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Journal articles on the topic 'New York Bank of New York'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

LaDue, Eddy L., and Kenneth C. Carraro. "The Effect of Interstate Banking on Farm Lender Market Shares in New York State." Northeastern Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics 15, no. 1 (April 1986): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0899367x00001343.

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Commercial bank loans to New York farmers are significantly overestimated in the reported USDA statistics due to out-of-state lending and reporting of some agribusiness loans as agricultural loans by New York State banks. Correcting for this distortion lowers the 1978–84 average New York agricultural credit market share held by banks from 36 to 24 percent. As deregulation allows more interstate banking activity, the overestimate of agricultural loan volume in states with money center banks and the corresponding underestimate of loan levels and market shares in nonmoney center states could cause increased distortion of state level farm debt statistics.

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2

Moen, Jon, and Ellis W. Tallman. "The Bank Panic of 1907: The Role of Trust Companies." Journal of Economic History 52, no. 3 (September 1992): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700011414.

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The Bank Panic of 1907 was one of the most severe financial crises in the United States before the Great Depression. Although contemporaries realized that the panic in New York City was centered at trust companies, subsequent research has relied heavily on national bank data. Balance sheet data for trust companies and state banks as well as call reports of national banks indicate that the contraction of loans and deposits in New York City during the panic was confined to the trust companies.

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3

Haupert, Michael J. "New York Free Banks and the Role of Reputations." American Economist 38, no. 2 (October 1994): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/056943459403800208.

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The era of free banking in the state of New York featured the competitive issue of money by banks. The results of this research provide support for the argument that banking during this period was not an anomaly, but an example of the effects of competition in a free market. This is done by establishing a link between bank reputations and the discount at which their notes traded. Quality is important and can be discerned through the use of reputations as a proxy, and thus can act as a stabilizing force in competitive markets where quality is difficult to recognize.

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4

Wright, Robert E. "Bank Ownership and Lending Patterns in New York and Pennsylvania, 1781–1831." Business History Review 73, no. 1 (1999): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116100.

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Unlike most contemporary New England banks, early commercial banks of the Middle Atlantic region were widely owned and frequently traded corporations. They lent to a broad segment of the business community, including artisans, farmers, and women. Banks lent widely, first, because their large capitalization made it difficult for a few privileged insiders to control a substantial percentage of loanable funds and, second, because banks were able to acquire reliable credit information on a variety of customers in an efficient manner. As a result, small enterprises had access to bank credit.

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5

ROUSSEAU, PETER L. "The Market for Bank Stocks and the Rise of Deposit Banking in New York City, 1866–1897." Journal of Economic History 71, no. 4 (November 14, 2011): 976–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002205071100221x.

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The rapid growth of deposits in New York over the late nineteenth century is often attributed to the release of pent-up demand for transactions services. I advance a complementary explanation that emphasizes the market for bank shares. The stock market was important because it generated quotations that signaled depositors about the condition of individual banks as innovations in banking practices allowed confidence to grow. A new database of prices, dividends, and balance sheet items for traded banks and a series of dynamic panel models show that fluctuations in bank prices influenced the course of the expansion.

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6

Moen, Jon, and Ellis Tallman. "Outside lending in the New York City call loan market: evidence from the Panic of 1907." Financial History Review 26, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096856501800015x.

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Before the Panic of 1907 the large New York City banks were able to maintain the call loan market's liquidity during panics, but the rise in outside lending by trust companies and interior banks in the decade leading up the panic weakened the influence of the large banks. Creating a reliable source of liquidity and reserves external to the financial market like a central bank became obvious after the panic. In the call loan market, like the REPO market in 2008, lack of information on the identity of lenders and volume of the market hindered attempts to stop panic-related depositor withdrawals. Our new estimates of who was participating in the call loan market reveal that it did not contract after 1907; while the trust companies became less important, the New York national banks and outside lenders more than made up the difference.

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7

Zhou, Bin. "Changing Retail Banking Supply-Demand Mismatch." International Journal of Applied Geospatial Research 1, no. 2 (April 2010): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jagr.2010030903.

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In this study, the author compares the supply-demand mismatch of retail banking services and the changing patterns in Illinois and New York from 1982 to 2007 amid fundamental banking transformation and geographical deregulation. The study uses measures of concentration like the Herfindahl-Herschman Index (HHI) and the E-Index. The study finds that the traditionally unit banking Illinois has narrowed the mismatch over the study period from 1982 to 2007, whereas the traditionally branch banking New York has expanded such mismatch. The study also finds that while the New York banking industry can be characterized by a more concentrated geographical distribution of bank deposits, the Illinois banking industry still has a dispersed geographical concentration of bank offices, though the Chicago MSA has reversed such a pattern.

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8

Blood, Laura E., Hilary J. Pitoniak, and Jonathan H. Titus. "Seed Bank of a Bottomland Swamp in Western New York." Castanea 75, no. 1 (March 2010): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2179/08-044.1.

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9

Bodenhorn, Howard. "Free banking and bank entry in nineteenth-century New York." Financial History Review 15, no. 2 (October 2008): 175–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565008000152.

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AbstractPrevious studies of entry under New York's free banking law of 1838 have generated conflicting results. This article shows that different measures of entry lead to different conclusions about the competitive effects of the law. Measured by the entry of new banks, New York's free banking law led to increased rates of entry relative to other states. Free banking did not, however, lead to significant increases in capital accumulation in the industry. This paradoxical outcome resulted from the regulatory features of free banking, especially the bond security feature, which reduced profitability and incentives to invest in banking.

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10

Feldman, Gerald D. "Wer Spinnt?" German Politics and Society 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2002): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782486145.

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11

Sönmez, Erkut, Deishin Lee, Miguel I. Gómez, and Xiaoli Fan. "Improving Food Bank Gleaning Operations: An Application in New York State." American Journal of Agricultural Economics 98, no. 2 (December 18, 2015): 549–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajae/aav069.

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12

Larson, Megan A., and John E. Titus. "Urban wetland seed bank profiles in south-central New York State1,2." Journal of the Torrey Botanical Society 145, no. 2 (March 6, 2018): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.3159/torrey-d-17-00034.1.

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13

Hudson, P. J. "The National City Bank of New York and Haiti, 1909 - 1922." Radical History Review 2013, no. 115 (December 17, 2012): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1724733.

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14

Economopoulos, Andrew J. "Free bank failures in New York and Wisconsin: A portfolio analysis." Explorations in Economic History 27, no. 4 (October 1990): 421–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0014-4983(90)90023-r.

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15

Moen, Jon R., and Ellis W. Tallman. "Clearinghouse Membership and Deposit Contraction during the Panic of 1907." Journal of Economic History 60, no. 1 (March 2000): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700024682.

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Was clearinghouse membership a key factor mitigating withdrawls from intermediaries during the Panic of 1907? Analyzing balnace-sheet information on institutions in New York and Chicago, we find ecidence that clearinghouse memebers had institutions in New York and Chicago, we find evidence that clearinghouse members had smaller contractions in demand deposits than did nonmembers. New York City trusts, isolated from the clearinghouse, were subject to heightened perceptions of risk, and suffered large-scale withdrawals because they were outside of the clearinghouse and therefore much less prepared to withstand large-scale depositor runs. We suggest that this aspect of the Panic of 1907 helped to forge support for the creation of a U.S. central bank.

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16

Bodenhorn, Howard. "Usury ceilings and bank lending behavior: Evidence from nineteenth century New York." Explorations in Economic History 44, no. 2 (April 2007): 179–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eeh.2005.11.001.

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17

Hebdon, Robert. "Contracting Public Services in New York State." Articles 61, no. 3 (February 6, 2007): 513–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014188ar.

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This study examines 54 cases of restructuring public services in towns and counties in upstate New York. The 54 cases include 39 cases of privatization in the form of contracting out, nine cases of contracting back in, and six cases of contracting out services to another government. Local government privatization was found to have some harmful effects on workers. Few local employers had adjustment policies to protect affected employees and disproportionate negative impacts were found on women and minorities. Privatization was also found to have significant de-unionizing effects. On the other hand, it had no clear impact on wages and benefits. The role of unions in the restructuring process is more complex than was previously thought. Unions were the catalyst for opposition actions but only in cases involving for-profit restructuring. In the nine cases that involved contracting work back into the public sector, unions supported restructuring changes, and in the six cases of contracting out to another government, union opposition was not significant.

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18

Ramasastry, Anita. "Risk Management in the Private Banking Sector: Federal Reserve Bank of New York Issues New Guidelines." Journal of Financial Crime 5, no. 4 (February 1998): 384–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb025851.

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19

Schreuder, Y. "The German-American Pharmaceutical Business Establishment in the New York Metropolitan Region." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 30, no. 10 (October 1998): 1743–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a301743.

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Between World War 1 and World War 2, the New York metropolitan region became the main region for the production of organic synthetic pharmaceuticals in the United States. The leaders in this area of specialization were subsidiaries of foreign—mostly German—companies which had established distribution networks in the 19th century and had begun manufacturing pharmaceuticals in the region at the turn of the century. By looking back to the mid-19th century, the author analyzes the relationships between the German professional and business immigrant community in New York (among them the Forty-Eighters), the development of the New York hinterland, and the success of the German-American pharmaceutical business establishment, in an effort to discern one possible explanation of the concentration of the pharmaceutical industry in New York metropolitan region.

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20

Kelly, Morgan, and Cormac Ó. Gráda. "Market Contagion: Evidence from the Panics of 1854 and 1857." American Economic Review 90, no. 5 (December 1, 2000): 1110–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.90.5.1110.

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To test a model of contagion—where individuals hear some bad news and communicate it to their acquaintances, who then pass it on, leading to a market panic—requires a knowledge of the information networks of participants, something hitherto unavailable. For two panics in the 1850's this paper examines the behavior of Irish depositors in a New York bank. As recent immigrants, their social network was determined largely by their place of origin in Ireland, and where they lived in New York. During both panics this social network turns out to be the prime determinant of behavior. (JEL G21, N21)

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21

Cohen, Robert, John M. Spalek, and Joseph Strelka. "Deutschsprachige Exilliteratur seit 1933. Band 2: New York." German Quarterly 64, no. 4 (1991): 584. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/406688.

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22

Ng, Chee. "State of New York versus ten investment banks." Journal of Investment Compliance 6, no. 3 (July 2005): 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/15285810510659356.

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23

Huertas, Thomas F. "The Bowery Savings Bank of New York: A Social and Financial History. By Oscar Schisgall. (New York: American Management Associations, 1984. xi + 402 pp. $19.95.)." Business History Review 60, no. 2 (1986): 312–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115323.

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24

Bodenhorn, Howard. "The Political Distribution of Economic Privilege in Van Buren's New York." Studies in American Political Development 35, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x20000218.

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AbstractHistorians have long recognized that one of the principal functions of early nineteenth-century American state governments was the distribution of economic privileges, including preferential grants of corporate privileges. North, Wallis, and Weingast label such regimes natural states and argue that government as privilege dispenser is a characteristic of most societies and, in some few instances, represents a transitional phase between traditional premodern societies and modern open-access democracies. This article documents the operation of the natural state in New York, focusing on how Martin Van Buren's Democratic coalition manipulated the distribution of bank and insurance company charters so as to advance the interests of their Democratic coalition. Consistent with the North, Wallis, and Weingast interpretation, the evidence shows that the transition to open access was neither smooth nor inevitable; Van Buren's Democratic coalition reversed the long-run trend toward greater access until they were unseated during the financial crisis years of the late 1830s.

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25

Feldstein, Martin. "An Interview with Paul Volcker." Journal of Economic Perspectives 27, no. 4 (November 1, 2013): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.27.4.105.

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Martin Feldstein interviewed Paul Volcker in Cambridge, Massachusetts, on July 10, 2013, as part of a conference at the National Bureau of Economic Research on “The First 100 Years of the Federal Reserve: The Policy Record, Lessons Learned, and Prospects for the Future.” Volcker was Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System from 1979 through 1987. Before that, he served stints as President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York from 1975 to 1979, as Deputy Undersecretary for International Affairs in the US Department of the Treasury from 1969 to 1974, as Deputy Undersecretary for Monetary Affairs in the Treasury from 1963 to 1965, and as an economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York from 1952 to 1957. He has led and served on a wide array of commissions, including chairing the President's Economic Recovery Advisory Board from its inception in 2009 through 2011.

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26

JAREMSKI, MATTHEW. "Bank-Specific Default Risk in the Pricing of Bank Note Discounts." Journal of Economic History 71, no. 4 (November 14, 2011): 950–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050711002208.

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Bank notes were the largest component of the antebellum money supply despite losses as high as 5 percent in some years. Using a comprehensive bank-level panel of note discounts in New York City and Philadelphia, I explain this contradiction by showing that the secondary market reduced losses by accurately discounting notes based on their individual risk of default. Note discounts were almost exclusively sensitive to those factors which increased a bank's probability of default: specie suspensions, falling bond prices, and undiversified portfolios. Thus, by accounting for a bank's composition and environment, the market protected noteholders and allowed notes to circulate throughout the economy.

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27

Jensen, Roger C. "Work-Related Back Injuries among Nursing Personnel in New York." Proceedings of the Human Factors Society Annual Meeting 30, no. 3 (September 1986): 244–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/154193128603000310.

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This paper describes an analysis of workers' compensation data from New York state comparing disabling back injury experiences of: 1) Registered Nurses, Licensed Practical Nurses, nursing aides, and employees in 21 other occupations selected to provide interesting comparisons, 2) groups defined by the three nursing-related occupational categories within four major health care industries, and 3) men and women in 18 occupational categories.

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28

Wigmore, Barrie A. "Was the Bank Holiday of 1933 Caused by a Run on the Dollar?" Journal of Economic History 47, no. 3 (September 1987): 739–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700049081.

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International, rather than domestic, causes of both the Bank Holiday of 1933 and the calm in the banking system that followed are emphasized here. New information on gold losses by the New York Federal Reserve, rather than domestic currency hoarding, serve to explain the Bank Holiday's specific timing. Expectations that Roosevelt would devalue the dollar stimulated much of the gold loss. I also argue that Roosevelt's restrictions on gold holdings and foreign exchange dealings and his devaluation of the dollar by 60 percent were more important to the stability of the banking system after the Bank Holiday than was deposit insurance.

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29

Wolosz, Thomas H. "Patterns of reef growth in the Middle Devonian Edgecliff Member of the Onondaga Formation of New York and Ontario, Canada, and their ecological significance." Journal of Paleontology 66, no. 1 (January 1992): 8–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022336000033436.

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Reefs of the Middle Devonian Edgecliff Member of the Onondaga Formation in New York and Ontario, Canada, contain three distinct paleocommunities: the Phaceloid Colonial Rugosan Paleocommunity, the Favositid/Crinoidal Sandstone Paleocommunity, and the rare Delicate Branching Tabulate Paleocommunity. The reefs may be classified as mounds or composite structures based on the degree of intergrowth of the rugosan and favositid paleocommunities. Composite structures may be further subdivided into mound/bank, thicket/bank, and ridge/bank structures based on the degree of development of the rugosan paleocommunity. Geographic distribution of reef types suggests that these patterns of reef growth were controlled by water depth.

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30

Richardson, Gary, and Patrick Van Horn. "Intensified Regulatory Scrutiny and Bank Distress in New York City During the Great Depression." Journal of Economic History 69, no. 02 (May 26, 2009): 446. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050709000849.

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31

Feeley, Thomas Hugh, Melanie AA Evans, Aisha K. O’Mally, and Aisha Tator. "Using Voter Registration to Increase Enrollment Into the Organ and Tissue Registry in New York State." Progress in Transplantation 30, no. 3 (June 23, 2020): 208–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1526924820933825.

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Context: In an effort to increase donation rates, interventions seek to increase the number of residents who are enrolled in the electronic organ and tissue registry. New York State includes an organ and tissue registration field on voter registration forms. Objective: Report the results from voter enrollment drives in New York State seeking to increase voter registration and completed enrollments into the organ and tissue registry. Setting: Cosponsored voter/donation drives taking place across in New York State at various public settings. Participants: New York State residents who completed and submitted voter registration forms at designated campaign sites from fall of 2014 through fall of 2018. Intervention: Voter/donation drives cosponsored by League of Women Voters New York State with Organ Procurement Organizations and Eye & Tissue Banks in New York State. Main Outcome Measures: Number of enrollments to organ and tissue donation registry per drive over 4 project years. Calculation of yield as measured by percentage of enrollments to state organ and tissue registry divided by total number of voter registration forms completed. Results: In all, 754 drives were undertaken over the project period with 6651 residents enrolling into the state organ and tissue registry. The average yield was 27% of completed voter forms resulting in organ and tissue registration; this estimate increased to 34% when prodonation representatives staffed the drives. Conclusion: Use of voter registration form to enroll organ and tissue donors is an effective method to supplement traditional methods to enroll donors.

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32

Rousseau, Peter L. "Jackson, the Bank War, and the Legacy of the Second Bank of the United States." AEA Papers and Proceedings 111 (May 1, 2021): 501–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20211095.

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President Jackson vetoed the bill to recharter the Second Bank of the United States on July 10, 1832. I describe events leading to the veto and through the bank's dissolution in 1836 using private correspondence and official government documents. These sources reveal a political process through which charges against the bank took hold, accomplices and backup plans were lined up, and the bank was ultimately destroyed with the assistance of chartered banks in New York City. Although the aggressive means by which the bank was dismantled led to a system-wide financial failure and recession in the short term, the long-run outcome was likely a wider diffusion of banking services and a more efficient allocation of capital. The Federal Reserve benefited from applying a more rigorous regulatory structure onto the grid that the populists, free bankers, and National Banking System established.

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33

Anbinder, Tyler, Cormac Ó. Gráda, and Simone A. Wegge. "Networks and Opportunities: A Digital History of Ireland’s Great Famine Refugees in New York." American Historical Review 124, no. 5 (December 1, 2019): 1591–629. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz1023.

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Abstract For decades, historians portrayed the immigrants who arrived in the United States in the mid-nineteenth century fleeing the great Irish Famine as a permanent proletariat, doomed to live out their lives in America in poverty due to illiteracy, nativism, and a lack of vocational skills. Recent research, however, primarily by economic historians, has demonstrated that large numbers of Famine refugees actually fared rather well in the United States, saving surprising sums in bank accounts and making strides up the American socioeconomic ladder. These scholars, however, have never attempted to explain why some Famine immigrants thrived in the U.S. while others struggled merely to scrape by. Utilizing the unusually detailed records of New York’s Emigrant Savings Bank in conjunction with the methods of the digital humanities, this article seeks to understand what characteristics separated those Irish Famine immigrants who fared well financially from those who did not. Analysis of a database of more than 15,000 depositors suggests that networking was the key to economic advancement for the Famine immigrants. Those who lived in residential enclaves with other immigrants born in the same Irish parish saved significantly more than other immigrants, and those who created employment niches based on an Irish birthplace also amassed more wealth than those who did not. The electronic version of the article provides easy access to the database and interactive maps, allowing readers to ask their own questions of the data. The article also fleshes out the life stories of many of the immigrants found in the database, using documents found on genealogy websites such as Ancestry.com. These handwritten census records, ship manifests, and bank ledgers are hyperlinked to the electronic version of the article. That makes this essay ideal for classroom use—students can move effortlessly to the documents that underpin each paragraph and see clearly how historians use archival evidence to formulate arguments and shape historical narratives.

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34

Aghdassi, Abbas, and Seyed Mohammad Marandi. "African American Twelver Shia Community of New York." Sociology of Islam 6, no. 1 (April 18, 2018): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00601002.

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Few studies analyze minorities among the African American Muslims in the United States. The absence of ethnographic research shows that the current scholarship neglects the minority status of African American Twelver Shias. Based on fieldwork observations from March to December 2015 and several informal interviews, I try to understand how the African American Shia community of New York was formed and how it negotiated its identity when encountered with African American non-Shia Muslims and with Twelver Muslims of other ethnic backgrounds. I try to revisit the diasporic/immigrant religious culture that some Twelver Shias like to practice. This culture seems to have no resonance for the African American Twelver Muslims. Because some African American Twelvers joined Shia Islam after the end of the classic period of the Nation of Islam, it is argued that highlighting cultural practices by the immigrant community might force some African American Twelvers back to their practices of origin.

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35

Nicholls, Walter. "Jan Lin 2019: Taking Back the Boulevard: Art, Activism, and Gentrification in Los Angeles . New York: New York University Press." International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 43, no. 5 (August 16, 2019): 1003–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.12836.

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36

Briley, Ron. "We Will Shoot Back: Armed Resistance in the Mississippi Freedom Movement Akinyele OmowaleUmoja. New York: New York University Press, 2013." Journal of American Culture 37, no. 2 (June 2014): 267–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jacc.12213.

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37

Adorjan, Istvan. "Capital at work." Focaal 2007, no. 49 (June 1, 2007): 129–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/foc.2007.490112.

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David Harvey, A brief history of neoliberalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, 247 pp., 0-19928-327-3 (paperback).Patrick Bond, Against the global apartheid: South Africa meets the World Bank, IMF and international finance. 2nd ed. London and New York: Zed Books, 2003. 326 pp, 1-84277-393-3 (paperback).

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38

Indergaard, Michael. "Another Washington-New York Consensus? Progressives Back in Contention." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 43, no. 2 (February 2011): 286–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a43148.

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39

Chazotte, Cynthia, and Mary E. D’Alton. "Maternal mortality in New York—Looking back, looking forward." Seminars in Perinatology 40, no. 2 (March 2016): 132–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1053/j.semperi.2015.11.020.

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40

&NA;. "Major Back Pain Disability Conference in New York City." Back Letter 15, no. 4 (April 2000): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00130561-200015040-00005.

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41

Mitchener, Kris James, and Gary Richardson. "Shadowy Banks and Financial Contagion during the Great Depression: A Retrospective on Friedman and Schwartz." American Economic Review 103, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.103.3.73.

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This essay assesses whether network linkages within the banking system amplified the real effects of bank failures during the Great Contraction. In 1929, nearly all interbank deposits held by Federal Reserve member banks belonged to “shadowy” nonmember banks which were outside the regulatory reach of federal regulators. Regional banking panics in the early 1930s drained these interbank deposits from central reserve city banks. Money-center banks in Chicago and New York responded to volatile and declining interbank deposits by changing their asset composition. They reduced their lending to businesses and individuals, and increased their holdings of cash and government bonds.

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42

James, John A., and David F. Weiman. "The National Banking Acts and the Transformation of New York City Banking During the Civil War Era." Journal of Economic History 71, no. 2 (June 6, 2011): 338–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050711001550.

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Focusing on the New York banking sector, we analyze a neglected, but profound impact of the National Banking Acts. By resisting federal banking legislation and “boycotting” newly chartered national banks, the New York Clearing House Association members created market opportunities for the new entrants to dominate the correspondent banking market. The new entrants’ aggressive tactics including interest payments on deposits increased their vulnerability to panicky withdrawals by country banks. They also magnified conflicts of interest within the clearinghouse, which weakened its central banking functions and further destabilized the macroeconomy.

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43

Horn, Martin. "A Private Bank at War: J.P. Morgan & Co. and France, 1914–1918." Business History Review 74, no. 1 (2000): 85–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116353.

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This article examines the relationship between J.P. Morgan & Co. and France during the First World War. It argues that the dealings between the French government and the partners of J.P. Morgan & Co. from 1914 to 1918 were characterized by personal difficulties between successive French representatives and the partners of J.P. Morgan & Co. Contributing to a strained relationship was the place of Morgan, Harjes, the French affiliate of J.P. Morgan & Co., within the House of Morgan. Herman Harjes, the senior partner in Morgan, Harjes, though a proponent of Franco-American amity, became disenchanted with his New York partners as the war continued. The feeling was shared by those in New York, who reevaluated the role of Morgan, Harjes within the House of Morgan—until the French affiliate's eventual disappearance in 1926. While sympathetic to France, and instrumental in sustaining French credit during the war, the partners of J.P. Morgan & Co. conceived of the Allied cause as the British cause, a perspective that led them to rebuff calls for greater Franco-American financial cooperation.

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Poutziouris, Panikkos, Francis Chittenden, Tim Watts, and Khaled Soufani. "A Comparative Analysis of the Impact of Taxation on the SME Economy: The Case of UK and US – New York State in the Year 2000." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 21, no. 4 (August 2003): 493–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c0338.

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The purpose of this paper is to report on a comparative study of the impact on the SME economy (fewer than 250 employees) of the UK and US (New York State) tax regimes. This explorative study is part of the ongoing small business taxation research programme undertaken in association with NatWest Bank. The research involves (a) the computation of the tax position of a sample of UK-based small businesses (a self-employed person, a partnership, and a small limited company); (b) the application of the tax regime of New York State to the UK business cases studies; (c) the development of two computer simulation models that estimate the direct tax burden incurred by small businesses in the United Kingdom; and (d) the application of the tax regime of New York State to the UK models. This research forms the basis of a comparative discussion about the business tax regime in the United Kingdom and USA and throws some light on the on-going debate about the development of the tax regimes applicable to small businesses in OECD countries. The paper concludes with a summary of the key findings and policy implications and offers a brief discussion on progress towards tax harmonisation from the small business perspective.

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Alessi, Lucia, Eric Ghysels, Luca Onorante, Richard Peach, and Simon Potter. "Central Bank Macroeconomic Forecasting During the Global Financial Crisis: The European Central Bank and Federal Reserve Bank of New York Experiences." Journal of Business & Economic Statistics 32, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 483–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07350015.2014.959124.

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DURÁN-ALMARZA, EMILIA MARÍA. "Ciguapas in New York: Transcultural Ethnicity and Transracialization in Dominican American Performance." Journal of American Studies 46, no. 1 (February 2012): 139–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875811001332.

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The Dominican American community in New York is perhaps one of the best examples of how processes of transculturation are affecting traditional definitions of ethnic identification. Given the intense economic, social and cultural transnational exchanges between the island and the USA from the 1960s, Dominicanyorks have been challenging the illusion of homogeneity in the definition of Americanness for decades, creating transnational social networks that transcend traditional national and ethnographic boundaries. The theatrical works of Josefina Báez, a Dominican American performer living in New York, and Sherezada (Chiqui) Vicioso, a Dominican poet and playwright who lived and worked in the US metropolis for decades before moving back to the Dominican Republic, lyrically explore issues of diaspora, identity and migration and the impact these phenomena might have in the lives of migrant Dominican women. Presenting diasporic experiences from two differing but interconnected locales – New York and the Dominican Republic – these plays offer two complementary views on the ways in which ethnicity, race, social class, age and geopolitical location interact in the formation of transcultural identities, thus contributing to develop a hemispheric approach to the study of identity formation in the Americas.

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Elyachar, Julia. "Regulating Crisis: A Retrospective Ethnography of the 1982 Latin American Debt Crisis at the New York Federal Reserve Bank." Valuation Studies 1, no. 2 (November 27, 2013): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/vs.2001-5992.1312147.

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Since the financial crisis of 2008, the term “crisis” has proliferated as a folk concept, and yet remained largely unexamined as an analytic concept. In this essay, I draw on my experience as a research assistant and research analyst at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, during what would come to be called the Latin American debt crisis, to contribute to rethinking of financial crisis. Putting aside the assumption that we know a priori the meaning of crisis, I bring into view the material devices, temporalities and, in the words of Bronislaw Malinowski, the “imponderabilia of daily life” entailed by perceiving and regulating crisis. Rather than high-level officials of the Federal Reserve Bank, the essay focuses on research assistants, junior economists, midlevel officials, and also mainframe computers with their glitches and bugs. The essay shows how local, historically specific processes of generating knowledge in a 1980s office of the Federal Reserve Bank were part of grand projects of social reinvention, in which even the lowliest research assistant helped shape a narrative of crisis.

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Linden, Jeanne V., and Thomas J. Favreau. "Professional Standards in Cell and Tissue Processing." Cell Transplantation 4, no. 5 (September 1995): 441–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096368979500400505.

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In the United States, standards for cell and tissue processing have been developed by a variety of professional tissue banking organizations. Several organizations, including the American Association of Tissue Banks and the Eye Bank Association of America, have accreditation programs for member institutions. Some governmental agencies, such as the New York State Department of Health and the Food and Drug Administration, have adopted strict regulations, which may subject noncompliant tissue banks to certain enforcement actions. Professional tissue banking organizations have also issued guidelines that provide recommendations for implementing efficacious policies and procedures for the acquisition, processing, storage, and distribution of tissues.

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James, John A., James McAndrews, and David F. Weiman. "Wall Street and Main Street: the macroeconomic consequences of New York bank suspensions, 1866–1914." Cliometrica 7, no. 2 (August 31, 2012): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11698-012-0083-x.

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Dougherty, William. "Phill Niblock's ‘Winter Solstice’ at Roulette, Brooklyn, New York." Tempo 70, no. 277 (June 10, 2016): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040298216000085.

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The winter solstice has long held deep significance for cultures dating back to as far as the Neolithic period. Some of civilisation's oldest monuments, from Stonehenge to Newgrange, are carefully aligned on sight lines pointing toward the winter solstice sunrise and sunset. And it's no surprise for the day marked the middle of winter, giving early man a crucial indicator – a signpost that guided food consumption for the remaining winter months – but on an even deeper level, the winter solstice signified for ancient pagan peoples the beginning of a rebirth, marking the resurrection of a beloved sun god and the gradual reawakening of nature.

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