Relevant bibliographies by topics / New Patriotic Party (Ghana)

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Academic literature on the topic 'New Patriotic Party (Ghana)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "New Patriotic Party (Ghana)"

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Ayee, Joseph RA. "The evolution of the New Patriotic Party in Ghana." South African Journal of International Affairs 15, no. 2 (December 2008): 185–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460802614064.

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Demuyakor, John. "Exploring Political Parties on Facebook: Literature Review of the Two Main Political Parties in Ghana." Social Communication 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sc-2021-0003.

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Abstract Ghana currently has over 25 registered political parties. The two key political parties in Ghana are the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC). Before the introduction of social media, especially Facebook, political parties in Ghana employed traditional communication strategies, such as TV, Radio, and News Papers, to execute political communication. However, since 2012 political parties in Ghana have deployed and relied heavily on social media platforms, particularly Facebook, as a political communication tool to disseminate their political manifestoes to the electorates in order to clinch political power. This article adopted a purely descriptive approach with an emphasis on document analysis to review relevant information and literature for the study. Hence literature is sourced from secondary sources like a pool of online libraries, political party’s websites/Facebook pages, and other scholarly research related to the subject under investigation. The objective of this paper is to carefully explore political parties on Facebook, emphasizing the two main Political parties in Ghana, thus the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC).
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Asamoah, Kwame. "Addressing the Problem of Political Vigilantism in Ghana through the Conceptual Lens of Wicked Problems." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619887608.

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Ghana entered into the Fourth Republic in 1993 after experiencing political instability over two decades. A defining feature that has characterized the Fourth Republic of Ghana and marred Ghana’s democratic credentials is the emergence of political vigilantism. Political vigilantism has basically been perpetuated by the two leading political parties in Ghana: the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress. The major political actors in the political system of Ghana continue to express the debilitating effects of political vigilantism on Ghana’s democratic advancement, nevertheless, it continues to persist in monumental proportion in our political dispensation. Using a qualitative research approach, the paper examines the factors responsible for the pervasiveness of political vigilantism under the Fourth Republic of Ghana and proffer some plausible solutions to address this political canker.
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Nugent, Paul. "Ethnicity as an Explanatory Factor in the Ghana 2000 Elections." African Issues 29, no. 1-2 (2001): 2–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006120.

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Ghana opened a new chapter in its checkered political history when in December 2000 the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) was removed from office by means of the ballot box. The New Patriotic Party (NPP) won half the parliamentary seats and its presidential candidate, John A. Kufuor, triumphed with something to spare in the second round of balloting. Although there were some violent incidents that marred the proceedings, the assessment of most observers was that the polls were well conducted and that the final result accurately reflected how Ghanaians had actually voted.
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Madsen, Diana Højlund. "Gender, Power and Institutional Change – The Role of Formal and Informal Institutions in Promoting Women’s Political Representation in Ghana." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 1 (July 16, 2018): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618787851.

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The article explores the role of formal and informal institutions in influencing the representation of women in the two major political parties in Ghana – NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party) – as well as the small party CPP (Convention People’s Party). Paradoxically, with its first president, Kwame Nkrumah (CPP), Ghana was one of the first countries in Africa to introduce a quota in 1959, reserving ten seats for women in Parliament. With a representation of 11% women after the election in 2012 and 13% after the election in 2016, however, Ghana has not been part of the positive development on the continent. Drawing on the body of literature on feminist institutionalism, the article explores the dynamics of power and change relating to the low representation of women in politics in Ghana. It further investigates responses to initiatives to promote more female candidates in Parliament – the reduction of filing fees and the introduction of women’s seats. The article argues that the formal institutions in the form of party structures work both as an obstacle and an opportunity to promote more women in politics, and that the informal structures in the form of the gender culture in Parliament and verbal abuse work against more women in politics.
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Sulemana, Saaka. "A Multiple Streams Approach to Understanding Social Policy in Ghana: The Case of Livelihood Empowerment against Poverty." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 7, no. 4 (November 26, 2017): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v7i4.11903.

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This paper utilizes Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Approach (MSA) to explain how Livelihood Empowerment against Poverty (LEAP) was created in Ghana. MSA explains that policies are made by governments under the conditions of ambiguity (Zahariadis, 2014). Therefore, the paper explores social policy in two different time periods, 1992 to 2000, and 2001 to 2008 and argues that, prior to 2001 social policy was relatively ineffective. However, this changed when the New Patriotic Party took office in 2001. By applying MSA, this paper makes a distinct theoretical contribution to social policy research in Ghana, and argues that the policy entrepreneurial role of Former President Kufuor undergirds the implementation of LEAP in 2008.
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Kodom Gyasi, William. "The Readability of Political Party Manifestos of the 2016 General Elections in Ghana." Athens Journal of Mass Media and Communications 9, no. 1 (December 20, 2022): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.9-1-4.

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The objective of the study was to determine the readability of the manifestos that three political parties, namely National Democratic Congress (NDC), New Patriotic Party (NPP) and Convention People’s Party (CPP), in Ghana used in the 2016 general elections. These parties were chosen because they were the only ones in Ghana with parliamentary representation at the time of the study. The readability indexes used were the Coleman-Liau Index and the Gunning Fog Index. 12 random sections of each manifesto were selected for analysis. Then, texts of no less than 300 words were sampled from each section. The readability formulas used were available on the internet. The statistics show that all three manifestos were written at difficulty levels that were quite above the reading abilities of the average Ghanaian voter. Further, it was found that the manifestos did not differ significantly from each other, statistically speaking. Keywords: readability, readability formulas, manifestos, political parties, linguistic complexity
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Osei, Anja. "Formal party organisation and informal relations in African parties: evidence from Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000981.

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AbstractIt is often assumed that political parties in Africa have only weak formal structures and are instead dominated by informal, personalised networks. This paper seeks to challenge this view by presenting a much more nuanced picture of intra-party dynamics. Based on unique survey data from Ghana, it is shown how formal and informal party structures co-exist and interact at the national and constituency level. Because informal relationships are not directly observable and difficult to study, the paper employs a social network approach to map the personal interactions between the Members of the 6th Parliament of Ghana and their respective parties. It is found that the local party organisation plays a strong role in both of the major parties NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party). There are, however, also differences between the parties. At the national level, the NDC is strongly centralised and dominated by its national executives. The NPP, in contrast, has an informal power center located in the Ashanti Region. Ethno-regional factions play only a minor role in both parties. By demonstrating that the relative importance of informal relations varies even between parties in the same country, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the variation in party organisation across Africa.
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Agbevade, Akpeko, and Desmond Tweneboah Koduah. "The Search for a Result-Oriented Public Sector Reform in Ghana: A Myth or Reality?" Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 3 (September 3, 2020): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i3.17628.

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The Article Examined Whether Public Sector Reform In Ghana Is A Myth Or Reality. It Emerged That Since Independence In 1957, Successive Governments Implemented Both Socialist And Market-Oriented Public Sector Reforms; However, None Of These Reforms Yielded The Expected Outcome. Hence, The New Patriotic Party On Winning Political Power Initiated The National Public Sector Reform Strategy. This Reform Aimed At Using The Public Sector As The Catalyst To Stimulate The Private Sector For Job Creation And National Development. The Study Found That The Reform Made Some Gains. However, Excessive Partisanship, Narrow Political Commitment, Donor-Funding, The Time Boundedness Of The Reform And Focus On Only 16 Ministries, Departments And Agencies Militated Against It Success Hence Public Sector Reform Is A Myth In Ghana. The Article Recommends Commitment To The Directive Principles Of State Policy As The Panacea To Effectiveness Of Public Sector Reforms In Ghana.
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Raunet Robert-Nicoud, Nathalie. "Elections and borderlands in Ghana." African Affairs 118, no. 473 (March 6, 2019): 672–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz002.

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Abstract In the nationwide debates in the build-up to the Ghana elections of December 2016, the New Patriotic Party, then in the opposition, claimed that 76,000 individuals were registered on both the Togolese and the Ghanaian voters’ registers, casting doubt on the citizenship status of voters who crossed the border from Togo to vote in Ghana. The issues that political parties continually raise about the voters’ register result in recurrent debates about identification documents and belonging. This article poses the underlying questions that many election analyses overlook: who is the electorate? Who decides who belongs to the nation? I argue that the criteria for belonging are neither those that are set in the law, nor those that seem to be suggested by political parties, but those that are decided at a local level where communities are the real gatekeepers of the vote. This article contributes to the literature on elections in Africa by highlighting the porosity of borders in a mobile world, not purely in terms of electoral outcomes, but in terms of broader issues about citizenship and belonging.
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Books on the topic "New Patriotic Party (Ghana)"

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(Ghana), New Patriotic Party. The New Patriotic Party: NPP. Accra, Ghana: New Patriotic Party, 2004.

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Constitution of the New Patriotic Party (Ghana). Ghana]: [New Patriotic Party], 1998.

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Negative change in Ghana. Accra: Selling Ghana Publications, 2002.

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Asante, Fred G. Election 2004: The highway to power consolidation : a treatise of general election results in Ghana, 1992, 1996, 2000. [Kyebi: s.n., 2003.

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Election 2004: The highway to power consolidation : a treatise of general election results in Ghana, 1992, 1996, 2000. Kyebi]: [publisher not identified], 2003.

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Agenda for positive change: Manifesto 2000 of the New Patriotic Party. [Accra]: N.P.P., 2000.

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(Ghana), New Patriotic Party. Positive change, chapter two: Manifesto of the New Patriotic Party 2004. Accra]: New Patriotic Party, 2004.

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(Ghana), New Patriotic Party. Reform of the electoral system, Ghana: Proposals of the New Patriotic Party. [Ghana]: The Party, 1993.

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New Patriotic Party (Ghana). Delegates Conference. New Patriotic Party Annual Delegates Conference, 2008: Date, August 15-17, 2008 : venue, Sekondi College. [Accra: New Patriotic Party, 2008.

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Evans, Atta-Mills John, National Democratic Congress (Ghana), and New Patriotic Party (Ghana), eds. The NDC response to the NPP government's 2003 budget: And, Statement of professor Atta-Mills, NDC flagbearer, on the 2003 budget of the NPP govt. on Wednesday Mrach 19, 2003. [Ghana]: Research Department Publication, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "New Patriotic Party (Ghana)"

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Jones, Emily. "Ghana." In The Political Economy of Bank Regulation in Developing Countries: Risk and Reputation, 147–73. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841999.003.0006.

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In Ghana the stop-start dynamics of Basel implementation reflects party politics. Moves to implement Basel and other international standards have coincided with periods when the New Patriotic Party (NPP) has been in office. The NPP has a vision for positioning Ghana as a financial services hub for West Africa and strong ideological and material connections to international finance. In 2017 the NPP government embarked on a radical reform of the banking sector, implementing major elements of Basel II and III and catapulting Ghana to among the most ambitious implementers of Basel standards among our case study countries. In contrast, the National Democratic Congress (NDC) focused on directing finance to the productive sectors of the economy and supporting indigenous banks, and the implementation of international standards was not a policy priority during their periods in office.
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Bauer, Gretchen, and Akosua K. Darkwah. "Party Primaries and Women’s Representation in Ghana." In Women and Power in Africa, 61–84. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898074.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 asks how women fare during candidate selection within institutionalized parties. The chapter provides a unique analysis of the persistent barriers women are likely to face as aspirants in countries that lack legislative gender-based quotas. Focusing on Ghana’s two national parties, the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party, Bauer and Darkwah examine how the adoption of seemingly more inclusive and transparent primary processes affects women’s likelihood of being selected as party candidates. Drawing on qualitative interviews with party elites, women aspirants, and candidates, they find that women in Ghana report serious concerns with potential violence and harassment. In addition, they show that financial constraints pose a barrier for women aspirants and that party efforts to overcome these constraints through fee reductions and subsidies are largely insufficient.
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Agbozo, G. Edzordzi, Mary Edward, and Fatiatu Inusah. "“Onaapo” vs. “One Factory”." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 221–40. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7295-4.ch012.

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In this chapter, the authors investigated how ideological differences between the two main political traditions in Ghana manifested in their campaign lyrics. The authors diachronically interrogated the 2012 and 2016 campaign songs of the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party of Ghana using critical discourse analysis. The findings suggest that there are no clear manifestations of ideological differences between the two political traditions in their campaign songs. The songs had pragmatic themes that essentially dwelt on the lived socio-economic conditions of the voters. As such, these daily economic needs of the voters became the defining concerns in political campaign songs rather than ideological affinity.
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Amoakohene, Margaret Ivy, Gilbert K. M. Tietaah, Favour Esinam Normeshie, and Fidelis Yayra Sesenu. "Campaign Songs and Political Advertising in Ghana." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 108–30. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7295-4.ch006.

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As persuasive tools for political campaigns, songs and music are integral features of electioneering in Africa. Since Ghana's return to multiparty democracy in 1992, election cycles in the country have been heralded and accentuated by campaign songs which extol the virtues of their sponsors and/or denigrate the achievements and their suitability for political office. This chapter examines the use of repetitions, testimonials, and biblical imagery in campaign songs of two major political parties in Ghana—the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC)—during the 2012 and 2016 elections. Eight campaign songs were analyzed. The findings show that the songs sought to communicate messages/themes of submissiveness/humility, divine choice/prophecy, achievers/achievement, and opponents as failures/deceivers about the political parties and their candidates.
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Horowitz, Jeremy. "Electoral Competition and Policymaking in Ghana." In Multiethnic Democracy, 134–50. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198852735.003.0007.

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This chapter shows that the swing-targeting approach developed in this book has relevance beyond Kenya by examining a second case: Ghana. It demonstrates that ethnicity plays an important role in structuring core and swing in Ghana’s presidential elections. It then shows that the competition for voters in swing communities that are less aligned with the major parties leads politicians to adopt broad-based electoral strategies. Finally, it demonstrates that electoral competition incentivizes the adoption of universal public policies. To document the connection between electoral strategies and policymaking, the chapter focuses on the New Patriotic Party’s (NPP) rise to power in the 1990s and the health sector reforms it pursued after winning the presidency in 2000.
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Charlton-Stevens, Uther. "A new Anglo-India." In Anglo-India and the End of Empire, 79–132. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197669983.003.0003.

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Abstract This chapter begins with debates around naming, with self-asserted and ascribed categories for the mixed. The replacement of Eurasian with Anglo-Indian in the Census of India of 1911 satisfied longstanding demands from within the group itself and anchored an amplified level of patriotic identification with Britain prior to the First World War. The difficulties in obtaining sanction for an Anglo-Indian Force, which served in Mesopotamia, highlighted internal and external dividing lines among Anglo-Indians and Domiciled Europeans--especially colorism. The postwar fracturing of communal unity came amidst heightened pressures on the group's employment from nationalist demands within the colonial legislatures for Indianisation of state and railway employment following the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms. As Anglo-Indian parents and education remained conservatively pro-British, particularly in Bangalore, Henry Gidney dualistically emphasized love of the community's Indian motherland alongside continuing loyalty to its British fatherland. Resistance, factionalism, entryism, and legal action by prominent rivals continued to undermine Gidney's leadership. Simultaneously, Gidney's lobbying in London and alignment with other minorities--particularly the Dalit leader Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar--against Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress Party at the Round Table Conference proved critical to claims for minority group rights and power sharing under any prospective constitutional devolution settlement.
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Stallard, Katie. "Memory." In Dancing on Bones, 50–65. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197575352.003.0005.

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This chapter covers Nikita Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization campaign in the USSR following the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956, followed by Khrushchev’s ouster and Leonid Brezhnev’s attempts to shore up public support by appealing to the memory of World War II, or the Great Patriotic War. It covers the Thaw period under Khrushchev that allowed greater discussion of the complexities of the conflict and the subsequent return to strict censorship and a simplified, glorious narrative of the Great Patriotic War under Brezhnev. It includes the reintroduction of the Victory Day holiday in 1965 and the new Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Moscow in 1967. This chapter covers the period 1956–1976.
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Capture of Traditional Leaders by Political Parties in Zimbabwe for Political Expediency." In Civic Engagement in Social and Political Constructs, 196–219. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2364-3.ch009.

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Traditional leaders have been at the centre of controversy from the pre-colonial to the post-colonial period. The recognition of traditional leaders by the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) in Zimbabwe has been controversial. Since 1999, the ZANU-PF government has been facing a serious political crises and an increasingly powerful opposition party (Movement for Democratic Change). Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other things recognizes the role of the institution of traditional leadership which operates alongside modern state structures. While recognizing the role and status of the institution, the Constitution strictly regulates the conduct of traditional leaders.
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Onaci, Edward. "Birth of the New Afrikan Independence Movement." In Free the Land, 15–42. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469656144.003.0002.

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Chapter 1 provides a historical overview of the NAIM from its inception into the 1980s. It explains how two brothers from South Philadelphia helped organize a Black Government Convention in 1968. Tracing the birth and early development of the NAIM clarifies how political geography, historical context, and personal circumstance helped shape activism. After relocating to the Detroit metropolitan area in the 1950s, brothers Milton and Richard Henry became community activists and political leaders. Working through the Group on Advanced Leadership and the Freedom Now Party, political struggle taught them the limits of seeking full entry into a nation that circumscribed their political power. At the same time, the Henry brothers witnessed decolonization in Africa, especially Ghana, which challenged them to reconsider the meaning of black liberation. Under the tutelage of people like Malcolm X and “Queen Mother” Audley Moore, they shifted their politics from reform and inclusion to revolution and self-determination. Changing their names to Gaidi and Imari Abubakari Obadele, they called for the 1968 convention. Convention participants declared black people’s right to independence from the United States of America, formed a provisional government with Robert F. Williams as the nominal president, and demanded reparations.
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Hoffnung-Garskof, Jesse E. "Victory?" In Racial Migrations, 217–60. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691183534.003.0007.

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This chapter shows how a concert held on the West Side of Manhattan on New Year's Day 1897 served to unite and mobilize the networks that Rafael Serra and his allies had built over two decades. This was conducted in defense of a struggle against all privileges, and to celebrate, in the name of democracy and patriotic unity, the loyalty of that group to the party leader. As the war unfolded in Cuba, Figueroa and Serra engaged in a war of position, picking their near-term battles carefully in order to situate themselves advantageously for the coming struggle to preserve democratic values within the Cuban republic and for the political competitions that would follow. Supported by the men and women who gathered in the concert hall on New Year's Day, they were emerged victorious in one of the few open maneuvers in this long-simmering conflict. This chapter shows that the fact that Serra and Figueroa could still effectively maneuver within the Cuban Revolutionary Party, even after the death of Martí, sheds clear light on one of the major questions posed by this book. In short, the chapter considers what lasting impact the conflicts and alliances created within the Cuban Revolutionary Party in New York had on the evolution of Cuban politics after independence.
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