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Journal articles on the topic 'New York (State). Governor'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Dorsey, Jennifer. "Conscription, Charity, and Citizenship in the Early Republic: The Shaker Campaign for Alternative Service." Church History 85, no. 1 (February 29, 2016): 140–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715001389.

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The War of 1812 ignited a fierce debate in New York about the rights, duties, and responsibilities of citizens in wartime. Two counties in the Upper Hudson River Valley (Rensselaer and Columbia) openly revolted against Governor Daniel D. Tompkins's draft of local militiamen. In September 1812, opponents of the war met in a countywide assembly where they declared the federal draft of the New York militia an “assumption of power, unwarranted by the constitution, [and] dangerous to the rights and privileges of the good people of this state.” The assembly further resolved to defy the governor's detachment order, and as a result, less than a third of the 860 militiamen drafted from Columbia and Rensselaer Counties appeared at the designated rendezvous points. Within weeks, the governor convened the first of three courts-martial to prosecute militiamen “who failed, neglected or refused to obey the orders of the commander in Chief of the said State.” As late as 1818, the New York State legislature insisted upon making a “salutary example” of men who “disregard the voice of duty and the requisitions of law.”

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Mann, Justin Louis. "The “Vigilante Spirit”: Surveillance and Racial Violence in 1980s New York." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 56–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i1.5666.

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This article details the "vigilante spirit", a term used by New York Governor Maria Cuomo to describe the seizure and execuation of state power by Bernhard Goetz in his attack on four black teenagers in December of 1984. It argues that the vigilante spirit is an expression of thoughts, feelings, and practices that produce threats and then assemble the tools it deems necessary to combat them. It further argues that the vigilante spirit, expressed by Goetz in his attack, was also encoded in various cultural texts produced in the 1980s and uses Frank Miller's The Dark Knight Returns as an example. By reading these two case studies together, it seeks to explain the cultural politics that underpinned racial violence in the 1980s.

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Fakundiny, Robert. "The New York State Museum: Child of the Geological Survey that Grew to be its Guardian." Earth Sciences History 6, no. 1 (January 1, 1987): 125–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.6.1.9w66h2g183510672.

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The New York State Museum was created by State legislation in 1870 out of the old State Cabinet, which held the specimens collected by the State Geological and Natural History Survey, James Hall, then State Geologist and Palaeontologist within the Survey, was named Director of the Museum. Hall's need to possess and study vast quantities of paleontological specimens required space for collections storage and processing. His collections became the major supply of specimens for the Cabinet and eventually the Museum. After the original Survey was disbanded, in the early 1840's, Hall's presence gave the Cabinet a definite geological character. As the chief geological scientist, Hall considered the geological research of the Cabinet and later the Museum as a product of the "Geological Survey of New York," even though no formal designation of such a unit was ever proclaimed by state legislation. After all, other states were forming geological research units similar to Hall's and calling them geological surveys. It made sense for good communications for Hall and his predecessor State Geologists to refer to their staff as the New York State Geological Survey. Eventually, through a series of other legislative acts, most importantly in 1904 and 1945, the Museum was made the formal administrative home for the Geological Survey and, thus, its guardian. Museum Directors, therefore, have had the principle role in determining the fate of geological and paleontological research within the Geological Survey, After 1926, when the first non-geologist became director, the Museum's research scope grew faster in other natural and social history areas, such as botany, entomology, zoology, archaeology, ethnology, and history. This expansion is exemplified by the addition of a State Historian to the Education Department in 1895. During its 150-year history the Geological Survey has moved six times, and it is now housed in the Cultural Education Center in the Governor Nelson A. Rockefeller Empire State Plaza, Albany, New York.

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Chiles, R. "Working-Class Conservationism in New York: Governor Alfred E. Smith and "The Property of the People of the State"." Environmental History 18, no. 1 (November 27, 2012): 157–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/ems112.

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5

Anderson, Kirsten, Kevin Hale, Thomas Festa, Dennis Farrar, Kyle Kolwaite, Scott Stanton, Peter Alberti, et al. "New York State's Inland Geographic Response Plans." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 2017117. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2017.1.000117.

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Geographic Response Plans (GRPs) are location-specific plans developed to provide guidance for oil spill responses throughout the United States. Until recently, the majority of crude oil transportation in the United States has occurred via waterways on oil tankers and barges, therefore, most existing GRPs focus on the protection of sensitive biological resources and socio-economic features in near shore environments. The recent development of crude oil extraction from the Bakken formation has resulted in a significant increase in the volume of crude oil being transported via railroads and pipelines and has highlighted the need for inland response planning. Rail cars transporting the volatile and flammable Bakken crude oil now traverse more than 850 miles of New York State on two major Class 1 Railroads. In response, Executive Order 125 was issued by the governor directing state agencies to strengthen the state's preparedness for incidents involving crude oil transportation. New York State's (NYS) Department of Environmental Conservation (DEC), in collaboration with the Department of Homeland Security & Emergency Services and Department of Health, are leading a multi-stakeholder effort to develop Inland GRPs for the 21 NYS counties currently impacted by crude-by-rail transportation. County steering committees were established consisting primarily of local first response agencies, as well as their state and federal partners. Utilizing Sensitive Resource Maps developed by DEC, coupled with the local steering committee input, location-specific response plans were drafted, reviewed, and set as final working “evergreen” documents, which are open for update/refinement at any time in the future. The NYSDEC GRPs are similar to typical GRPs in that they are map-based, location-specific contingency plans that outline response strategies for the protection of sensitive resources. However, the NYSDEC GRPs differ from traditional GRPs in several ways. They extend contingency planning to cover spills on land, in addition to surface water-based spills. Due to the flammability of Bakken crude oil, much more emphasis is placed on the fire risks associated with a train derailment. This is done by mapping sensitive human receptors (e.g., schools, daycare centers, assisted living centers, etc.), critical infrastructure, and identifying fire (and vapor) suppression assets. The NYSDEC GRPs also place more emphasis on the initial response options available to local first responders, options that can be implemented before other response assets may arrive on-scene (State, Federal, and RP). This presentation will discuss the development, structure, proposed implementation, training and exercises associated with this ongoing program.

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Nations, Jennifer M. "How Austerity Politics Led to Tuition Charges at the University of California and City University of New York." History of Education Quarterly 61, no. 3 (April 12, 2021): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2021.4.

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AbstractThe size and cost of US public higher education, funded largely by government, grew continuously for nearly twenty-five years after World War II. In the late 1960s, as the nation's economic growth slowed, the question of who should pay for higher education came under fresh political scrutiny. Decades-old no-tuition policies at the University of California and The City University of New York (CUNY) became targets of neoconservative critiques of the proper role of government support for public services. In California, this was done as Governor Ronald Reagan promoted a partisan austerity to win favor with business and other conservative elites. He justified cuts to higher education financing as a rebuke of protesting students and inept administrators and, later, as financially necessary given voters’ reluctance to pay more taxes. In contrast, federal and New York State politicians forced austerity on city leaders to satisfy bond holders during New York City's severe fiscal crisis. Reformers argued that CUNY's no-tuition policy was emblematic of the city's overindulgence of its residents. No-tuition policies became impossible to defend in the context of the stalled economy and growing conservative movement, whose members embraced government austerity.

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Fox, Cybelle. "“The Line Must Be Drawn Somewhere”: The Rise of Legal Status Restrictions in State Welfare Policy in the 1970s." Studies in American Political Development 33, no. 02 (September 25, 2019): 275–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000129.

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In 1971, Governor Ronald Reagan signed into law a measure barring unauthorized immigrants from public assistance. The following year, New York State legislators passed a bill to do the same, although that bill was vetoed by Governor Nelson Rockefeller. This article examines these cases to better understand why states that had long provided welfare to unauthorized immigrants each sought to bar them from public assistance. Common explanations for the curtailment of immigrant social rights often center on partisan politics, popular nativism, demographic context, or issue entrepreneurs. But these studies often wrongly assume that efforts to limit immigrant social rights began in the 1990s. Therefore, they miss how such efforts first emerged in the 1970s, and how these restrictive measures were initially closely bound up in broader debates over race and welfare that followed in the wake of the War on Poverty and the civil rights movement. Where scholars often argue that immigration undermines support for welfare, I show how the turn against welfare helped to undermine immigrant social rights. I also show how differing interpretations of the scope and reach of Supreme Court decisions traditionally seen as victories for welfare and immigrant rights help explain initial variation in policy outcomes in each state.

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Adkison, Danny M., and Lisa McNair Palmer. "American Government Textbooks and The Federalist Papers." Political Science Teacher 1, no. 1 (1988): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896082800000015.

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It seems appropriate in this bicentennial year to examine the treatment introductory American government textbooks give the U.S. Constitution. Nearly every text devotes a chapter (typically, the second) to the events leading up to, and the writing of, the Constitution. But what of the political theory on which the Constitution is based? The Constitution, by itself, is too brief and devoid of theory to provide students with an overall assessment of that document. The source that is often relied upon by constitutional scholars to provide that theory is The Federalist Papers. It is the textbooks' treatment of these essays that we will explore here.The Federalist Papers were 85 newspaper editorials written by Hamilton, Madison, and jay, under the pseudonym Publius, in support of ratification of the proposed Constitution. The first essay was published October 27, 1787, and when the last essay was published, the authors had written 175,000 words. This was an average of 1,000 words a day, and was about 35 times the length of the Constitution itself.Hamilton initiated the project in reaction to another set of pseudonymous literature published in New York. New York support of the Constitution was essential, and it was doubtful that the state would ratify. As the seat of the central government, New York was in a pivotal position on the eastern seaboard. It had a lively commerce, and thus was not eager for change. Governor George Clinton staunchly opposed ratification. New York had not signed the Constitution because all of its delegates, except Hamilton, had left in protest and no one signatory was authorized to approve the document for the state.

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MINCHIN, TIMOTHY J. "“Don't Sleep With Stevens!”: The J. P. Stevens Boycott and Social Activism in the 1970s." Journal of American Studies 39, no. 3 (December 2005): 511–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875805000630.

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On 30 November 1978 thousands of people from across the United States took part in “Justice for J. P. Stevens' Workers Day.” In seventy-four cities activities such as rallies, marches, press conferences, film premieres, and leafleting were held in support of a union boycott against a giant textile company that had persistently shown its willingness to violate the law rather than recognize its workers' right to organize. In New York City more than 3000 demonstrators marched in front of the company's midtown headquarters as part of the nationwide day of protest that was endorsed by Governor Hugh L. Carey and the City Council. In Los Angeles hundreds of trade unionists and their supporters rallied in front of City Hall, while in Indianapolis protesters gathered at the local Hilton Hotel for a “hard times luncheon” of ham and beans that was designed to express solidarity with the company's low-paid workers. Finding that the hotel's table cloths were made by Stevens, enraged protesters ripped the fabrics from the tables and dumped them in a pile on the floor. Activities were also held in many smaller cities; in Albany, New York, for example, a rally was addressed by Secretary of State and Lieutenant Governor-elect Mario Cuomo, who told consumers “to shun the products of J. P. Stevens as you would shun the fruit of an unholy tree.” Across the country, protesters carried signs urging consumers to steer clear of the company's sheets, a staple part of its textile business.

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Badner, Victor, and Mana Saraghi. "Using Dental Health Care Personnel During a Crisis." Public Health Reports 136, no. 2 (January 13, 2021): 143–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0033354920976577.

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The first few months of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic challenged health care facilities worldwide in many ways. Inpatient and intensive care unit (ICU) beds were at a premium, and personnel shortages occurred during the initial peak of the pandemic. New York State was the hardest hit of all US states, with a high concentration of cases in New York City and, in particular, Bronx County. The governor of New York and leadership of hospitals in New York City called upon all available personnel to provide support and patient care during this health care crisis. This case study highlights the efforts of Jacobi Medical Center, located in the northeast Bronx, from March 1 through May 31, 2020, and its use of nontraditional health care personnel, including Department of Dentistry/OMFS (Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery) staff members, to provide a wide range of health care services. Dental staff members including ancillary personnel, residents, and attendings were redeployed and functioned throughout the facility. Dental anesthesiology residents provided medical services in support of their colleagues in a step-down COVID-19–dedicated ICU, providing intubation, ventilator management, and critical and palliative care. (Step-down units provide an intermediate level of care between ICUs and the general medical–surgical wards.) Clear communication of an acute need, a well-articulated mission, creative use of personnel, and dedicated staff members were evident during this challenging time. Although not routinely called upon to provide support in the medical and surgical inpatient areas, dental staff members may provide additional health care personnel during times of need.

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11

Martin, Erika G., Roderick H. MacDonald, Daniel E. Gordon, Carol-Ann Swain, Travis O’Donnell, John Helmeset, Adenantera Dwicaksono, and James M. Tesoriero. "Simulating the End of AIDS in New York: Using Participatory Dynamic Modeling to Improve Implementation of the Ending the Epidemic Initiative." Public Health Reports 135, no. 1_suppl (July 2020): 158S—171S. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0033354920935069.

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Objectives In 2014, the governor of New York announced the Ending the Epidemic (ETE) plan to reduce annual new HIV infections from 3000 to 750, achieve a first-ever decrease in HIV prevalence, and reduce AIDS progression by the end of 2020. The state health department undertook participatory simulation modeling to develop a baseline for comparing epidemic trends and feedback on ETE strategies. Methods A dynamic compartmental model projected the individual and combined effects of 3 ETE initiatives: enhanced linkage to and retention in HIV treatment, increased preexposure prophylaxis (PrEP) among men who have sex with men, and expanded housing assistance. Data inputs for model calibration and low-, medium-, and high-implementation scenarios (stakeholders’ rollout predictions, and lower and upper bounds) came from surveillance and program data through 2014, the literature, and expert judgment. Results Without ETE (baseline scenario), new HIV infections would decline but remain >750, and HIV prevalence would continue to increase by 2020. Concurrently implementing the 3 programs would lower annual new HIV infections by 16.0%, 28.1%, and 45.7% compared with baseline in the low-, medium-, and high-implementation scenarios, respectively. In all concurrent implementation scenarios, although annual new HIV infections would remain >750, there would be fewer new HIV infections than deaths, yielding the first-ever decrease in HIV prevalence. PrEP and enhanced linkage and retention would confer the largest population-level changes. Conclusions New York State will achieve 1 ETE benchmark under the most realistic (medium) implementation scenario. Findings facilitated framing of ETE goals and underscored the need to prioritize men who have sex with men and maintain ETE’s multipronged approach, including other programs not modeled here.

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Powell, Lawrence. "Centralization and its Discontents in Reconstruction Louisiana." Studies in American Political Development 20, no. 2 (October 2006): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x0600006x.

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U.S. Grant was stumped: “The muddle down there is almost beyond my fathoming,” the president told the New York Herald in the summer of 1871. What had him flummoxed was the recently adjourned “Gatling Gun Convention” in New Orleans, a Republican state nominating gathering that reads like a passage from a novel by Gabriel Garcia Marquez. The run-up was punctuated by open combat in the trenches and foxholes of countless ward clubs and party conventions—the so-called “War of the Factions.” When the sitting Republican governor, the colorful and roguish Henry Clay Warmoth, hobbled by a boating accident earlier in the summer, led delegates supporting his candidacy to the designated meeting place inside the U.S. Customhouse on Canal Street, federal soldiers manning the latest in automatic weaponry turned him and his followers away when they tried to barge into a rival group's caucus. Warmoth thereupon guided his followers to another meeting hall. For the next 18 months, warring Republican factions moved in and out of opportunistic alliances with Conservative-Democrats. They divided into rival legislatures, used force to achieve quorums, and arrested and impeached their own senior leaders. If some of the more scurrilous allegations are to be believed, they even poisoned their lieutenant-governor. Were Louisiana politics on the verge of becoming “Mexicanized”—plunged into chronic crisis and political tumult? That was the question beginning to trouble Republican observers north of the Ohio River.

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Habel, Mark, and Meghan Quinn. "WORKING THROUGH STATE DIFFERENCES TO CREATE A REGIONAL DREDGED MATERIAL MANAGEMENT PLAN FOR FEDERAL HARBORS IN LONG ISLAND SOUND." Coastal Engineering Proceedings, no. 36 (December 30, 2018): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.9753/icce.v36.risk.9.

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On January 11, 2016 the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE) New England District (NAE) completed a Final Dredged Material Management Plan (DMMP) for Long Island Sound (LIS). The DMMP was requested by the Governors of Connecticut and New York, in their letter of February 8, 2005 to the Chief of Engineers, following the U.S. Environmental Protection Agencyâ€™s (EPA) publication in April 2004 of the Long Island Sound Dredged Material Disposal Site Designation Study Final Environmental Impact Statement. The LIS is a large coastal estuary located between Long Island, New York on the south, and the shores of New York, Connecticut and southwestern Rhode Island on the north. A total of nearly 240 harbors, coves, bays and rivers supporting various levels of navigational access are located along these shores. Twelve Congressional districts and 112 municipalities border the Sound and its adjacent waters in the three states. The ideals, goals, and needs along the LIS do not always align and thus the need for open communication throughout each dredging project.

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Malbin, Michael J., and Michael Parrott. "Small Donor Empowerment Depends on the Details: Comparing Matching Fund Programs in New York and Los Angeles." Forum 15, no. 2 (July 26, 2017): 219–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2017-0015.

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Abstract Political campaigns have long been financed by people with well above average incomes, but the balance has tilted dramatically since the Supreme Court’s 2010 decision in Citizens United v. FEC. A number of jurisdictions have been looking to rebalance the incentives through new (or updated) public financing programs. Much of the discussion about their potential effects, however, has been sweepingly generic. But we know that these programs do differ from each other and have good reason to expect that “success” or “failure” will depend both on their goals and the programs’ details. This article focuses on one type of program that has become a model in recent years. Until recently New York City was the only jurisdiction with a multiple matching system explicitly designed to increase the role of small donors.Previous studies noted apparent successes, but it has been difficult to feel comfortable with only one jurisdiction to test. After Los Angeles revised its system in 2013, serious comparisons became possible. This article finds that New York City’s campaign finance matching fund program increased the number, proportional role, and diversity of small donors in city council elections but that the Los Angeles program was substantially less effective. The findings were confirmed through a difference-in-differences procedure that tested each city council over time against state legislative districts representing the same geographical space. A series of explanations relating to the programs’ details were tested, leading us to conclude that the policy details were affecting the results. The results were also different in both cities for mayoral and city council candidates. This suggests alterations may be needed if one were to consider the model for offices with larger constituencies, such as Governor or the US Congress. Finally, the article concludes with a discussion of major arguments for and against increasing small donor participation as a goal for public policy.

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HANSEN, BRADLEY A. "Trust Company Failures and Institutional Change in New York, 1875–1925." Enterprise & Society 19, no. 2 (August 7, 2017): 241–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2017.7.

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In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, New York State trust companies were successful, grew quickly, and failed rarely. The few failures, however, played a leading role in shaping the rules that governed trust companies. Because trust company failures were consistently interpreted as isolated departures from the norm of conservative management, trust companies were able to continue to participate in the rule-making process. The institutions that evolved promoted financial stability by imposing the costs of failure on decision makers and discouraging risky behavior. These failures shed new light on the treatment of failure and the development of corporate governance and financial regulation in the United States

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Endee, Lisa, Russell Rozensky, and Stephen Smith. "301 Evaluation of Fatigue and Healthy Lifestyle Practices among New York State Law Enforcement Professionals." Sleep 44, Supplement_2 (May 1, 2021): A120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sleep/zsab072.300.

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Abstract Introduction An important risk factor for drowsy driving is shift work, and law enforcement, an occupation known for its atypical work schedules, is a highly vulnerable occupation. A connection between fatigue and unintentional injuries among police officers has been observed (Vila, 2006), but data supporting the connection is limited. Understanding how sleep and lifestyle practices impact this population’s driving performance and job safety is critical to officer safety. Methods An online survey was disseminated to New York State law enforcement agencies by the Governor’s Traffic Safety Committee to assess sleep health and lifestyle practices among law enforcement personnel. Statistical analysis included data cleaning, basic and advanced statistical testing. Results 7,366 survey invitations were distributed, 1,171 were returned (15.9% response rate), and after data cleaning, 1,038 surveys were included in the analysis. Respondents reported from various state, county, and local agencies, holding titles from Police Officer to Senior Management. More than 30% of officers reported driving 5 hours or more during their shift, with 12% driving greater than 7 hours. 65% of respondents reported having experienced drowsy driving. Although, 34% reported never having received education about drowsy driving. On work days, only 40% of respondents obtain 7 hours of sleep or more. On days off, 23.6% reported sleeping 6 hours or less. Work, stress, and family responsibilities were reported as having a significant impact on sleep. Almost 87% reported at least one medical issue. Daytime sleepiness (47.4%), fatigue (42.6%), and poor memory (26.8%) were reported daily. Only 23.8% and 29.3% of respondents received education on sleep or heart health, respectively. The majority (81.7%) reported they would consider education in a variety of health-related programs. Conclusion Our findings indicate that poor sleep (60%), high stress (22.7%), and anxiety (16.8%) are a concern amongst officers. Poor cardiovascular health was also noted, based on reports of obesity (34.1%), high blood pressure (23.5%), and high cholesterol (22.4%). This research supports the need for prioritizing health education programs within law enforcement agencies. Support (if any) Funded by The National Highway Traffic Safety Administration with a grant from The New York State Governor’s Traffic Safety Committee.

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Di Mascio, Anthony. "Educational Discourse and the Making of Educational Legislation in Early Upper Canada." History of Education Quarterly 50, no. 1 (February 2010): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2009.00244.x.

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In 1787, a group of American refugee settlers in the western portion of Quebec, which would become the colony of Upper Canada in 1791, collectively petitioned the Governor General, Lord Dorchester, for schools. They insisted, in fact, on a relatively comprehensive network of schools funded directly through the government purse. Dorchester responded by appointing William Smith, the former Chief Justice of New York State with whom he had formed a political friendship during the American War of Independence, to head a special committee to report on the state of education throughout the entire province. Several hundred copies of the report were printed and released in 1789. The report recommended a government-supported tripartite elementary, secondary, and university school system. The recommendations were not acted upon, but the report's ideas lingered in public discourse for years to come. In the writing of the origins of schooling in Upper Canada, this report has not received considerable attention. Moreover, the intentions and goals of these early settlers advocating for government-aided schooling are characteristically overlooked. In the dominant view, the building of Upper Canada's school system was motivated by the bureaucratization and institutionalization concerns of major school advocates and politicians in the mid-nineteenth century.

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Novak, William J. "The Not-So-Strange Birth of the Modern American State: A Comment on James A. Henretta's “Charles Evans Hughes and the Strange Death of Liberal America”." Law and History Review 24, no. 1 (2006): 193–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000002315.

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James Henretta's “Charles Evans Hughes and the Strange Death of Liberal America” takes up one of the most interesting and important interpretive questions in the history of American political economy. What explains the dramatic transformation in liberal ideology and governance between 1877 and 1937 that carried the United States from laissez-faire constitutionalism to New Deal statism, from classical liberalism to democratic social-welfarism? That question has preoccupied legions of historians, political-economists, and legal scholars (as well as politicians and ideologues) at least since Hughes himself opened the October 1935 Term of the U.S. Supreme Court in a brand new building and amid a rising chorus of constitutional criticism. Henretta, wisely in my opinion, looks to law, particularly public law, for new insights into that great transformation. But, of course, the challenge in using legal history to answer such a question is the enormous increase in the actual policy output of courts, legislatures, and administrative agencies in this period. Trying to synthesize the complex changes in “law-in-action” in the fiercely contested forums of turn-of-the-century America sometimes seems the historical-sociological equivalent of attempting to empty the sea with a slotted spoon. Like any good social scientist, Henretta responds to the impossibility of surveying the whole by taking a sample. Through a case-study of the ideas, political reforms, and legal opinions of Charles Evans Hughes, particularly as governor of New York and associate and chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, Henretta offers us in microcosm the story of the revolution (or rather several revolutions) in modern American governance.

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MacDonald, Paul K. "Warlords, Strongman Governors, and the State in Afghanistan. By Dipali Mukhopadhyay. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. 388p. $99.00." Perspectives on Politics 13, no. 1 (March 2015): 146–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592714003193.

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Watson, Terri Nicol. "Effective school leadership and New York City’s immigrant and migrant children: a study." International Journal of Educational Management 31, no. 5 (June 12, 2017): 622–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijem-11-2016-0244.

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Purpose This paper provides insight into the effective education of immigrant and migrant children: many of whom are classified in New York City’s public schools as English language learners. It also highlights the ways in which New York City prepares school leaders and the policies that govern their actions. Design/methodology/approach Literature review. Findings The practices of New York City’s school leaders are governed by the Chancellor’s Regulations. These comprehensive mandates consist of four components and address issues related to students in grades K-12, school-based budgets, personnel matters, and parent and community engagement. In relation to students, including those classified as immigrant, migrant, and English language learners the Chancellor’s Regulation A-101 makes it clear: children may not be refused admission to a public school because of race, color, creed, national origin, gender, gender identity, pregnancy, immigration/citizenship status, disability, sexual orientation, religion, or ethnicity. Research limitations/implications Implications for future research: How can school leaders (and educational activists) continue to support and advocate for immigrant and migrant children under the presidency of Donald J. Trump. Practical implications Knowledge gleaned from this study may be of use to schools, districts, and educational leaders in the USA and abroad faced with similar demographic trends. Social implications This manuscript examined the ways in which The City University of New York prepares school leaders, the required State exams for school leaders, and the educational policies that govern the practices of New York City’s school leaders that are germane to English language learners. Originality/value This review of the literature may study may be of use to schools, districts, and educational leaders in the USA and abroad.

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Beaman, Michael L. "Chalmers Johnson: Japan: who governs? The rise of the developmental state. 384 pp. New York and London: W. W. Norton & Company, 1995. £19.95." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59, no. 3 (October 1996): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00031220.

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Cermasi, Olimpia. "Contemporary landscape urbanism principles as innovative methodologies: the design of an armature of public spaces for the revitalisation of a shrinking city." Journal of Public Space 2, no. 2 (October 11, 2017): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/jps.v2i2.97.

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<p>This paper explores the potentials of a series of Landscape Urbanism strategies for the revitalisation of a 'shrinking city', through the construction of an armature of public spaces and the reactivation of collective activities and social encounters. Looking through a series of theoretical approaches and case studies, mostly associated with Landscape Urbanism theory, this paper looks for typical interventions in the design of public spaces in a pattern of decreased socioeconomic activities. In addition, the paper provides an original contribution in the form of a review of a Studio research project developed during a Master of Science in Architecture and Urban Design at Columbia University, New York, in 2008. In more detail, the first part of the paper introduces the theme of shrinking cities with a series of theoretical approaches and a toolkit of possible interventions. The theoretical approaches derive from a new consideration of the contemporary city in the light of its spatial morphology. This is described through an excursus of previous studies and contributions to the analysis of the urban form and to the change of state that many cities are experiencing together with the decaying of their economic activities. A few case studies, beginning with the project by Oswald Mathias Ungers on the city of Berlin, further explore the role of open, 'left over spaces' in providing opportunities for a networked system of public spaces in contemporary urban conditions. The last part of the paper introduces a series of strategies that respond to similar situations on Governors Island, in New York, and the small town of Cohoes, in the State of New York. In particular, in the case of Cohoes, the proposal looks for opportunities in the existing downtown area- and articulates a series of strategies focused on the reprogramming and conversion of the existing 'left-over' open spaces- to turn them into 'public spaces'. These mechanisms aim to trigger several micro processes within the project, in order to follow through on the shrinking pattern in a positive, ecologic way. The last part of the paper offers a critique of the theories and case studies analysed, using these case studies as a way to test the theories already reviewed. Moreover, the conclusions introduce some definitions of networks from the theory of Space Syntax. In this way, the paper offers itself as a theoretical tool for the approach to shrinking cities and their evolutionary patterns through the design of an armature of public spaces.</p>

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23

Falk, Alessandra L., James Hunker, Mani Kahn, Yi Guo, and Chaiyaporn Kulsakdinun. "Changes to Foot and Ankle Surgical Care During the COVID-19 Pandemic." Foot & Ankle Orthopaedics 5, no. 4 (October 1, 2020): 2473011420S0019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2473011420s00199.

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Category: Other; Ankle Introduction/Purpose: On March 1, 2020, the first case of novel coronavirus (COVID-19) in New York City (NYC) was confirmed. By March 16, the NYC mayor and New York State Governor issued executive orders to postpone elective surgeries. At our tertiary care academic medical care center in the Bronx, the densely populated community of 1.4 million saw many COVID-19 positive cases. In response, the hospital quickly accommodated these patients, while maintaining outpatient orthopedic care. Consequently, only emergent orthopedic cases were granted permission to rapidly proceed to surgery. Most foot and ankle cases were deemed amenable to non-surgical or delayed surgical care. The purpose of this study is to characterize a series of patients with foot and ankle pathology whose orthopedic care was altered due to the pandemic. Methods: This is a retrospective chart review from February 2020-May 2020 encompassing the time that elective surgery was on hold and one month prior, to capture those patients were scheduled for surgery prior to the pandemic. Included were patients with foot and ankle pathology that required urgent orthopedic care, who were seen in the foot and ankle clinic, fracture clinic, and subsequently in the general orthopedic clinic that was instituted on an emergent bases. Excluded were patients who required intervention to address elective foot and ankle issues such as osteoarthritis, or ankle instability, and those were referred to an outside institution for further treatment. Throughout the pandemic, contact was made with patients either directly in clinic, via a telehealth portal or telephone. Descriptive statistics are taken. Results: Of the 17 patients included in this series, 11 (65%) patients were managed non operatively. Of these, 4 chose nonoperative management due to shared decision making between the patient and surgeon. 2 patients could not have surgery due to complications related to COVID-19. As the zenith of the pandemic passed 2 patients remained fearful of infection and therefore chose non operative management. 3 patients that had been in contact with the orthopedic department refused further imaging. 6 patients were managed operatively. 2 patients had surgery during the peak of the pandemic, both of whom tested positive for COVID and who failed conservative management. 4 patients had delayed surgery. Of these four cases, 3 were malunion corrections that would have benefitted from more prompt surgery. Conclusion: There was an overall decrease in foot & ankle cases. Non- emergent foot and ankle surgery was delayed to divert resources to patients who were stricken with the COVID-19 virus. While every attempt was made to provide the appropriate care for all, a personalized approach to foot and ankle health was developed to address health concerns, preferences, and logistics. As the course of this global pandemic is still uncertain, it is imperative to have a strategy in place to deal with urgent cases, should a second wave of cases once again affect our ability to provide routine care.

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24

Hulsebosch, Daniel J. "Imperia in Imperio:The Multiple Constitutions of Empire in New York, 1750–1777." Law and History Review 16, no. 2 (1998): 319–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744104.

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At least once during his tenure, the royal governor of colonial New York received a list of questions from London. The Board of Trade, which recommended colonial policy to the king's Privy Council, sought information about the province's geography, population, trade, and legal regime. This last question often came first: “What is the constitution of the Government?” The responses, from the first British governor in 1669 to the last before the Revolution, described the imperial arrangement as a hierarchy of power flowing directly from the Crown. In 1738, for example, the lieutenant governor wrote that “The constitution is such as his Majesty by his commission to his Governour directs, whereby the Governour with the Council and assembly are empowered to pass laws not repugnant to the laws of England.” A decade later, Governor George Clinton replied more insightfully, with the help of his closest advisor, Cadwallader Colden: “The constitution of this Government is founded on His Majesty's Commission & Instructions to his Governor. But the assembly have made such Encroachments on his Majesty's Prerogative by their having the power of the purse that they in effect assume the whole executive powers into their own hands.”

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25

Freyer, Tony. "The Power That Governs: The Evolution of Judicial Activism in a Midwestern State, 1840–1890. ByKeith R. Schlesinger · New York: Garland Publishing., 1990. xxiii + 323 pp. Notes, bibliography, and index. $69.00." Business History Review 65, no. 4 (1991): 956–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3117272.

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26

Badger, Reid. "Pride Without Prejudice: The Day New York “Drew No Color Line”." Prospects 16 (October 1991): 405–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300004609.

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On an unusually bright, faintly springlike morning in mid–February of 1919 in New York City, a huge crowd of perhaps a million people gathered along Fifth Avenue all the way from Madison Square Park to 110th Street and from there along Lenox Avenue north to 145th Street. Along with Governor Al Smith, ex-Governor Charles Whitman, Acting-Mayor Robert Moran, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War Emmett J. Scott, William Randolph Hearst, Rodman Wanamaker, and other notables, they had come to welcome home the men of the Fifteenth Infantry Regiment of New York's National Guard, who had fought so well in France as the 369th Infantry Regiment of the American Expeditionary Force (Figure 1).

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27

Ban, Carolyn, and Norma Riccucci. "New York State." Review of Public Personnel Administration 14, no. 2 (April 1994): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734371x9401400204.

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28

Cook, Robert B. "AlmandineNew York City, New York County, New York State." Rocks & Minerals 84, no. 3 (May 2009): 244–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/rmin.84.3.244-252.

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29

Young, Ruth, Morton Schoolman, and Alvin Magid. "Reindustrializing New York State." Contemporary Sociology 16, no. 5 (September 1987): 687. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069792.

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30

al Makmun, Muhammad Taufiq, and Ardianna Nuraeni. "New York, New York: The Empire State of Mind." Jurnal Komunikasi, Malaysian Journal of Communication 34, no. 3 (September 29, 2018): 314–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2018-3403-19.

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31

Gauss, Susan M. "State Governors in the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1952: Portraits in Conflict, Courage, and Corruption. Edited by Jürgen Buchenau and William H. Beezley. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2009. Pp. xi, 207. Map. Table. Notes. Index. $29.95 paper." Americas 67, no. 02 (October 2010): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500005502.

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32

Botein, Hilary. "New York State Housing Policy in Postwar New York City." Journal of Urban History 35, no. 6 (July 2009): 833–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144209339558.

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33

BROWN, S., and S. FARR. "ROP in New York State." Ophthalmology 112, no. 4 (April 2005): 738. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ophtha.2005.01.017.

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34

Andrus, Richard E., William R. Town, and Eric F. Karlin. "New York State Sphagnum Revisions." Bulletin of the Torrey Botanical Club 121, no. 1 (January 1994): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2996885.

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35

Friedman, Irwin. "MALPRACTICE IN NEW YORK STATE." Lancet 326, no. 8451 (August 1985): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(85)92530-9.

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36

Kelly, Joseph, and Frank Catania. "New York State Casino Development." Gaming Law Review and Economics 18, no. 10 (December 2014): 963–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/glre.2014.18107.

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37

Sorkin, Michael. "New York City (Steady) State." Architectural Design 82, no. 4 (July 2012): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ad.1438.

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38

Gauss, Susan M. "State Governors in the Mexican Revolution, 1910-1952: Portraits in Conflict, Courage, and Corruption. Edited by JÃ¼rgen Buchenau and William H. Beezley. New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2009. Pp. xi, 207. Map. Table. Notes. Index. $29.95 paper." Americas 67, no. 2 (October 2010): 275–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2010.0019.

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39

Polizzotto, Mia Anne. "New York State of Mind: Parental Incarceration and Children's Visitation in New York State." Family Court Review 58, no. 2 (April 2020): 619–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/fcre.12491.

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40

Trigoboff, Norm. "Seven Mosses New to New York State." Evansia 33, no. 2 (June 2016): 92–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1639/0747-9859-33.2.92.

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41

Morris, Wesley. "New Jersey’s Leave of Absence." Iris Journal of Scholarship 1 (May 12, 2019): 88–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15695/iris.v1i0.4662.

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This past June, Governor Phil Murphy helped take a great stride in making sure that every day counts for the students within New Jersey’s Public Schools when he signed a new bill into law. This new policy will work to ensure that schools and districts understand the level to which chronic absenteeism occurs and guarantee that schools disproportionately afflicted have plans to help fight absenteeism. Specifically, the policy identifies schools who have a greater than 10% absentee rate and requires them to establish a plan for improving attendance. It also requires schools to report the percent of students who are absent more than ten percent of the time on their School Report Card. Attendance is one of the most important aspects in ensuring a successful education for students of all ages. The Governor and state legislature, alongside advocacy groups like Advocates for Children of New Jersey (ACNJ), have taken the first steps in fighting one of the largest issues within New Jersey schools. With that being said, it is still extremely important to consider how the state board of education, along with individual districts and schools, will interpret and comply with the law.

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42

Whitbeck, Jeanette S. "Improving Management in New York State." Public Administration Review 45, no. 4 (July 1985): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3110040.

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43

Morris, Sara R. "BULL'S BIRDS OF NEW YORK STATE." Wilson Bulletin 112, no. 1 (March 2000): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.1676/0043-5643(2000)112[0160:br]2.0.co;2.

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44

McGregor, Robert Kuhn. "Historic Preservation in New York State." Public Historian 7, no. 4 (1985): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3377552.

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45

Christensen, Julie J., Kaitlyn Richardson, and Susan Hetherington. "New York State Partnerships in Employment." Journal of Vocational Rehabilitation 47, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 351–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/jvr-170908.

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46

Robinson, George W., and Steven C. Chamberlain. "The Gems of New York State." Rocks & Minerals 82, no. 6 (January 2007): 458–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/rmin.82.6.458-463.

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47

Lupulescu, Marian. "Minerals from New York State: Pegmatites." Rocks & Minerals 82, no. 6 (January 2007): 494–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.3200/rmin.82.6.494-501.

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48

Buck, William R. "Tortella inclinataNew to New York State." Evansia 25, no. 1 (March 2008): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1639/0747-9859-25.1.20.

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49

Hagos, Karen M., Sylvia Pirani, Drew Hanchett, Nirav R. Shah, and Guthrie Birkhead. "New York State Department of Health." Journal of Public Health Management and Practice 20, no. 1 (2014): 87–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/phh.0b013e3182a0b88e.

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50

BUNN, GERALDINE, MARY ELLEN HENRY, and TODD GERBER. "NEW YORK STATE DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH." Alzheimer Disease & Associated Disorders 2, no. 3 (1988): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00002093-198802030-00023.

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