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1
Ayee, Joseph RA. "The evolution of the New Patriotic Party in Ghana." South African Journal of International Affairs 15, no. 2 (December 2008): 185–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220460802614064.
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Demuyakor, John. "Exploring Political Parties on Facebook: Literature Review of the Two Main Political Parties in Ghana." Social Communication 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sc-2021-0003.
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Abstract Ghana currently has over 25 registered political parties. The two key political parties in Ghana are the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC). Before the introduction of social media, especially Facebook, political parties in Ghana employed traditional communication strategies, such as TV, Radio, and News Papers, to execute political communication. However, since 2012 political parties in Ghana have deployed and relied heavily on social media platforms, particularly Facebook, as a political communication tool to disseminate their political manifestoes to the electorates in order to clinch political power. This article adopted a purely descriptive approach with an emphasis on document analysis to review relevant information and literature for the study. Hence literature is sourced from secondary sources like a pool of online libraries, political party’s websites/Facebook pages, and other scholarly research related to the subject under investigation. The objective of this paper is to carefully explore political parties on Facebook, emphasizing the two main Political parties in Ghana, thus the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC).
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Asamoah, Kwame. "Addressing the Problem of Political Vigilantism in Ghana through the Conceptual Lens of Wicked Problems." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 3 (November 26, 2019): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619887608.
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Ghana entered into the Fourth Republic in 1993 after experiencing political instability over two decades. A defining feature that has characterized the Fourth Republic of Ghana and marred Ghana’s democratic credentials is the emergence of political vigilantism. Political vigilantism has basically been perpetuated by the two leading political parties in Ghana: the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress. The major political actors in the political system of Ghana continue to express the debilitating effects of political vigilantism on Ghana’s democratic advancement, nevertheless, it continues to persist in monumental proportion in our political dispensation. Using a qualitative research approach, the paper examines the factors responsible for the pervasiveness of political vigilantism under the Fourth Republic of Ghana and proffer some plausible solutions to address this political canker.
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Nugent, Paul. "Ethnicity as an Explanatory Factor in the Ghana 2000 Elections." African Issues 29, no. 1-2 (2001): 2–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006120.
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Ghana opened a new chapter in its checkered political history when in December 2000 the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) was removed from office by means of the ballot box. The New Patriotic Party (NPP) won half the parliamentary seats and its presidential candidate, John A. Kufuor, triumphed with something to spare in the second round of balloting. Although there were some violent incidents that marred the proceedings, the assessment of most observers was that the polls were well conducted and that the final result accurately reflected how Ghanaians had actually voted.
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Madsen, Diana Højlund. "Gender, Power and Institutional Change – The Role of Formal and Informal Institutions in Promoting Women’s Political Representation in Ghana." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 1 (July 16, 2018): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618787851.
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The article explores the role of formal and informal institutions in influencing the representation of women in the two major political parties in Ghana – NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party) – as well as the small party CPP (Convention People’s Party). Paradoxically, with its first president, Kwame Nkrumah (CPP), Ghana was one of the first countries in Africa to introduce a quota in 1959, reserving ten seats for women in Parliament. With a representation of 11% women after the election in 2012 and 13% after the election in 2016, however, Ghana has not been part of the positive development on the continent. Drawing on the body of literature on feminist institutionalism, the article explores the dynamics of power and change relating to the low representation of women in politics in Ghana. It further investigates responses to initiatives to promote more female candidates in Parliament – the reduction of filing fees and the introduction of women’s seats. The article argues that the formal institutions in the form of party structures work both as an obstacle and an opportunity to promote more women in politics, and that the informal structures in the form of the gender culture in Parliament and verbal abuse work against more women in politics.
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Sulemana, Saaka. "A Multiple Streams Approach to Understanding Social Policy in Ghana: The Case of Livelihood Empowerment against Poverty." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 7, no. 4 (November 26, 2017): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v7i4.11903.
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This paper utilizes Kingdon’s Multiple Streams Approach (MSA) to explain how Livelihood Empowerment against Poverty (LEAP) was created in Ghana. MSA explains that policies are made by governments under the conditions of ambiguity (Zahariadis, 2014). Therefore, the paper explores social policy in two different time periods, 1992 to 2000, and 2001 to 2008 and argues that, prior to 2001 social policy was relatively ineffective. However, this changed when the New Patriotic Party took office in 2001. By applying MSA, this paper makes a distinct theoretical contribution to social policy research in Ghana, and argues that the policy entrepreneurial role of Former President Kufuor undergirds the implementation of LEAP in 2008.
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Kodom Gyasi, William. "The Readability of Political Party Manifestos of the 2016 General Elections in Ghana." Athens Journal of Mass Media and Communications 9, no. 1 (December 20, 2022): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.9-1-4.
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The objective of the study was to determine the readability of the manifestos that three political parties, namely National Democratic Congress (NDC), New Patriotic Party (NPP) and Convention People’s Party (CPP), in Ghana used in the 2016 general elections. These parties were chosen because they were the only ones in Ghana with parliamentary representation at the time of the study. The readability indexes used were the Coleman-Liau Index and the Gunning Fog Index. 12 random sections of each manifesto were selected for analysis. Then, texts of no less than 300 words were sampled from each section. The readability formulas used were available on the internet. The statistics show that all three manifestos were written at difficulty levels that were quite above the reading abilities of the average Ghanaian voter. Further, it was found that the manifestos did not differ significantly from each other, statistically speaking. Keywords: readability, readability formulas, manifestos, political parties, linguistic complexity
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Osei, Anja. "Formal party organisation and informal relations in African parties: evidence from Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000981.
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AbstractIt is often assumed that political parties in Africa have only weak formal structures and are instead dominated by informal, personalised networks. This paper seeks to challenge this view by presenting a much more nuanced picture of intra-party dynamics. Based on unique survey data from Ghana, it is shown how formal and informal party structures co-exist and interact at the national and constituency level. Because informal relationships are not directly observable and difficult to study, the paper employs a social network approach to map the personal interactions between the Members of the 6th Parliament of Ghana and their respective parties. It is found that the local party organisation plays a strong role in both of the major parties NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party). There are, however, also differences between the parties. At the national level, the NDC is strongly centralised and dominated by its national executives. The NPP, in contrast, has an informal power center located in the Ashanti Region. Ethno-regional factions play only a minor role in both parties. By demonstrating that the relative importance of informal relations varies even between parties in the same country, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the variation in party organisation across Africa.
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Agbevade, Akpeko, and Desmond Tweneboah Koduah. "The Search for a Result-Oriented Public Sector Reform in Ghana: A Myth or Reality?" Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 3 (September 3, 2020): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i3.17628.
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The Article Examined Whether Public Sector Reform In Ghana Is A Myth Or Reality. It Emerged That Since Independence In 1957, Successive Governments Implemented Both Socialist And Market-Oriented Public Sector Reforms; However, None Of These Reforms Yielded The Expected Outcome. Hence, The New Patriotic Party On Winning Political Power Initiated The National Public Sector Reform Strategy. This Reform Aimed At Using The Public Sector As The Catalyst To Stimulate The Private Sector For Job Creation And National Development. The Study Found That The Reform Made Some Gains. However, Excessive Partisanship, Narrow Political Commitment, Donor-Funding, The Time Boundedness Of The Reform And Focus On Only 16 Ministries, Departments And Agencies Militated Against It Success Hence Public Sector Reform Is A Myth In Ghana. The Article Recommends Commitment To The Directive Principles Of State Policy As The Panacea To Effectiveness Of Public Sector Reforms In Ghana.
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Raunet Robert-Nicoud, Nathalie. "Elections and borderlands in Ghana." African Affairs 118, no. 473 (March 6, 2019): 672–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz002.
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Abstract In the nationwide debates in the build-up to the Ghana elections of December 2016, the New Patriotic Party, then in the opposition, claimed that 76,000 individuals were registered on both the Togolese and the Ghanaian voters’ registers, casting doubt on the citizenship status of voters who crossed the border from Togo to vote in Ghana. The issues that political parties continually raise about the voters’ register result in recurrent debates about identification documents and belonging. This article poses the underlying questions that many election analyses overlook: who is the electorate? Who decides who belongs to the nation? I argue that the criteria for belonging are neither those that are set in the law, nor those that seem to be suggested by political parties, but those that are decided at a local level where communities are the real gatekeepers of the vote. This article contributes to the literature on elections in Africa by highlighting the porosity of borders in a mobile world, not purely in terms of electoral outcomes, but in terms of broader issues about citizenship and belonging.
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Anaman, Kwabena Asomanin, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Political Economy Analysis of Voter Participation and Choices in National Elections in Ghana’s Fourth Republican Era." Research in World Economy 10, no. 3 (July 25, 2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v10n3p174.
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We analysed the determinants of voter participation (turnout), impairment of voter participation (spoiled or rejected ballots), and the outcomes (share of the total valid votes cast garnered by the victorious political party) in national presidential elections during the Fourth Republican era in Ghana. This analysis was undertaken based on meso-level statistical models, using district-level data of voters compiled from constituency-level data maintained by the Electoral Commission of Ghana, and district-level socio-economic characteristics derived from the 2010 and 2000 National Population Censuses conducted by the Ghana Statistical Service. In essence, we used data from two presidential elections in Ghana in 2000 and 2012 which could be directly aligned to data from the 2000 and 2010 national population censuses for district-level analysis using the concept of an average “district” voter. Our analysis indicated that the voter turnout was determined by a number of factors, the most important one being the population aged 15 over; the turnout decreases with increasing population. The impairment of voter participation, based on the proportion of the total votes cast attributed to spoiled ballots, was linked to the literacy rate with the spoiled ballots proportion declining with increasing literacy rate. The share of the total valid votes cast, obtained by the victorious party in a district, was influenced to a large degree by the proportion of the total number of citizens in a district belonging to the two biggest social/ethnic groups in Ghana, Asantes and Ewes, who predominantly voted in a countervailing manner for the parties that their political class elites dominate, the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress, respectively.
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Faanu, Pamphilious, and Emmanuel Graham. "The Politics of Ethnocentrism: A Viability Test of Ghana’s Democracy?" Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (July 2017): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817715534.
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The article assesses the use of ethnocentrism as a political strategy in Ghana’s electoral politics and the threat it poses to Ghana’s democracy. It focuses on the strategic ethno-political communication employed by politicians to wield voter support and how voters behave at polls. It reveals that prior to independence Ghana’s political parties were predominantly formed along ethnic and regional dimensions. This transcends into the current dispensation, as the National Democratic Congress and the New Patriotic Party are tagged as Ewe-Northerners party and Akans party, respectively. These ethnic affiliations tend to influence voters’ behaviour at the polls. There is, therefore, an increasing incidence of non-evaluative voting because of ethnocentrism in the Ghanaian political domain. As a result, politicking in Ghana tends to rely heavily on ethnic dimensions to solicit votes using the media as the main platform. The incidence of ethno-politics in Ghana has the tendency to reverse the democratic successes chalked because of the unnecessary tensions that are often associated with ethnic politics. This article recommends the need for responsible media practice to minimise this rising phenomenon in Ghana’s electoral politics. Also, it is our suggestion that the Political Parties ACT 574(2000) and the concerned articles of the 1992 constitution be reviewed to place sanctions on ethnocentrism as a political strategy.
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Nortey, Ezekiel Nii Noi, Kwame Asah-Asante, Richard Minkah, and Edmund Fosu-Agyemang. "Bayesian Estimation of Presidential Elections in Ghana: A Validation Approach." African Journal of Applied Statistics 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 1297–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.16929/ajas/2022.1297.269.
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Elections are one of the barometers through which electorates measure the performance of governments and decide whether to renew their mandate or not. The success of every election goes a long way to strengthen the frontiers of a country's democracy and provide legitimacy for those who hold political power. However, the electoral process of many African countries has been challenged in courts or allegations of fraud and vote rigging are leveled against the winning party or candidate. Therefore, there is the need for a statistical method for checking and validating election results to ascertain fraud and vote rigging claims. Existing validation methods include the Parallel Vote Tabulation methodology. However, some significant disadvantages of this approach are issues of cost, sampling techniques and sample size determination. To overcome these, this study resorts to using the Dirichlet multinomial Bayesian model to compute posterior probabilities of valid votes cast and Bayesian credible intervals to ascertain the legitimacy of the votes cast. Using the Ghana general elections in 2020, the fitted Bayesian model accurately predicted approximately 99% of the proportion of votes obtained by New Patriotic Party, National Democratic Congress and all Other Political Parties. Also, the valid votes received by all the political parties fall within the Bayesian credible intervals indicating that the credibility of the 2020 presidential elections held in Ghana may not be in doubt.
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Afful, Joseph Benjamin Archibald, and Rexford Boateng Gyasi. "Schematic Structure of Manifesto Launch Speeches of Three Political Parties." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 12 (January 10, 2021): 672–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.712.8783.
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A key pre-election spoken genre in several modern democracies is unarguably the manifesto launch speech. Yet, it has surprisingly received either very little or no scholarly attention. Consequently, from a rhetorical perspective, this study examined the schematic structure of three keynote speeches delivered by presidential aspirants of three leading political parties in Ghana – New Patriotic Party (NPP), National Democratic Congress (NDC), and the Convention People’s Party (CPP) – to launch their political parties’ manifestos in 2016. The three speeches delivered by the presidential candidates of the three parties constituted the data set for the study. Applying the popular Swalesean rhetorical move analysis, originally meant for the academic setting, the study identified the use of a nine-move pattern as the schematic structure for the genre across the three speeches, with four ambiguous moves. These findings of the study have implication for the standardizing of the schematic structure of manifesto launch speeches worldwide and, thus, contributes to the scholarship on the political manifesto genre, political communication as well as further research on manifesto launch speeches in other democracies around the world.
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Sarfo-Kantankah, Kwabena Sarfo. "The policy or the person? A corpus-based functional analysis of manifestos of two political parties in Ghana." Contemporary Journal of African Studies 8, no. 1 & 2 (December 31, 2021): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/contjas.v8i2.5.
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Containing the set of policies that political parties stand for and wish to implement if they are elected to govern a country, manifestos are a campaign tool used by political parties to persuade the citizenry to vote in a certain direction. This paper uses corpus-linguistic methods to investigate the key concepts in the manifestos of two Ghanaian political parties, namely: the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National democratic Congress (NDC). The objective is to examine the strategies and the focus of the manifestos of the two parties. The analysis reveals that while the NPP target both policy and the personalities of their opponent candidates, the NDC appear to focus mainly on policy. The paper concludes that, be it a focus on policy or personality, contextual relevance is the key. Thus, the paper proposes a relevance model of political campaign discourse. The paper has implications for political discourse, political campaigning and political communication.
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Navei, Nyamawero. "Emerging political stalwarts of Sisaala land: Biographical narratology of Amidu Isahaku Chinnia’s personality dispositions." African Social Science and Humanities Journal 3, no. 2 (March 25, 2022): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/asshj.v3i2.171.
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In the Ghanaian political landscape, Sisaala land is on record to have produced political stalwarts who have occupied high-ranking political portfolios including the presidency of Ghana. Previous research has identified some pioneering Sisaala political stalwarts including; Dr. Hilla Limman, Imoro Egala; and others. Also, prominent political stalwarts such as; Kwame Nkrumah, Kofi Abrefa Busia, Simon Diedong Dombo, Adu Boahen, Jerry John Rawlings, and others have been variously studied by biographers. Motivated by previous biographical studies anchored on the paucity of similar biographies on emerging political stalwarts of Sisaala land, the study utilised qualitative narrative design to chronicle the biography, personality dispositions, and developmental contributions of Amidu Isahaku Chinnia. Empirical data were elicited through semi-structured interviews from twenty-one (21) heterogeneous-purposively sampled respondents. The study found Chinnia to be a growing academic, known staunch member of the New Patriotic Party and a potential political stalwart in Ghana who currently serves as the Member of Parliament for Sissala East Constituency and Deputy Minister of Sanitation and Water Resources. With mixed viewpoints ably argued by the research participants, the study further found Chinnia to be a development-oriented personality with dispositions that are in tandem with the five-factor personality model (emotional intelligence, assertiveness, openness, conscientiousness, & loyalty). With his enviable academic pedigree, development-mindedness, political activism and unwavering personality dispositions, Chinnia appears to have a brighter political future. For Chinnia to consolidate his political growth, and fortunes, he should promote his positive personality dispositions while working on his weaknesses; unite the rank and file of his party in the Sissala East Constituency, address the major developmental needs of his constituents, and loyally support his party-led government to deliver its mandate to Ghanaians as promised.
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Arthur, Peter. "The State, Private Sector Development, and Ghana's “Golden Age of Business”." African Studies Review 49, no. 1 (April 2006): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0053.
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Abstract:The promotion of the private sector has become an integral part of Ghana's economic development strategy since it embarked on its structural adjustment program (SAP) in 1983. Private sector development, which involves the improvement of the investment climate and the enhancing of basic service delivery, is considered one of the necessary factors for sustaining and expanding businesses, stimulating economic growth, and reducing poverty. This article examines the policies of Ghana's New Patriotic Party (NPP) government and its strategies for making the private sector the bedrock of economic development and for achieving what it calls the “Golden Age of Business.” It argues that while the policies and initiatives being pursued have the potential to help in the development of the private sector in Ghana, the government has to play a more central role in this process, not only by creating the enabling environment for private businesses, but also by providing business with support and protection. While the “Golden Age of Business” is a neoliberal concept, its effective implementation requires a robust statist input.
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Ofori, Emmanuel Amo. "Intertextuality and the Representation of Insults in Pro-NPP and Pro-NDC Newspapers in Ghana: A Critical Discourse Analysis." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 6, no. 9 (September 1, 2016): 1739. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0609.03.
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Intertextuality is the idea that “text cannot be viewed or studied in isolation since texts are not produced or consumed in isolation: all texts exist, and therefore must be understood, in relation to other texts” (Richardson, 2007, p. 100). In this study, I examine the kinds of Intertextuality used in the representation of insults in pro-New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC) newspapers in Ghana. I relate Intertextuality to van Dijk’s ideological square to show how newspapers re-echo and legitimize the voice of the in-group by assigning them with authoritative qualities and titles, credentials that make whatever they say very reliable and at times taken as the truth without submitting them to any critical evaluation. However, in instances where the voices of the out-group members are reported, as Rojo (1995, p. 54) puts it, it is a means to “criticize them or discredit them.” The application of Intertextuality, in this study, reveals what both pro-NPP and pro-NDC papers consider newsworthy, that is, whose insult or voice is reported and whose is not. It shows how the in-group’s insults are represented in relation to the out-group. It further identifies the underlying ideologies in the representation of insults in Ghanaian political discourse.
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Fridy, Kevin S., and Victor Brobbey. "Win the match and vote for me: the politicisation of Ghana's Accra Hearts of Oak and Kumasi Asante Kotoko football clubs." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2009): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003649.
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ABSTRACTThere is a common perception in Ghana that Accra Hearts of Oak is the soccer club of the National Democratic Congress, and Kumasi Asante Kotoko that of the New Patriotic Party. In this paper we explore the roots of these perceptions by examining the social history of these two clubs specifically, and the Ghanaian soccer league system in general, with an eye for the actors, practices and events that injected political airs into purportedly ‘apolitical’ athletic competitions. With this social history clearly defining the popularly perceived ‘us’ versus ‘them’ of the Hearts/Kotoko rivalry, we analyse on the basis of a modest survey some of the assumptions these widely held stereotypes rely upon. We find that ethnicity and location matter both in terms of predicting one's affinity for a given soccer club and partisan inclinations. These factors do not, however, completely dispel the relationship between sports and politics as spurious. Though not conclusive, there is enough evidence collected in the survey to suggest that one's preferred club, even when controlling for ethnicity and location, does have an effect on one's partisan leanings, or perhaps vice versa. This finding highlights the independent role that often-understudied cultural politics can play.
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Zeng, Xiaohe. "Exploring the inner logic of patriotic education for youth in the new era." BCP Social Sciences & Humanities 19 (August 30, 2022): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpssh.v19i.1552.
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Patriotic education is a long-standing ideological and political education work carried out by the Party and the State, and its generative logic is mainly divided into three perspectives: historical origin, theoretical source and practical basis. As socialism with Chinese characteristics is facing a new stage of development and the general environment at home and abroad is intricate and complex, it is important to explore the internal logic of patriotic education for youth in the new era in order to enhance the patriotic sentiment and national identity of the majority of youth.
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Lilly, Carol S. "Problems of Persuasion: Communist Agitation and Propaganda in Post-war Yugoslavia, 1944-1948." Slavic Review 53, no. 2 (1994): 395–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501299.
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Following the devastation of World War II, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY) called on all patriotic youth to join volunteer labor brigades and to rebuild the country's shattered infrastructure. Party propaganda for the brigades emphasized not only their economic function but also their role in nurturing a generation of people with new values, beliefs and standards of behavior.
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Zhao, Zhao. "Research on the Necessity and Ways of Integrating Party History Education into Kindergarten Curriculum." Northeast Asian Business and Economics Association 3, no. 1 (May 30, 2022): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.51156/jnabe.2022.3.1.11.
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Purpose – The fundamental task of education in the new era is to establish moral education. To this end, we have developed and utilized Party history educational resources and integrated them into the kindergarten curriculum to pass on the revolutionary spirit, enhance patriotic awareness and cultivate good character in children.
Design/Methodology/Approach – In this paper, literature research and empirical research using Chinese Internet articles were used to solve the research problems presented above, including related books, papers, and documents.
Findings – This paper explores four ways of integrating Party history education into kindergarten curriculum, which provides valuable theoretical support and practical reference for relevant activity practices.
Research Implications – In the management of this paper, this study is important for integrating Party history educational resources into kindergarten curriculum through developing and utilizing them to help young children establish a correct worldview, outlook on life and values, enhance patriotic consciousness, and pass on the red spirit, and will also provide references for other scholars’ subsequent studies.
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Ichino, Nahomi, and Noah L. Nathan. "Primaries on Demand? Intra-Party Politics and Nominations in Ghana." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 4 (March 6, 2012): 769–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000014.
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In new democracies, why do political party leaders relinquish power over nominations and allow legislative candidates to be selected by primary elections? Where the legislature is weak and politics is clientelistic, democratization of candidate selection is driven by local party members seeking benefits from primary contestants. Analysis of an original dataset on legislative nominations and political interference by party leaders for the 2004 and 2008 elections in Ghana shows that primaries are more common where nominations attract more aspirants and where the party is more likely to win, counter to predictions in the existing literature. Moreover, the analysis shows that party leaders interfere in primaries in a pattern consistent with anticipation of party members’ reactions.
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Kaitukov, Georgy B. "ORGANIZATIONAL WORK OF THE MILITARY DEPARTMENTS OF THE PARTY COMMITTEES OF THE ALL-UNION COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE NORTH OSSETIAN ASSR DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 17, no. 3 (October 19, 2021): 606–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch173606-621.
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The challenges of the time require the application of new methodological principles in the study of numerous issues. This also applies to the history of the Great Patriotic War, which has become the focus of study since the middle of the last century. However, the introduction of a large number of new sources into the scientific discourse makes it possible to highlight gaps that require further study. These issues include the activities of the military departments of the party structure, which became an instrument for organizing the work of the home front. For the first time in regional historiography, the article raises problems of the role of military departments under the party committees of the North Ossetian ASSR. The attracted archival material makes it possible to reconstruct the activities of these bodies during the Great Patriotic War. After their foundation in 1939, they took charge of the military-political education of the citizens of the republic. At that time, their activities were limited to working with the sections of the Society for the Assistance of Defense, Aircraft and Chemical Construction (Osoaviakhim), and the military departments of the Komsomol. However, during the war, the area of their responsibility expanded significantly, as evidenced by the documents. The main directions of work of military departments are considered from the regional and the rural levels. The range of activities included not only assistance to military registration and enlistment offices during the period of mobilization campaigns, participation in the re-certification of citizens liable for military service, but also assistance to families of soldiers of the Red Army, disabled war veterans, fundraising for the construction of tank columns, air units, training militia fighters, fighter battalions, partisan detachments, and air defense forces. After the liberation of the territory of the NO ASSR from the invaders, the task of demining the territory was added to the existing duties of the military departments. Reconstruction of the entire set of activities of military departments will make it possible to expand our knowledge of the history of the Great Patriotic War. In order to eliminate the identified scientific gaps, the article uses a corpus of documents that were previously in limited access. Much attention is paid to the originality of these documents, their informational content. With the help of content analysis, it has been possible to conduct a socio-demographic analysis of the collected material, to study the mechanism of organizing paramilitary formations on the territory of the North Ossetian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic.
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Hendley, Matthew. "Constructing the Citizen: The Primrose League and the Definition of Citizenship in the Age of Mass Democracy in Britain, 1918-1928." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 7, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031105ar.
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Abstract The Primrose League was a patriotic mass organisation nominally independent from, but allied to the British Conservative Party. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it politically mobilised large numbers of British women. In addition, through its social activities, the League assisted with the social integration of those holding full political rights with those who did not. The Fourth Reform Act of 1918 fundamentally altered the structure of British politics by tripling the size of the electorate and giving the vote to a significant number of British women for the first time. In this new political environment, Conservatives were concerned with countering the rising Labour Party and limiting the expectations of new voters. After 1918, the Primrose League attempted to define or construct a partisan model of citizenship. The League's model emphasised citizens' duties, individuals' civil rights and the idea of active citizenship. This campaign both helped the Conservative Party to adjust to the new political order and gave the Primrose League a new role to play in the age of mass democracy.
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Kim, Eun Kyung. "Sector-based vote choice: A new approach to explaining core and swing voters in Africa." International Area Studies Review 21, no. 1 (November 29, 2017): 28–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865917742066.
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This study examines economic components of the support base for each party in Ghana’s de facto two-party system. Most accounts of partisan voting in African democracies contend that some voters routinely support the same party because it rewards co-ethnics through patronage in the form of private and local community goods. A few recent studies have found that some voters vote retrospectively and sociotropically, rewarding or punishing the incumbent party on the basis of its overall performance in office. However, neither the ethno-clientelist account nor the performance assessment account addresses the possibility that African parties build their support bases around competing economic policy interests. Using a merged dataset from the Afrobarometer Survey Round 5 and district-level industrial employment and agricultural production data from Ghana, I find that it is economic interests by agricultural sub-sector that are highly predictive of parties’ issue-based platforms. Voters who do not share a common interest with any of the main parties’ key policies are most likely to switch party preferences election to election.
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ICHINO, NAHOMI, and NOAH L. NATHAN. "Crossing the Line: Local Ethnic Geography and Voting in Ghana." American Political Science Review 107, no. 2 (April 15, 2013): 344–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000664.
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Theories of instrumental ethnic voting in new democracies propose that voters support co-ethnic politicians because they expect politicians to favor their co-ethnics once in office. But many goods that politicians deliver to voters are locally nonexcludable in rural areas, so the local presence of an ethnic group associated with a politician should affect a rural voter's assessment of how likely she is to benefit from that politician's election. Using geocoded polling-station–level election results alongside survey data from Ghana, we show that otherwise similar voters are less likely to vote for the party of their own ethnic group, and more likely to support a party associated with another group, when the local ethnic geography favors the other group. This result helps account for the imperfect correlation between ethnicity and vote choice in African democracies. More generally, this demonstrates how local community and geographic contexts can modify the information conveyed by ethnicity and influence voter behavior.
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Castets, Rémi. "The Modern Chinese State and Strategies of Control over Uyghur Islam." Central Asian Affairs 2, no. 3 (May 29, 2015): 221–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00203001.
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Faithful to the principle of democratic centralism, the Chinese Communist Party does not tolerate alternative thinking or anti-colonial movements that contest its policies and its will to integrate Uyghur society into the Chinese nation-state. Over recent decades, it has implemented a wide range of policies aimed at eliminating any interpretation or instrumentalization of Islam that conflicts with its own policies. More recently, it has implemented a new set of rules through the “judiciarization” of religious activities. These rules are aimed at eradicating all forms of politicization of Islam in Uyghur mosques and the Koranic teaching system, and at defining the limits of “modern and patriotic Islam.”
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AHLMAN, JEFFREY S. "A NEW TYPE OF CITIZEN: YOUTH, GENDER, AND GENERATION IN THE GHANAIAN BUILDERS BRIGADE." Journal of African History 53, no. 1 (March 2012): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853712000047.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyzes one key feature of the Convention People's Party's youth policy in postcolonial Ghana: the Ghana Builders Brigade. Founded as a response to rapid urbanization and growing unemployment, the Builders Brigade aimed to create a new productive and modern citizenry by returning the country's young men and women to the land through a network of mechanized work camps and state farms. Remembered as both a locus for party intimidation and indiscipline as well as a source for political and social opportunity, the Brigade emerged as a key site for a generationally-defined and gendered debate over the roles and responsibilities of the country's youth in the first decade of self-rule. Through an interrogation of this debate, this article argues that the Brigade provided a space for its members to explore a socially recognized yet politically conceived notion of adulthood under Kwame Nkrumah's rule.
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Sawicky, I. M. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL LIFE OF WORKERS AND EMPLOYEES OF DEFENSE INDUSTRY IN WESTERN SIBERIA DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 2 (June 29, 2017): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-2-95-103.
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The article considers the socio-political life of the workers and employees of the military-industrial complex in Western Siberia, which is one of three such complexes in the USSR that supplied the Red Army with military equipment and ammunition. It was established that the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (CPSU (b), giving great attention to the regions of their location, in the Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee added some new structural units, whose influence embraced all aspects of socio-political life of the workers and employees in these regions. Propaganda and Agitation Department of the Central Committee promptly controlled and supervised the work of local Party and Soviet bodies, organizations and institutions in this direction.The major focus is on the study of the activities of the Soviet Information Bureau (Sovinformbureau), press, radio, cinema, lecturers, propagandists and agitators, who informed the workers and employees about the most important events at the front and in the rear, formed the social and political attitudes. It was found that the greatest role was played by outstanding artists, theatrical, musical and artistic intelligentsia who, through their presentations, shows and performances of the anti-fascist orientation raising the spiritual forces of workers, engineers and technicians, inspired people to labor feats. Through the combination of these events, organized by the central and local Party authorities, the government and local executive authorities shaped social and political consciousness, patriotism of workers, engineers and technicians, to forge the weapon of victory over fascism.
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Mitrofanova, Anastasiya A. "FIGHTING EPIDEMICS IN ULYANOVSK REGION DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR." Historical Search 3, no. 4 (December 25, 2022): 37–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2022-3-4-37-42.
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Using the example of Ulyanovsk region, the article examines the activities of Soviet healthcare in the fight against infectious diseases during the Great Patriotic War. The purpose of the publication is to study the development of the sanitary service, the experience of interaction between Soviet, party authorities, medical institutions and the local population on the issue of preserving the epidemiological well-being in Ulyanovsk region during the war period. At present, when the issue of finding new methods of combating a new coronavirus infection remains open, it is relevant to study the experience of the USSR healthcare in minimizing the harmful effects of infectious and acute infectious diseases common at that time. During the indicated period, it was possible to prevent mass epidemics on the front line and in the rear regions, with the exception of certain local seasonal foci of diseases. The author shows the main directions and specific actions of the Soviet leadership to carry out anti-epidemic measures on the example of Ulyanovsk region sanitary service during the war period for the main groups of diseases. Anti-epidemic measures covered all major groups of the population – workers and employees of industrial enterprises, students and pupils of organized children’s groups, the sick and wounded soldiers of the Red Army who passed treatment in hospitals, as well as the evacuated population from the frontline territories. In order to identify the foci of diseases, household rounds were carried out. When a disease was detected, the patient was isolated. Special attention was paid to maintaining cleanliness and order in public places. Thus, the complex of anti-epidemic measures carried out by Ulyanovsk region sanitary service contributed to containment of infections growth during this period.
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Nonjon, Adrien. "Forging the Body of the New Ukrainian Nation: Sport as a Gramscist Tool for the Ukrainian Far Right." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 1, no. 2 (2021): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/vciv3532.
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Since Greco-Roman antiquity, the convergence of sports and politics has been a constitutive feature of political cultures. More recently, the blending of sports and politics has been revived with racist understanding by twentieth century totalitarian regimes and has remained a central promotion tool for far-right movements across the world. Due to the multiple fractures that have erupted in Ukrainian society since the Maidan Revolution and the war in Donbas, sport has become instrumental for Ukrainian ultranationalist movements. Through their direct involvement in youth sports education, Azov’s National Corps Party and the Sokil movement seek to foster a mythified Ukrainian national revival exalting physical virtue and patriotic spirit. This article discusses how sport is used by the Ukrainian far right as a Gramscist strategy to channel dialogue with authorities, to indoctrinate youth with militaristic nationalism, and to spread a fascist-minded cult of the masculine body.
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Zharkynbayeva, R. S., and K. Ye Abdrassilova. "Some aspects of economic crime during the war (1941-1945) (on the example of the Kazakh SSR)." BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 137, no. 4 (2021): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2021-137-4-26-45.
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At present, scientists focus on the problems of social history, and psychology of the population as they create a holistic view of the social life of society, the system of labor organization, labor relations of workers as well as material and domestic conditions during the Great Patriotic War. At the same time, such aspects of social life as economic crime during the war received little or no attention in the sphere of special scientific research for a long time. The aim of this article is a comprehensive analysis of economic crime in the USSR by the example of Kazakhstan during the Great Patriotic War. Authors attempted to study economic crime during the war, features of labor motivation, collective psychology, and the inner world of ordinary Soviet citizens through the analysis of historical sources, which allows considering complex social roots of economic crime. The article identifies factors that influenced the growth of crime during the war years, such as the forced evacuation of the population; mobilization in the army; shortage of industrial and food essentials; introduction of card system; difficult working and living conditions of workers, improper work of internal bodies of the Soviet state. The most widespread types of law violations and the ways of their perpetration are revealed in the example of specific enterprises of the Kazakh SSR. The article presents the role of Soviet legislation and state bodies in solving this problem. This article is based on a new set of historical sources extracted from archives («Special Folders» of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, documents of the Party Control Commission, letters and complaints to the authorities, business correspondence, etc.).
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Polyakov, Leonid V. "Conservative Russia. Regarding Thirty Years of Our Ideological Evolution." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 40 (December 12, 2011): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2021-0-4-13-25.
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This paper is an attempt to trace and analyze the process of the emergence and development of conservative ideology in post-Soviet Russia. The process under study could be divided into three relatively autonomous periods: the years of 1991–1999, 2000–2011 and 2012–2020. During the first decade of the new Russia conservatism as ideology and political party project remained at the periphery of the social and political life of the country. The second period was noted for multiple attempts to present a more successful version of Russian conservatism at the conceptual and even party-political levels. President Putin and members of “United Russia” political party directly and indirectly identifies themselves as conservatives. During the third period the fact that Crimea and Sevastopol became part of Russia again played an important part in the process of national and patriotic consolidation of the people. Since 2014 we witness evident growth of mass conservative mentality and the transition of conservatism as the outlook and political ideology from the periphery to the symbolic “center”. It can already be termed ideological mainstream, but it still remains unclear whether conservatism has become the ideology of Russian elite. Even after the acceptance of the amendments to the Constitution in 2020.
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Aboagye, Anthony Q. Q. "Ghanaian banking crisis of 2017-2019 and related party transactions." African Journal of Management Research 27, no. 1 (January 17, 2022): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajmr.v27i1.1.
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Early in 2017, a new management team took over the helm of affairs at the central bank of Ghana. Preliminary evidence available to them suggested that a number of banks were distressed. Further investigation by them revealed that poor corporate governance, false financial reporting, and insider dealings were major contributory factors to the poor state of affairs that they found. The central bank then engaged the banks in question to try to rectify the situation. Unfortunately, things did not work out. Subsequently, over the course of sixteen-months, the banking licenses of nine banks out of 35 were withdrawn. This paper focuses on the role insider and related party transactions (RPTs) played in what has been referred to as Ghana's banking crisis and presents details of the extent to which affected banks engaged in RPTs, possibly in a quest to seek rents. Content analysis of the central banks allegations against affected banks suggests that being members of conglomerate groups pre-disposed banks to rentseeking related party transactions. To forestall such activities, it is recommended that banks should not be allowed to belong to conglomerate groups. Also, entities with controlling interests in non-regulated firms should not be allowed to gain controlling interests in banks. Further, the central bank should be extra vigilant in carrying out its risk-based supervisory responsibilities. Finally, Ghana should consider adopting the twin peaks approach to regulating her financial system.
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ENTESSAR, NADER. "MICHAEL M. GUNTER, The Kurdish Predicament in Iraq: A Political Analysis (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999), Pp. 191. $39.95 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 331–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801422069.
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This work is a follow-up to Michael Gunter's earlier book, The Kurds of Iraq: Tragedy and Hope (St. Martin's Press, 1992). In that book, which was published shortly after the first democratic elections in Iraqi Kurdistan and the subsequent establishment of the Kurdish regional government (KRG), Gunter was somewhat optimistic about the prospects for realizing Kurdish national aspirations in Iraq. The book under review, however, strikes a more pessimistic tone based on political developments in Iraqi Kurdistan in the 1990s. The main focus of the book is on the causes of continuing conflict between the two major Iraqi Kurdish parties—namely, the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK)—since the end of the 1991 Gulf War and the establishment of the autonomous Kurdish region in northern Iraq. The author uses a variety of sources, including interviews with principal Kurdish players and English-language publications.
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Lindberg, Staffan I., and Minion K. C. Morrison. "Exploring voter alignments in Africa: core and swing voters in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (October 24, 2005): 565–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001229.
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This article describes and analyses voter alignments in the new democracy of Ghana in two recent elections, 1996 and 2000. These elections are a part of the Fourth Republic that began with a ‘founding’ election in 1992, ushering Ghana into Africa's new wave of democratisation. First the size of the core voting population is established to be about 82% of the voting population, refuting the assumption that voting volatility in new and transitional democracies is always extremely high. A second conclusion is that core and swing voters cannot be distinguished by structural factors, whereas thirdly, the factors behind the party alignment of core voters are similar to Western patterns; primarily level of education, the rural-urban divide, income, and occupation. Finally, swing voters seem to be characterised by a conscious evaluation of government and candidate performance in a sign of relatively ‘mature’ democratic voting behaviour.
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Donkor, David A. "Selling the President: Stand-Up Comedy and the Politricks of Indirection in Ghana." Theatre Survey 54, no. 2 (April 22, 2013): 255–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557413000057.
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On 15 May 1995, the Alliance for Change (AFC), a coalition of opposition leaders in Ghana, organized a demonstration that came to be known by the name Kume Preko (which translates as “Kill me once and for all”) to protest the government's new value-added tax (VAT) policy. During the demonstration, armed supporters of Jerry Rawlings, Ghana's president, set upon the marchers, killing four people, including a fourteen-year-old boy. The AFC charged that members of the ruling party were implicated in the killings. It also dismissed a police report on the incident as a “cheap and fraudulent cover-up” that was “contradicted by the abundant evidence.” An article in the leading opposition newspaper, the Ghanaian Chronicle, criticized Rawlings's government for flouting the constitutional right to public dissent and called the violence against the demonstrators “Hitlerism in Ghana.” The Kume Preko violence dealt Rawlings a political blow: it dented his image as a man of the people and the credibility of his commitment to a new liberal democratic political regime in Ghana.
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Makarova, O. S. "Role and Importance of Propaganda Work of Theatrical Art Workers on Formation of Public Legal Consciousness During the Period Great Patriotic War of 1941–1945." Sociology and Law, no. 4 (January 18, 2020): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35854/2219-6242-2019-4-34-39.
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The article examines the problems of propaganda work carried out during the war as a basis for strengthening the legitimacy of the ruling Communist party in the USSR. The contribution of theater workers to the cohesion of Soviet society in the fight against fascism is investigated. New archival documents related to the propaganda work of Soviet cultural workers are introduced into scientific circulation.
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Hutchings, Graham. "A Province at War: Guangxi During the Sino-Japanese Conflict, 1937–45." China Quarterly 108 (December 1986): 652–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000037127.
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On the 18 April 1936 General Li Zongren gave a stirring, patriotic interview to the Canton Gazette. In the current situation argued Li, China must stand and resist the Japanese since, “despite sacrifices, a war of resistance may pave the way for the regeneration of our nation.” He was later even more emphatic, ”… a war of resistance is essential for national regeneration.” These seem rather prescient remarks in the light of subsequent events; a new type of society did emerge in parts of China during the war against Japan. Perhaps it should be noted in passing that the form of regeneration expedited by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was nevertheless hardly what Li Zongren had in mind in 1936. Indeed, he felt able to endorse it only late in life.
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Cole, Catherine M. "‘This is actually a good interpretation of modern civilisation’: popular theatre and the social imaginary in Ghana, 1946–66." Africa 67, no. 3 (July 1997): 363–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161180.
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AbstractWest African popular theatre has been the subject of a growing body of scholarship. Yet what has not yet been adquately accounted for in this literature is historical change, both within particular theatre traditions and in their relation to society at large. This article begins to address the gap by focusing on the Ghanaian concert party in the volatile years from the end of World War II through the early years of independence. During this period the Ghanaian concert party underwent profound transformations in form, content, and its modes of production and consumption. Through their geographic mobility and widespread popularity, concert parties participated first-hand in the transformation of public consciousness. Just as the popular press played a central role in the formation of European nationalism, so popular travelling theatre performed a pivotal role among a largely non-literate population during Ghana's transition from colonialism to modern nation state. This article interprets the generic conventions through which the concert party convened and constituted its new public. By deploying an eclectic range of formal techniques to dramatise everyday realities, concert parties became a primary integrative mechanism through which audiences negotiated a tumultuous historical epoch.
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Alim I., Tetuev. "Restructuring of the activities of state authorities and public organizations during the Great Patri-otic war: problems of daily life of the population (by the example of Kabardino-Balkaria)." Kavkazologiya 2022, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 218–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2022-3-218-242.
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For the first time, based on new archival documents and other sources, the restructuring problem of the activities of state authorities and public organizations in wartime conditions on the materi-als of Kabardino-Balkaria is investigated, the features of the transformation of the state and polit-ical leadership of the country and in the field are revealed. The changes of the All-Union Com-munist Party (b) and the Kabardino-Balkarian regional party organization are analyzed. The expe-rience of an organizational work of party organizations and Soviet authorities of the republic in organizing military mobilization, providing the needs of the front with military products, food and industrial goods, is summarized. Tasks and content of the organizational work of trade unions, Komsomol organizations and the public in organizing fundraising for the National Defense Fund and helping evacuation hospitals, evacuated population, families of military personnel, disabled veterans of the Great Patriotic War, and orphans were studied. Analysis of the organization of dai-ly life of the population is carried out. Shortcomings and omissions in the work of state and public organizations to provide the population with food and industrial goods, fuel and cultural work have been identified. It is concluded that changes in the forms and methods of work of state bodies and public organizations during the war were a critical factor in the consolidation of power and society to protect the Fatherland.
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Abdullah, Farhad Hassan. "PUK–KDP Conflict: Future Kurdish Status in Kirkuk." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 22, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 107–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598418770948.
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After the September 25 referendum, the political and military developments in the disputed territories resulted in significant threats toward Iraqi Kurdistan and also deepened the internal rivalry between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP). The Kurdish lost control of Kirkuk, which was the strongest Kurdish-held disputed territory in Iraq. Subsequently, on October 16, the Iraqi military attacked the city, and the Kurdish forces fled, unable to defend it. This article discusses the various disputes between the PUK and KDP vis-à-vis Kirkuk. It will also identify possible scenarios for the future role of the Kurds in Kirkuk and the wider implications of the city being ruled by an acting governor representing the Kurds. This article concludes that electing a new governor and returning the Kurdish parties in the Brotherhood List to the Council of Kirkuk is the best scenario.
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Budniok, Jan, and Andrea Noll. "Occupy Ghana. Widerstand von unten oder ein Sit-in des 1%?" Urbaner Protest im globalen Süden 69, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/soc.69.1.37.
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Zusammenfassung Ausgelöst durch Energieengpässe, entstanden in Ghana 2014 mehrere neue Protestgruppen, unter ihnen Occupy Ghana. Die Aktivist*innen von Occupy Ghana prangerten nicht eine neoliberale Wirtschaftskrise an, sondern eine Krise der Demokratie, des öffentlichen Lebens und der Ethik. Mit ihren Aktionen brachten sie ihre Frustration und ihre Wut über die Regierung zum Ausdruck. Kritiker aus der Regierungspartei hielten Occupy Ghana für Aktivist*innen der Oberklasse bzw. der oppositionellen Elite. Die Aktivist*innen selbst beanspruchten für sich, der ghanaischen Mittelklasse zu entstammen, aber legitime Forderungen aller Ghanaer*innen zu repräsentieren. Der Artikel analysiert, wer die Kerngruppe von Occupy Ghana bildet und mit welchen Aktivitäten, Formen und Praktiken des Protests und des Widerstands die Aktivist*innen arbeiten. Bei Occupy Ghana kooperieren zwei Generationen: Erstens eine Gruppe älterer Aktivist*innen aus der ghanaischen Mittel- und Oberklasse, die sowohl über finanzielle Ressourcen und juristische Kenntnisse als auch über Erfahrungen im politischen Protest verfügt. Sowie zweitens eine Gruppe jüngerer Aktivist*innen, die insbesondere Fähigkeiten im Bereich der neuen sozialen Medien hat. Schlagwörter: Mittelklasse, Ghana, soziale Bewegung, Occupy, Protest Abstract In 2014, constant power cuts in Ghana triggered the emergence of several new pressure groups, one of them was Occupy Ghana. Occupy Ghana did not denounce a neoliberal economic crisis but a crisis of democracy, a general crisis of public life and of ethics. With their actions, the activists of Occupy Ghana expressed frustration and anger about the government. While the activists of Occupy Ghana claimed to belong to the middle class and to represent legitimate claims of all Ghanaians, members of the ruling party at that time accused them to be part of the political opposition and the elite. This article analyses who the activists of Occupy Ghana are, as well as their forms and practices of protest and resistance. Two different generations work hand in hand: A group of older activists, members of the Ghanaian middle and upper class, who dispose not only of financial resources but also of juridical and economic knowledge as well as of experiences with political protest. And a group of younger activists who know in particular how to use social media to the movement’s advantage. Keywords: Middle class, Ghana, social movement, Occupy, protest
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Franczak, Karol. "“Germany in ruins”. Framing new political movements in Germany in the Polish opinion-forming press." Lodz Papers in Pragmatics 15, no. 1 (July 26, 2019): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lpp-2019-0006.
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Abstract One of the main goals of contemporary media, along with the experts and professionals, who speak in them, has been to explain complex issues and provide the audience with clear descriptions of social reality. This is mostly achieved by the production of ideologically useful interpretative schemes that facilitate understanding of the issues present on the media agenda. An important strategy of shaping the public opinion in the way in which public affairs and the activity of social life participants is framed. Analyses of such practices have been conducted for over thirty years within various research approaches collectively referred to as framing analysis. This research provides several arguments helping one to develop a more critical perspective on the representations of social phenomena dominant in the media and discourses of symbolic elites (e.g. opinion writers, academics, experts, journalists, politicians), along with the analyses of the origin of such phenomena, moral judgements and preferred "corrective policies". One of the phenomena defined by the media in Europe as the most important one for the past several years, is the so-called "New Right". The aim of the paper is to analyse the interpretative schemes used by the journalists of four Polish opinion-forming weeklies and to describe the activity of its German manifestation – the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the Occident (Pegida) social movement and the Alternative for Germany party (AfD).
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Kaitukov, Georgy B. "Pre-conscription training of secondary school students in North Ossetia during the Great Patriotic War." Historical and social-educational ideas 13, no. 2 (April 29, 2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2021-13-2-87-98.
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Introduction. At all levels, there is a search for a new model of military-patriotic education; given that the period of active military service is 1 year, the need for military training in schools, gymnasiums, colleges becomes very important and significant. This is related to the relevance of the topic of military-patriotic education at different stages of the history of Russia. The purpose of this article, which is part of the author's dissertation research, is to analyze the forms and methods of military-patriotic education of schoolchildren and pre-conscription training in educational institutions of North Ossetia during the Great Patriotic War. Materials and methods. Historiographical analysis of the problem allows us to conclude that the problems of military pre-conscription training have found their place in the works of historians (Shatunova G.P., Peshkova I.A., Molokov E.V., Reutova L.P., Zhuravlev Yu.I., etc.). Researchers analyze the mass defense work of party and state bodies during the war, study non-military methods of training the population, reconstruct the types and forms of work. Historians analyze many aspects of the big problem in different regions of the country (Mukhametov P.A., Banzaraktsaeva E.V., Sukhanov S.V., Petkov V.A., etc.). This was made possible by the introduction of a large body of new archival documents into scientific circulation. General patterns of Vsevobuch and its manifestations in the regions were established. However, based on the materials of North Ossetia, this topic has not become the subject of scientific study. The main general scientific methods are the method of historicism and objectivity. Interdisciplinary approaches were used in the work, which allowed us to reveal the essence of the studied processes more deeply. The historical and comparative method made it possible to compare the processes in military sports training on the eve of the war with the implementation of the military training program during the war. The historical and chronological method was used when considering the process of pre-conscription training at different stages of the war. The methods of ethnography made it possible to focus on the specifics of military education characteristic of the region. The results of the study. The analysis of the source base and the available historiography on the issue of military education in schools makes it possible to determine the methods of conducting pre-conscription training classes on the territory of North Ossetia, and an attempt is also made to analyze the forms of military training of school youth for service in the army, for first aid. In addition to military training, the emphasis was placed on the education of a patriot who was able to love his homeland and protect it from the enemy. Attention is also paid to the institute of the school military leader (military instructors) and their role in pre-conscription training.
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Tetuev, Alim I. "Material and financial assistance to the rear front during the Great Patriotic war(on the materials of Kabardino-Balkaria)." Kavkazologiya 2022, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2022-1-61-78.
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In the article, based on the analysis of historiography on the study, the problems requiring study are identified, the goals, objectives, and methodology of the study are defined. Based on new ar-chival documents and other sources, the problems of organizing material and financial assistance by enterprises, collective farms, state farms and workers of the rear of the Red Army are analyzed. The main directions, forms and methods of activity of state, party bodies and public organizations in raising funds for the National Defense Fund and purchasing military equipment, subscribing to State military loans, collecting warm clothes and gifts for soldiers and commanders of military units and formations are considered. This article analyzes the motives of the patriotic movement of Soviet citizens aimed at helping the front. It was concluded that the main areas of material and financial assistance to the rear of the Red Army were those that arose at the initiative of the work-ers of the movement: raising funds for the country’s Defense Fund and the purchase of military equipment, subscribing to State military loans, creating a bread fund, collecting warm clothes, gifts for fighters and commanders of military units and formations.
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Antoniuk, Oleksii, and Yaroslav Antoniuk. "THE POLICY OF THE POLISH COMMUNIST POWER ON CHANGING CHURCH GOVERNANCE IN THE WESTERN AND NORTHERN LANDS OF POLAND (1945-1951)." European Historical Studies, no. 20 (2021): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.20.4.
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The article considers the policy of the Polish communist power, which aimed at eliminating the temporary condition of church government and establishing a permanent church administration in the Western and Northern lands of Poland in 1945-1951. The attention of the party-state leadership to the preparation of an appeal to episcopate and to the conduct of a broad propaganda campaign in the press to eliminate the temporary condition in the “reunited lands” has been traced. Under the influence of pressure and threats from the authorities, the temporary church administrators of Wroclaw, Gdansk, Gorzow, Olsztyn and Opole resigned their posts. The election of permanent capitular vicars of these dioceses, organized by the government on the direct instructions of the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, indicates the determination of the authorities’ actions. Most of the newly elected diocesan leaders were clergymen who belonged to “patriotic priests”. The position of the episcopate on changing church governance in the Western and Northern lands of Poland has been highlighted. Trying to prevent further advance on church institutions of power structures, Primate S. Wyszynski, in agreement with the Main Commission of the Episcopate, allowed to take an oath “of allegiance to the Polish Republic and its People’s Democratic power” by five new capitular vicars. The difficulties of the negotiation process between the party-state leadership and the representatives of the episcopate have been clarified. Personal meetings between Primate S. Wyszynski and president of Poland B. Bierut were of particular importance for further church-state relations. Changes in the confessional sphere of state policy, which resulted in the direct intervention of the communist authorities in the personnel policy of the Catholic Church and the attempt to force the episcopate to recognize the supremacy of state power, have been analyzed.
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Prokopenko, Liubov. "Christian Nation in Zambia: from Proclamation to Reset." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-56-3-66-85.
Full textAbstract:
December 2021 marks the 30th anniversary of the proclamation of Zambia a Christian nation. The leader of the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD) party who came to power in 1991, a convinced Christian F. Chiluba, declared Zambia a Christian nation, arguing that Christianity was then professed by more than 70% of the population and that this was supposed to help the country to get rid of corruption and contribute to its prosperity. The article analyzes the reasons of decision to declare Zambia a Christian nation. It is emphasized that political goals prevailed then over religious ones, since the issue of preserving and strengthening power was high on the political agenda of the ruling MMD party. The economic background is also touched upon: as a pragmatic president Chiluba pursued a policy of economic liberalization and counted on financial assistance from Western countries and international donors. The following Christian presidents L. Mwanawasa, R. Banda and M. Sata used limited Christian rhetoric, but they collaborated with the Church with varying degrees of intensity. At the same time, the provision on the Christian nation in the Constitution was preserved. It is noted that the role of the religious factor in politics increased in the early 2010s. The politicization of religion, primarily Christianity, became apparent during the struggle for power led by the leader of the opposition Patriotic Front party Michael Sata, who was supported by some religious leaders. After Edgar Lungu (party Patriotic Front) came to power in 2015, Zambia was re-proclaimed a Christian nation, which was enshrined in the new edition of the 2016 constitution. At the same time, the country began the political rehabilitation of F. Chiluba, who, after leaving the presidency in 2001, was persecuted for corruption. The campaigns for the 2015 presidential elections and for the 2016 general elections have shown the relevance of the discourse on religion and politics in the political process, primarily in its aspect of the multiple relationships between religion, ethnicity and politics. The article shows that the issue of the proclamation of Zambia a Christian nation remains relevant in Zambian society and among African and Western theologians and researchers whose judgments and conclusions are often polar opposite. The author notes that the realities of the socio-political, socio-economic and cultural life in Zambia do not yet indicate the existence of the declared Christian nation. The high level of corruption, poverty, limited rights of some groups of the population do not correspond to Christian ideals and values and have become serious challenges for the modern Zambian society. The article emphasizes that, unlike a number of other countries south of the Sahara, where competition between Christianity and Islam has intensified in recent years, leading, among other things, to bloody conflicts, Zambia survives this conflict along the axis of competition between different directions of Christianity. The ruling PF’s manifesto for the August 2021 general election contains Christian rhetoric. The document states the PF’s commitment to partnership with the Church, which it recognizes as a key partner in the conversion of Zambians into a Christian nation. Further peaceful development of Zambia depends on a balanced internal policy of the authorities aimed at solving complex socio-economic problems in cooperation with representatives of all religions and their confessions.
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Kleitman, Alexander, and Igor Tyumentsev. "Cannon Gunnery of Designer I.A. Makhanov: Development, Implementation, Combat Use in the 1930s – 1950s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2020): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2020.1.3.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The article provides an analysis of the scientific and technical activities of I.A. Makhanov – one of the leading domestic designers, head of the experimental design bureau of the Kirov (former Putilovskiy) plant, who developed several new types of artillery weapons in the 1930s. I.A. Makhanov was repressed in 1939, and therefore his contribution to strengthening the defense of the USSR on the eve and at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War was forgotten. Methods and materials. Unpublished memoirs of I.A. Makhanov written in the 1950s – 1970s, which are currently being prepared for publication, were used as one of the main sources. Analysis. In the course of the study, it was found that under the guidance of I.A. Makhanov, in addition to experimental guns, which due to design flaws were never put into serial production (L-1, L-2), the universal gun L-3, the tank guns L-10 and L-11, and the casemate gun L-17 were developed, which in their characteristics were not inferior to other Soviet and foreign models. The fact that they were not accepted into service (L-3) or were quickly removed from service and replaced with the tools of other design bureaus (L-11 and L-17) can only be explained by the struggle of groups for the influence and power within the Soviet and party nomenclature in the 1930s. Results. Using I.A. Makhanov’s achievements in the development of artillery guns, as well as the continued work of the artillery design bureau of the Kirov plant, would have had a positive effect on the course of the Great Patriotic War and on the development of the Soviet scientific and technical sphere in the war and post-war time.