Relevant bibliographies by topics / New Jim Crow

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'New Jim Crow'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 18 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "New Jim Crow"

1

Robinson, Stephen. "The New Career of Jim Crow." Reviews in American History 44, no. 3 (2016): 457–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2016.0061.

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Bonsu, Janaé. "A Strike Against the New Jim Crow." Dissent 64, no. 1 (2017): 64–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2017.0013.

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Largen, Kristin Johnston. "The New Jim Crow: Race and Theology." Dialog 54, no. 3 (September 2015): 221–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dial.12182.

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Costello, Robert. "Mass Incarceration is the New Jim Crow." Crime, Law and Social Change 55, no. 1 (December 2, 2010): 53–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-010-9266-1.

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Lucander, David. "New Negro Politics in the Jim Crow South." Journal of American History 106, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 798. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz612.

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Boyd, Graham. "The Drug War is The New Jim Crow." NACLA Report on the Americas 35, no. 1 (July 2001): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2001.11722573.

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Ruffins, Fath Davis. "Jim Crow: Racism and Reaction in the New South." Journal of American History 78, no. 1 (June 1991): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078101.

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Dickerson, Dennis C. "James B. Bennett.Religion and the Rise of Jim Crow in New Orleans.:Religion and the Rise of Jim Crow in New Orleans." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.511.

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Walker, Anders. "New Takes on Jim Crow: A Review of Recent Scholarship." Law and History Review 36, no. 1 (February 2018): 173–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000566.

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More than half a century has passed since C. Vann Woodward penned his iconic monograph, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, and legal segregation continues to compel. Recent works have reassessed Jim Crow's birth, its life, and its aftermath, suggesting that the system was at once more implicated in the reproduction of racist ideas than had been previously assumed, and also more fluid: a variegated landscape of rules and norms that lent themselves to various forms of political, legal, and cultural resistance.
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Brophy, Alfred L., and James B. Bennett. "Religion and the Rise of Jim Crow in New Orleans." Journal of Law and Religion 20, no. 2 (2004): 567. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4144674.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "New Jim Crow"

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Flores-Robert, Vanessa. "Black Policemen in Jim Crow New Orleans." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1392.

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Although historians have done in-­‐depth researched on Black police in the South, before the Civil War and during Reconstruction, they seldom assess black policemen’s role in New Orleans between the Battle of Liberty Place and 1913. The men discussed here argue that despite the hardening racial attitudes in Post-­‐ Reconstruction South, in New Orleans opportunity still existed for Blacks to serve in positions of authority, perhaps a heritage of the city’s earlier tri-­‐partite racial order. The information obtained from primary sources such as police manuals, beat books, and newspapers, counters the widely held belief that African American presence in the police during this period was completely defined by Jim Crow. This work presents updated and corrected evidence that Blacks were enrolled in the New Orleans Police Department during the time of Jim Crow, challenging the notion that after 1909 Blacks in New Orleans were not part of the police department.
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McQueeney, Kevin G. "Playing With Jim Crow: African American Private Parks in Early Twentieth Century New Orleans." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1989.

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Public space in New Orleans became increasingly segregated following the 1896 U. S. Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson. This trend applied to sites of recreation, as nearly all public parks in the city became segregated. African Americans turned, instead, to private parks. This work examines four private parks open to African Americans in order to understand the external forces that affected these spaces, leading to their success or closure, and their significance for black city residents. While scholars have argued public space in New Orleans was segregated during Jim Crow, little attention has been paid to African American parks as alternative spaces for black New Orleanians. Whites were able to control the location of the parks and the parks’ reliance on profit to survive resulted in short spans of existence for most. However, this thesis argues that these parks were crucial sites of identity and community formation and of resistance to segregation.
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Carroll, Frederick James. "New Deal Housing on the Virginia Peninsula: Challenging Jim Crow Paternalism at Swantown and Aberdeen Gardens." W&M ScholarWorks, 2004. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626435.

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Austin, Jared J. "Policing the Riverfront: Urban Revanchism as Sustainability." Scholar Commons, 2018. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7122.

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An unnoticed shift is underway in the revanchist model of accumulation by dispossession (Harvey, 2005) that is rebranding the neoliberal reorganization of space and economic growth. I call this shift “Urban Revanchism as Sustainability,” following Mike Davis and Daniel Monk (2007). In this study, I describe how Tampa elites, led by Democratic Mayor Bob Buckhorn, use politically popular discourses of ‘sustainability’, ‘walkability’, ‘bike-ability’, among others, to coopt the rhetoric and symbols of social and environmental justice as cover for urban capital accumulation. I describe how in the wake of 2008 which devastated Tampa, and in the context of the subsequent gentrification of downtown Tampa, this sustainable urban revitalization strategy is being used to legitimize accumulation by dispossession of the most sought-after land on the downtown waterfront. This ‘green’ mode of enforcing urban revanchism is a politically charged, class-based process that is based on the prior militarization of the city police and securitization of urban space, contradicting the principles of social and environmental sustainability (Agyeman, 2003). Based on ethnographic observations, interviews, newspaper reviews, and document analysis, I show how an environmental facade is being layered over exclusionary forms of racial displacement and class exploitation. As such, the rebranding of a system of militarized exclusion and displacement which amounts to a selective neo-liberal “right to the city” is being normalized across the downtown riverfront. The resulting new waterfront city valorizes individualized entertainment and consumption for elites and privileged business professionals, at the same that it discourages collective solidarity and care among the dwindling middle- and working classes, and enforces private competition among the poor and unemployed.
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Fortier, Paula A. "Behind the Banner of Patriotism: The New Orleans Chapter of the American Red Cross and Auxiliary Branches 6 and 11 (1914-1917)." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2010. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1168.

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Socialite Laura Penrose and a group of wealthy businessmen founded the New Orleans Chapter of the American Red Cross in 1916. The Chapter expanded in 1917 with the addition of two black Auxiliary Branches chartered by nurses Louise Ross and Sarah Brown. Although Jim Crow dictated the division between the Chapter and its Branches within the mostly female organization, racial barriers did not prohibit them from uniting for the cause of national relief. The American Red Cross differed from other forms of biracial Progressivism by the very nature of public relief work for a national charity. American Red Cross relief work brought women into public spaces for the war effort and pushed biracial cooperation between women in the Jim Crow South in a more public and patriotic direction than earlier efforts at social reform. Black women, in particular, used the benefit of relief work to promote racial uplift and stake a claim on American citizenship despite the disenfranchisement of their men.
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Dubinson, GraceLynis. "Slowly, Surely, One Plat, One Binder at a Time: Choking Out Jim Crow and the Development of the Azurest Syndicate Incorporated." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/53.

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This thesis explores the intersections of a Black Power leisure identity, real property ownership, the progression of economic agency and land development through the example of Black resorts, focusing on Azurest North, a summer community in Sag Harbor, New York developed in the 1950s by Azurest Syndicate Incorporated. The project traces the history of real estate syndicates during the mid-twentieth century as a way to circumvent the practices of Jim Crow housing discrimination. Independent mortgage financing and land development especially in the field of resort housing, also points to the emergence of what I call a Black Power leisure identity. This study also seeks to determine how the American pursuit of leisure during the twentieth century forged identity and how real estate property ownership has been used to maintain and secure community and individual identity.
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Cook, Christopher Joseph. "Agency, Consolidation, and Consequence: Evaluating Social and Political Change in New Orleans, 1868-1900." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/535.

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In the last twenty years, recent scholarship has opened up fresh inquiry into several aspects of New Orleans society during the late nineteenth century. Much work has been done to reassess the political and cultural involvement, as well as perspective of, the black Creoles of the city; the successful reordering of society under the direction of the Anglo-Protestant elite; and the evolution of New Orleans's social conditions and cultural institutions during the period initiating Jim Crow segregation. Further exploration, however, is necessary to make connections between each of these avenues of study. This thesis relies on a variety of secondary sources, primary legal documents, and contemporary newspaper articles and publications, to provide connections between the above topics, giving each greater context and allowing for the exploration of several themes. These include the direction of black Creole public ambition after the end of that community's last civil rights crusade, the effects of Democratic Party strategy and the Lost Cause of the Confederacy movement on younger generations of white residents, and the effects of changing social expectations and increasing segregation on the city's diverse ethnic immigrant community. In doing so, this thesis will contribute to enhancing the current understanding of New Orleans's complex and changing social order, as well as provide future researchers with a broad based work which will effectively introduce the exploration of a variety of key topics and serve as a bridge to connect them with specific lines of inquiry while highlighting the above themes in order to make new connections between various facets of the city's troubled racial history.
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Louis, Eunice. "The Prison System and the Media: How “Orange Is The New Black” Engages with the Prison as a Normalizing Agent." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1916.

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The purpose of this project is to ascertain the ways in which Orange is the New Black uses its platform to either complicate or reify narratives about the prison system, prisoners and their relationship to the state. This research uses the works of Giorgio Agamben, Colin Dayan, Michelle Alexander and Lisa Guenther to situate the ways the state uses the prison and social narratives about the prison to extend its control on certain populations beyond prison walls through police presence, parole, the war on drugs and prison fees. From that basis, this work argues that while Orange does challenge some narratives about race and sexuality, because of its reliance on “bad choices” as a humanizing trope and its reliance on certain racialized stereotypes for entertainment, the show ultimately does more to reify existing narratives that support state interests.
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恵実子, 三島(原), 三島 恵実子, 原. 恵実子, and Emiko Mishima Hara. "Beyond "white supremacy:" white reactions to The Clansman and The Birth of a nation in New South North Carolina and Georgia." Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13100526/?lang=0, 2019. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13100526/?lang=0.

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昨今「白人至上主義」という単語が多用されているが、その定義は不明確なままである。なぜならば、たとえ人々の「白人至上主義」への認識に多少の差異があったとしても、結果がほぼ変わらないという見解が一般的であるからである。しかしながら本研究は、「白人至上主義」とは時代、場所、そして歴史的・社会的背景によって変容するものであると定義付けた。またある特定の「白人至上主義」を強調した演劇『クランズマン』、後の映画『國民の創生』、に対する南部白人の評価を分析することで、その概念を最も享受したであろう彼らが如何にその言葉の意味を定義し、またどのように保持し習慣づけていったのかを解明しようと試みたものである。
This dissertation hypothesizes that white supremacy is a flexible ideology that changes depending on the location, the period, and historical as well as social conditions in which it is promoted. By examining and comparing the differences between the responses of white North Carolinians and white Georgians towards The Clansman in 1905 and The Birth of a Nation in 1915, this dissertation argues that even though we assume that Radical white supremacy seems to have covered the entire South during the Jim Crow era, and images and stories of supposed “black beast rapists” obscured social differences within the white group, there were a range of variable and sometimes competing ideologies among white supremacists.
博士(アメリカ研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University
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"The Negro's Place: Schools, Race, And The Making Of Modern New Orleans, 1900-1960." Tulane University, 2014.

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"The Negro's Place" examines the relationship between public education and urban development in twentieth-century New Orleans, arguing that the expansion of segregated public schooling eroded two centuries of residential integration and contributed to the disparate development of white and black neighborhoods. The study challenges the popular concept of "white flight" as an explanation for metropolitan change by demonstrating that school segregation, as well as reaction to desegregation, divided urban and suburban space along racial lines. It also inverts prevailing scholarly interpretations of this transformation, which emphasize that public and private manipulation of the housing market created the racially distinct communities that promoted and sustained segregated schools. Additionally, the dissertation's examination of schools, race, and space underscores the extent to which Jim Crow continued to evolve through a dynamic, oftentimes improvisational process during the twentieth century. Finally, it demonstrates that, even as public schools became the sites of courtroom and neighborhood battles over desegregation, they continued to tighten racial inequality in ways that contemporary activists and observers did not always recognize. Most significantly, in the decades before and after World War II, segregated schools created structural inequalities in housing that impeded desegregation's capacity to promote racial justice.
acase@tulane.edu
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Books on the topic "New Jim Crow"

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Religion and the rise of Jim Crow in New Orleans. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005.

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Bennett, James B. Religion and the rise of Jim Crow in New Orleans. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005.

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Alexander, Michelle. The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. New York: New Press, 2012.

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Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. New York: New Press, 2010.

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Alexander, Michelle. The new Jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness. New York: New Press, 2012.

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Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. New York, NY: New Press, 2010.

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name, No. Jim Crow New York: A documentary history of race and citizenship, 1777-1877. New York, NY: New York University Press, 2003.

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Education for the new frontier: Race, education and triumph in Jim Crow America (1867-1945). Hauppauge, N.Y: Nova Science Publishers, 2011.

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African American women and social action: The clubwomen and volunteerism from Jim Crow to the New Deal, 1896-1936. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2001.

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Neo-segregation narratives: Jim Crow in post-civil rights American literature. Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "New Jim Crow"

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Wright, Gavin. "Jim Crow South." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 1–6. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_2009-1.

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Wright, Gavin. "Jim Crow South." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 7129–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95189-5_2009.

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Alderman, Derek H., and Robert N. Brown. "When a New Deal is Actually an Old Deal: The Role of TVA in Engineering a Jim Crow Racialized Landscape." In Engineering Earth, 1901–16. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-9920-4_105.

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Alexander, Michelle. "The New Jim Crow." In Power and Inequality, 300–304. 2nd ed. Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315201511-37.

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Johnson, Kimberley. "Southern Reform and the New Deal." In Reforming Jim Crow, 66–90. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195387421.003.0004.

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DAILEY, JANE. "The Limits of Liberalism in the New South:." In Jumpin' Jim Crow, 88–114. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv131bvz5.9.

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BRUNDAGE, W. FITZHUGH. "White Women and the Politics of Historical Memory in the New South, 1880–1920." In Jumpin' Jim Crow, 115–39. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv131bvz5.10.

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Brundage, W. Fitzhugh. "Chapter 5 White Women and the Politics of Historical Memory in the New South, 1880-1920." In Jumpin' Jim Crow, 115–39. Princeton University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691216249-009.

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Dailey, Jane. "Chapter 4 The Limits of Liberalism in the New South: The Politics of Race, Sex, and Patronage in Virginia, 1879-1883." In Jumpin' Jim Crow, 88–114. Princeton University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691216249-008.

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Murphy, Mary-Elizabeth B. "Women Riot for Jobs." In Jim Crow Capital, 110–39. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646725.003.0005.

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During the 1930s, many black women who had been engaged in national campaigns turned toward the economic crisis that was unfolding in the nation’s capital. The crisis of the Great Depression inspired activists to amplify their demands for economic justice, to argue that black women deserved the opportunity to work in a job of their choice, earn a living wage, provide for their families, and enjoy full participation in government programs that regulated hours and wages and provided a safety net in old age. Black women critiqued New Deal programs for marginalizing domestic workers, whether through their exclusion from the National Recovery Administration’s industrial codes, limited access to government relief programs, or their ineligibility to receive benefits from the Social Security Act. In 1938, 10,000 black women rioted for charwomen jobs in the federal government, which illustrated their desire for economic justice in the nation’s capital.
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Conference papers on the topic "New Jim Crow"

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Johansen, Espen Sten, Dag Ketil Fredheim, Richard Volkers, Dag Almar Hansen, and Christian Petersen. "Cost Effective, Digital, Fail-Safe Production Tree and Wellhead Actuator System." In Offshore Technology Conference. OTC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4043/31240-ms.

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Abstract E&P companies are challenged with the cost-effective development of smaller and marginal fields, while ensuring safety for its crew and facing increasing regulatory requirements for further reducing emissions and environmental impact. Key enablers to achieve profitable development of smaller fields and maintaining safe production in remote locations is digitizing and automating the production chain and limit the need for on-site personnel. There are a number of safety critical valves on wellheads and production trees that have historically been manually or hydraulically operated and thus not suited for fully remote operations. In 2017, Equinor, Baker Hughes and TECHNI formed a Joint Industry Project (JIP) to develop a new electric actuator control system. The actuator system is designed for fail-safe, critical operations offshore and is subject to stringent safety design requirements. The key driver is reducing CAPEX and OPEX and environmental impact for offshore installations, while increasing availability of wells while providing improved monitoring and condition based, predictive maintenance. The electric actuator system developed in the JIP has a patent pending fail-safe mechanism with extremely fast closing time to ensure well containment during critical situations. It is designed to be a drop-in replacement for existing hydraulic actuator solutions and is suitable for most standard wellhead and tree designs, sizes, and pressure ratings. The all-electric solution contains a multitude of sensors, that, in combination with an integrated digital interface, enables data-driven insights from the systems in operation. The actuator development is currently at Technology Readiness Level (TRL) 4 on the API 17N, 0 to 7 scale. In 2020, the JIP consortium was awarded NOK 8.2 million (USD 950 000) by the Norwegian Research Council DEMO 2000 program to support the test and qualification program. TRL 5 testing is planned in first half of 2021 yielding it ready for field installation.
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Paboeuf, Stephane, Luc Mouton, Quentin Sourisseau, and Anne-Charlotte Goupil. "Towards a Robust Offshore Bonded Repair Strength Evaluation." In SNAME 26th Offshore Symposium. SNAME, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/tos-2021-14.

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Since the early 2000s, the number of Floating Production, Storage and Offloading (FPSO) units is increasing significantly. And so now, half of the fleet is over than 10 years old. As FPSO are mainly installed in tropical areas, with marine environment, high temperature and high humidity, corrosion is a permanent threat. Maintenance of steel structures become a challenge for oil major companies in offshore operation. Indeed, when allowable corrosion limit are reached, plates are to be repaired. However the current “crop and renew” technique implies a number of major issues for owners such as: “hot work”, i.e., welding; temporary structure weakening; necessity to empty, clean and vent oil tanks, leading to a long down time and an expensive solution. “Cold repair”, such as bonded repair, is an obvious solution, due to a short down-time and non-intrusively process. However, currently no standards or rules exist for this kind of repair and engineering faces problems as basic as strength qualification. To address the lack of knowledge on the strength assessment of bonded repair for primary structure, Bureau Veritas Marine & Offshore launched a Joint Industrial Project (JIP) named StrenghBond Offshore with oil companies, shipyards and suppliers. The main objectives of the JIP are to: Assess short term and fatigue strength of typical bonded repairs, Enrich knowledge of adhesive joints strength on typical offshore repairs cases, Enable a better evaluation of the margin between the actual strength of a repair and the design load, Validate the characterisation procedure for strength prediction of bonded assembly, Define a robust strength prediction method, Gather the collected experience in a industrially applicable guideline, Standardise qualification process for offshore composite bonded repairs. The project intends to provide a design approach for bonded reinforcement that is design orientated, accurate and recognized by the offshore industry.
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Reports on the topic "New Jim Crow"

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MacLean, Nancy. How Milton Friedman Exploited White Supremacy to Privatize Education. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp161.

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This paper traces the origins of today’s campaigns for school vouchers and other modes of public funding for private education to efforts by Milton Friedman beginning in 1955. It reveals that the endgame of the “school choice” enterprise for libertarians was not then—and is not now--to enhance education for all children; it was a strategy, ultimately, to offload the full cost of schooling onto parents as part of a larger quest to privatize public services and resources. Based on extensive original archival research, this paper shows how Friedman’s case for vouchers to promote “educational freedom” buttressed the case of Southern advocates of the policy of massive resistance to Brown v. Board of Education. His approach—supported by many other Mont Pelerin Society members and leading libertarians of the day --taught white supremacists a more sophisticated, and for more than a decade, court-proof way to preserve Jim Crow. All they had to do was cease overt focus on race and instead deploy a neoliberal language of personal liberty, government failure and the need for market competition in the provision of public education.
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