Recent scholarship has identified problems in the measurement of party system instability. To limit the conflation of different sources of instability in party systems (e.g., electoral shifts between stable parties and instability in parties, such as mergers, splinters or new parties), this article introduces a new indicator of electoral instability in parties, tests its robustness and construct validity and demonstrates its usefulness empirically. The indicators of party instability and the accompanying data of 27 European democracies, 1987–2011, will be valuable resources in comparative research on the interplay between elite and mass behavior, party and electoral systems, and democratic consolidation.
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Molendijk, Arie L. "Willem Banning and the Reform of Socialism in the Netherlands." Contemporary European History 29, no. 2 (January 22, 2020): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077732000003x.
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AbstractIn 1947 the liberal Protestant minister Willem Banning drafted a new programme for the Labour Party, in which the party dropped the Marxist view of history and class struggle. New Labour in the Netherlands was envisioned as a party that strove for a democratic and just society. Banning's role in reforming the Labour Party was part of his broader project of breaking down structures of socio-political segregation that had existed since the end of the nineteenth century. Banning argued that the Labour Party had to abandon its atheist ideology to open up to Protestants and Catholics. This article will examine Banning's views and ideals and show how he contributed to the transformation of Labour into a social democratic party and seek answer to the question: how could a liberal Protestant minister become the main ideologue of the Labour Party?
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MA, Ngok. "Party Underdevelopment in Hong Kong." Asian Survey 58, no. 3 (May 2018): 416–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.3.416.
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Twenty years after 1997, political parties in Hong Kong are still underdeveloped. The hybrid regime has posed major constraints, as there are no governing parties, and democratic development is slow. The parties have also found it difficult to respond to value changes toward radicalization, a new political identity, and post-materialism, with support shifting to new movement groups.
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Gomez, Raul, and Jonathan Tonge. "New members as party modernisers: The case of the Democratic Unionist Party in Northern Ireland." Electoral Studies 42 (June 2016): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2016.02.008.
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Bartusevičius, Henrikas, and Svend-Erik Skaaning. "Revisiting democratic civil peace." Journal of Peace Research 55, no. 5 (April 27, 2018): 625–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318765607.
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The debate on democratic civil peace has centered on three general claims: democracies have a low risk of civil conflict, autocracies have the same low risk of conflict as democracies, and hybrid regimes have the highest conflict risk. We re-evaluate these claims, emphasizing that previous studies have focused on the aggregate categories of regimes, neglecting the role of particular institutional features. We propose focusing on the electoral qualities of regimes, which constitute the core of democracy, and argue that constraints on electoral contestation generate incentives for opposition to use force. Building on this framework, we distinguish between five regime types according to their electoral features – non-electoral autocracies, single-party autocracies, multi-party autocracies, minimalist democracies, and polyarchies – and specify hypotheses regarding the probability of conflict onset in each. In a global statistical analysis spanning 1817–2006 and employing the new Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy (LIED), we find that polyarchies, characterized by unconstrained contestation, have a lower probability of conflict than any other regime type (although minimalist democracies are only slightly more prone to conflict). Subsequently, we find that single- and multi-party autocracies, characterized by non-competitive elections, are more peaceful than non-electoral autocracies. Our analysis also reveals two factors that are particularly associated with civil peace: the presence of (any form of) elections and minimal electoral competition. Overall, our study underscores the importance of focusing on the central attributes of democracy and sheds new light on the relationship between particular regime features (or types) and civil conflict, thereby contributing to the growing efforts in conflict research to disaggregate political regimes.
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Parlyk, Vladislav. "The search of ways out of crisis of the Social Democratic Movement of Austria." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171924.
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The article is devoted to the crisis of social democratic movements in Western Europe in the XXI century. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Austria. Of great importance are the developments of such scientists who dealt with this problem, as K. Kholodkovsky, N. Rabotyazhev, A. Vilkov, G. Nidermyulbihler, G. Sidl, G. Moschonas. The structure of the article is as follows. The first part shows a tendency to reduce electoral support for socialist and social democratic parties in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Austria and Greece. The general causes of the crisis of the Social Democrats are highlighted. Firstly, in the conditions of depopulation of the population and globalization of production, the working class is being eroded, conditions which supported decades social democrats across the whole Europe disappear. Secondly, social democrats, addressing target audience ceased to consider its specifics. Thirdly, owing to the crisis phenomena in the EU, migration crisis, deepening of inequality there is a radicalization as right and left electorate.The analysis of researches of the Austrian Institute of social researches and consulting of SORA indicates that the Social Democratic Party of Austria has ceased to be a «party of workers», its support base is currently voting more for the Austrian Freedom Party. Also the analysis of flows of voters between parliamentary parties (NET) of the last four electoral cycles in Austria states a steady trend of transition of bigger number of votes from social democrats to the right populists.In the second part in a chronological order four stages of modernization of ideology and complex organizational reform of the Social Democratic Party of Austria which captured the period from May, 2014 to November, 2018 are allocated and analysed. The main provisions of the new political program of the party, in which the Social Democratic Party of Austria offers voters their vision of solving the problems of the 21st century, as well as the structure and important points of the new organizational Statute, are considered. The key points of the new program are the digital revolution, the fair distribution of work and working time, resources and opportunities, as well as education, social security, a dignified old age, the expansion of non-commercial housing construction, forced migration, environmental problems, in particular global warming. Important points of the new Statute include the strengthening of the role of ordinary members of the party, the possibility of obtaining guest member status for one year with the right to become a permanent member of the party, the expansion of thematic and project initiatives.In conclusions major factors which acted as the trigger to fundamental updating of the Social Democratic Party of Austria, feature of this process are allocated. Results of a research can have a certain value for the scientists researching the social democratic movement and also subjects of party and political life.
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HIROSE, JUNKO. "The Legislative Record: The Japan National Diet in 2004." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 2 (November 2004): 327–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001550.
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The general election in November 2003 and the Upper House election in July 2004 indicate that the Japanese politics is going from a one party dominant toward a two major party system. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) narrowly keeps a majority in both Houses by merging the New Conservative Party and by forming a coalition with New Komeito.
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SUBRAHMANYAN, ARJUN. "Education, Propaganda, and the People: Democratic paternalism in 1930s Siam." Modern Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (April 13, 2015): 1122–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000523.
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AbstractOn the morning of 24 June 1932 the ‘People's Party’, a small group of civil and military bureaucrats, toppled the Thai absolute monarchy and introduced constitutional democracy. This article discusses the establishment of democracy as an endeavour in ‘democratic paternalism,’ by which is meant the Party's attempt to establish a new moral and intellectual leadership that had as its main goal the creation of a depoliticized democratic citizenry. To implement their programme for democracy, the Party embarked on an ambitious plan to modernize education and explain popular sovereignty through countrywide lectures and radio programmes. The democratic paternalist effort had mixed results. State weakness limited the reach of the educational and propaganda campaigns, and further the ‘people’ in whose name the revolution was staged, constituted two different groups: a largely illiterate peasantry and a small, incipient new intelligentsia. Because of its limited capacity, the People's Party tasked the second group with assisting in democratic mentorship of the masses, but many in this second category of people had a broader conception of democracy than the Party's ‘top-down’ model and criticized the Party for its paternalist constraints on popular sovereignty. Democratic paternalism and frustration with the limits imposed on popular democracy are two central aspects of this period of history that have endured in Thai society.
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Siaroff, Alan. "Democratic Breakdown and Democratic Stability: A Comparison of Interwar Estonia and Finland." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (March 1999): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010118.
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AbstractTwo of the new states of interwar Europe were Estonia and Finland. Both arose out of the Russian Empire and both were literate, Protestant nations. Yet democracy broke down in Estonia but survived in Finland. These outcomes would seem ironic, given that Finnish independence involved a brutal civil war and Finland was linguistically divided—factors not present in Estonia. This study, however, examines not just the nature of independence but also the constitutional structures, party politics and regime crises of these two neighbouring cases. In terms of the factors commonly cited as favouring stable democracy, the Estonian-Finnish contrast shows the particular explanatory importance of political culture, the speed of democratization, the views of elites and the nature of the party system. What happened in Finland also implies that a presidential, or at least a balanced semipresidential, system cannot be considered as inherently dangerous for democratic stability.
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Triwahyuni, Selvi. "News Framing of the Extraordinary Congress Partai Demokrat at Kompas.com." PROPAGANDA 2, no. 1 (January 31, 2022): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.37010/prop.v2i1.579.
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The struggle for power is actually not a new problem in Indonesian politics. Being the general chairman of the party is not only a determinant of various party policy decisions, but has a strong opportunity to be nominated in the presidential election or enter into important structures in Indonesian government institutions. So, it is not something new anymore if the position of the general chairman of the party is a position that is always contested by the party elite. Regarding news, the media must have their own way of framing news. This study aims to find out how Kompas.com frames the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress for the period 5–6 March 2021. This study uses a constructivist paradigm with a qualitative approach. The research method used in this study is Robert N. Entman's framing analysis, which has two major dimensions, namely selection of issues and highlighting aspects and has four framing elements, namely define problems, diagnose causes, make moral judgments, and treatment recommendations. The results show that Kompas.com places the news of the Extraordinary Democratic Party Congress into political issues. This can be seen from the selection of sources and statements made, as well as the highlighting of the aspects shown, Kompas.com shows the contra side of Moeldoko as the Presidential Chief of Staff, then there is Marzuki Alie who is the Secretary General of the Democratic Party and Darmizal as the Deputy Chair of the Democratic Party Supervisory Commission. Moeldoko was placed as an actor causing problems that have caused a public uproar.
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Scheiner, Ethan. "The Electoral System and Japan's Partial Transformation: Party System Consolidation Without Policy Realignment." Journal of East Asian Studies 12, no. 3 (September 2012): 351–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008067.
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Japan's electoral system, which emphasizes first-past-the-post, single-member district rules, has led the country's party system to become consolidated around the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ). At the same time, Japan's electoral rules also made it likely that the two parties would not differ markedly in their policy positions, as well as hinder the emergence of new partisan alignments that could offer more clearly distinct policy options. Put differently, Japan's electoral rules have encouraged the development of what is essentially a two-party system, but one in which party alternation in power need not produce sharp policy change.
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Stevenson, H. Michael. "Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 4 (December 1987): 813–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050423.
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AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individuals. Changes in partisanship were more likely among younger respondents, particularly lower-class and more left-wing youth. The largest bloc of unstable partisans was closest ideologically to the more left-wing stable New Democratic party partisans, and shifted only between the New Democratic and Liberal parties. A smaller bloc moved to the Progressive Conservative party and was ideologically closest to its more right-wing stable partisans.
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MBAKU, JOHN MUKUM. "Cameroon's Stalled Transition to Democratic Governance: Lessons for Africa's New Democrats." African and Asian Studies 1, no. 3 (2002): 125–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921002x00031.
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ABSTRACT Cameroon's stalled transition to democracy is examined. It is argued that most of Cameroon's present political and economic problems can be traced to non-democratic constitutionalism at independence. Elite-driven, top-down, non-participatory constitutionalism left the country with institutional arrangements that discouraged entrepreneurship but enhanced political opportunism (e.g., rent seeking and corruption). In addition, it is shown that the inability of the country's main opposition party, the Social Democratic Front (SDF), to successfully lead the country's transformation has been due to many factors. Some of them include poor and fractured leadership, political miscalculations, rivalry within the party and between the party and other opposition parties, Biya's political acumen, and strong French support for the incumbent government. The most important first step toward successful institutionalization of democracy is state reconstruction through people-driven, participatory and inclusive constitution making. Unless such a process is undertaken, Cameroon will not be able to provide itself with the enabling environment to deepen, consolidate and institutionalize democracy, as well as deal effectively with pressing issues such as the desire by the Anglophone minority for greater levels of political and economic autonomy.
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Saward, Michael. "Reconstructing Democracy: Current Thinking and New Directions." Government and Opposition 36, no. 4 (October 2001): 559–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00081.
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Today's Democratic Theory Offers Sketches Of Tomorrow's democratic polity. How innovative, and how compelling, are the visions it offers us? This article explores possible democratic futures by scanning a selection of today's key democratic innovations – cosmopolitan, deliberative, ‘politics of presence’, ecological, associative and party-based direct models – in the light of a set of six central issues useful for examining the core aspects of democratic theories. It concludes by suggesting a way forward in which insights from diverse innovations might helpfully be accommodated within an overarching framework. Overall, it represents a deliberate attempt at a bird's eye view of the subject; the aim is to be suggestive rather than definitive. The scope of the analysis is broad but quite strictly qualified in the following ways: the six innovative ideas scrutinized arise from, and largely address, countries of the rich North rather than the developing South; they do not exhaust the range of current innovations in democratic theory; and they are based largely on English-language sources.
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Aminuddin, M. Faishal. "Electoral System and Party Dimension Assessment in Democratic Indonesia." Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik 20, no. 1 (January 16, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jsp.17956.
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Studies on election and its consequences on political parties in new democratic countries have often paid attention to cover the impacts imposed on the party system. This paper aims to examine the extent of the electoral system in influencing political parties in terms of improving their function or performance. This study will apply an analytical framework initiated earlier by webb and White (2009) on party dimension in the new democracy by looking at the Indonesian case. In this framework, there are saveral generic factors in the relation between the electoral system and the party's function such as ideological polarization, party constituency base, fractionalization in parliament and vote distribution. This study found that any changes applied to the electoral system in democratic Indonesian bear little or insignificant impact on political party performance. In addition, this study made use of the national election result dataset and calculated the variables with correlated formula which were subsequently analyzed to obtain an empirical explanation.
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Heersink, Boris. "Party Brands and the Democratic and Republican National Committees, 1952–1976." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 1 (April 2018): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000020.
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Political scientists have traditionally dismissed the Democratic and Republican National Committees as “service providers”—organizations that provide assistance to candidates in the form of campaign funding and expertise but otherwise lack political power. I argue this perspective has missed a crucial role national committees play in American politics, namely that national party organizations publicize their party's policy positions and, in doing so, attempt to create national party brands. These brands are important to party leaders—especially when the party is in the national minority—since they are fundamental to mobilizing voters in elections. In case studies covering the Democratic National Committee (DNC) and Republican National Committee (RNC) in the period 1952–1976, I show that minority party committees prioritize their branding role and invest considerably in their publicity divisions, inaugurate new publicity programs, and create new communication tools to reach out to voting groups. Additionally, I show that in cases where the party is out of the White House, the national committees have considerable leeway in deciding what party image to publicize. Rather than being mere powerless service providers, I show that party committees have played crucial roles in debates concerning questions of ideology and issue positioning in both parties.
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Arase, David. "Japan in 2008: A Prelude to Change??" Asian Survey 49, no. 1 (January 2009): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.1.107.
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Events in 2008 suggest that the Koizumi era is over and the Liberal Democratic Party will lose the lower house election that must be called before its current term expires in September 2009. The Democratic Party of Japan became the favorite to win the election and laid out the new domestic and foreign policy directions in which it will take Japan.
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Dušan, Spasojević. "Riding the wave of distrust and alienation – new parties in Serbia after 2008." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0006.
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AbstractSerbian party system is in the phase of reconfiguration which can be perceived as the outcome of domestic incentives (crisis of democratic transition and of democratic rule) and the international one (economic and migrant crisis). On one side, this reconfiguration includes emergence of predominant ruling party (Serbian Progressive Party, SNS) with strong leader and popular support; on the other side, the opposition camp has been atomized into number of smaller parties. Most of these parties are the new one (including the SNS) and founded after 2008 elections and creation of pro-EU consensus among relevant parties; post-2008 period has been characterized by the decline of almost all old parties, followed by emergence, partial success and fast decline of a large number of new actors. In this paper I am investigating if these new parties can be explained as the unexpected consequence of ideological and political stability after 2008 elections, tactical narrowing of the ideological space and cartelization of the party system. Analysis will focus at populist and anti-partisan ideas, their interplay and different ideological interpretation.
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Fofanova, Anna R. "United States Democratic Party and the 2020 Presidential Election: The Main Candidates, Topics and Features of the Election Rhetoric." REGIONOLOGY 27, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 398–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2413-1407.107.027.201903.398-412.
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Introduction. The article is of relevance due to the beginning of the active phase of the race for the right to become the Democratic Party’s nominee for the 2020 United States presidential election. The range of issues, topics and features of the election rhetoric of the Democrats will largely determine the outcome of the 2020 election and therefore will influence the subsequent development of the United States. The objective of the study is to analyze the political rhetoric of the major Democratic Party presidential candidates and the political trends among the ranks of the Democrats, taking place against the backdrop of the election campaign. Materials and Methods. The study was based on the methods of empirical analysis, such as description, synthesis, analogy, classification, and comparison, which made it possible to consider the main characteristics and topics of the political rhetoric of members of the United States Democratic Party. Publications in the media, recordings of public speeches of the Democratic Party members, statistics, sociological polls, and research by Russian and foreign scientists were used as the materials for the study. Results. The author has identified the main topics and features of the election rhetoric of the Democratic Party presidential candidates. Issues of public health, education, and ecology have become central topics for the potential Democratic presidential candidates, which is largely due to a significant shift to the left and the role of the left-wing Democrats in the electoral process. The study has revealed a significant degree of political disintegration in the Democratic Party. The major challenge the Democrats are faced with today is to nominate a candidate who will be able to fight back the energetic rhetoric of Donald Trump, retain the traditional electorate of the Democratic Party, and attract new supporters. Discussion and Conclusion. The research results provide an insight into the processes taking place in the Democratic Party at the stage of nominating the Democratic presidential candidate. The data presented in the article will be useful to researchers interested in the history and politics of the United States. The study conducted makes it possible to better understand the current trends in American domestic policies, which largely determine the state of affairs in international relations.
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Ludlam, Steve, Matthew Bodah, and David Coates. "Trajectories of Solidarity: Changing Union-Party Linkages in the UK and the USA." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 222–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00003.
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This article analyses the linkage between trade unions and the US Democratic Party and the UK Labour Party in the twentieth century. A typology suited to longitudinal analysis of labour movement union-party linkages is proposed to help characterise and explain historical development of these two national movements through earlier types of linkage, into ‘New Labour’ and ‘New Democratic’ forms. The paper suggests that, from similar starting points, differences through time in the range of types of linkage in the two movements can be explained by a combination of factors of political economy and electoral strategy, a combination that today points towards weaker relationships.
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Davies, Philip, and John Kenneth White. "The New Class in Massachusetts: Politics in a Technocratic Society." Journal of American Studies 19, no. 2 (August 1985): 225–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800012081.
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With the gradual disintegration of the Democratic Party's New Deal coalition there has been regular speculation on the nature of party dealignment and realignment in the USA. Realignment affects the various levels of government and regions of the country differentially as the political landscape responds to underlying demographic and economic patterns. Groups of voters may reassess their traditional loyalties as they find their own, or their party's, policy priorities changing. Recent gubernatorial elections in Massachusetts serve to illustrate some of the internal pressures on the Democratic Party as the country enters the post-industrial era. In spite of the Democratic Party's dominance of the state's politics these elections have served as a battleground between groups of voters whose interests and concerns coalesce in a way that no longer can be explained solely in terms of traditional class position or economic interest, but also represent a clash between competing lifestyles.An emergent post-industrial social setting, such as can be observed in Massachusetts, may be identified as possessing a number of interrelated components.