Relevant bibliographies by topics / New York State Woman Suffrage Party

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Academic literature on the topic 'New York State Woman Suffrage Party'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "New York State Woman Suffrage Party"

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Tobin, Rusty C. "Who Voted for Woman Suffrage: 1915 & 1917 New York State Suffrage Referenda." New York History 98, no. 3-4 (2017): 422–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2017.0005.

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Lewis, Tiffany. "Democracy and Government: A Critical Edition of Jeannette Rankin’s 1917 Address at Carnegie Hall." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 20, no. 1 (2017): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.20.1.0047.

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Abstract In 1917, Jeannette Rankin became the United States’ first female member of Congress. This is a critical edition of the speech Rankin gave before 3,000 people in New York City on her way to be sworn in to office. Her speech promoted her home state of Montana, woman suffrage, and direct democracy.
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Higgens-Evenson, R. Rudy. "Financing a Second Era of Internal Improvements." Social Science History 26, no. 4 (2002): 623–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012414.

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The year was 1915, and Edwin R. A. Seligman had a problem.He was not preoccupied with the battle for woman suffrage, which women would win in his state of New York just two years later. Nor was he immediately concerned with the war in Europe, which would soon involve the United States. Nor yet was he worried about hordes of immigrants, the labor question, or the regulation of big business. Those larger issues in the political history of the Progressive Era concerned him, but his immediate problem was both far more mundane and far more fundamental: How could the State of New York keep paying it
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Swanson, Kara W. "Inventing the Woman Voter: Suffrage, Ability, and Patents." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, no. 4 (2020): 559–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781420000316.

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AbstractIn 1870, the New York State Suffrage Association published a pamphlet titled “Woman as Inventor.” White suffragists distributed this history of female invention to prove women's inventiveness, countering arguments that biological disabilities justified women's legal disabilities. In the United States, inventiveness was linked to the capacity for original thought considered crucial for voters, making female inventiveness relevant to the franchise. As women could and did receive patents, activists used them as government certification of female ability. By publicizing female inventors, c
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Stelgias, Nikolaos. "Turkey’s Hybrid Competitive Authoritarian Regime; A Genuine Product of Anatolia’s Middle Class." Levantine Review 4, no. 2 (2016): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v4i2.9161.

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Few years since the 9/11 Attacks in New York and following its rise to power, the AKP has gradually established a so-­called “competitive authoritarian regime,” in order to consolidate and secure its political power. This regime is hybrid and it is based on liberal principles (absence of tutelary authorities, protection of civil liberties, universal suffrage, free elections etc.). The AKP also provides for a reasonably fair level of political competition between the party in power (government) and the opposition. At the same time, however, the system shows some undemocratic features (violation
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Neuman, Johanna. "WHO WON WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE? A CASE FOR “MERE MEN”." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, no. 3 (2017): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000081.

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Scholars of women's suffrage have long debated credit, a meditation on which leaders won the campaign to enfranchise American women. Many argue that victory came because of Alice Paul's militancy in picketing the White House. Others insist it was Carrie Chapman Catt's pragmatism in winning state victories. Still others note that both were needed, a political “one-two punch” of strategic effectiveness. This article suggests that one contingent often excluded from this narrative is men. Male suffragists are often portrayed as driven more by a hunger for quixotic political or sexual adventure, or
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Quigley, David. "Constitutional Revision and the City: The Enforcement Acts and Urban America, 1870–1894." Journal of Policy History 20, no. 1 (2008): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.0.0001.

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Congressional enactment of the Enforcement Acts in 1870 and 1871 marked an unprecedented federalization of voting rights. The various election laws aimed to make real the promise of the recently enacted Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the constitution. A complex duality characterized this new departure in the constitutional understanding of democratic suffrage. On one hand, Republican leadership looked to secure the rights of freedmen in the Reconstruction-era South. At the same time, from the outset, northern Republicans strategically worked to strengthen the party in all regions with
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Hendley, Matthew. "Tradition and Innovation in the Historiography of British ConservatismBonar Law, by R.J.Q. Adams. London, John Murray, 1999. 485 pp. $61.00 US (cloth).Facing Fascism: The Conservative Party and the European Dictators, 1935-1940, by N.J. Crowson. London and New York, Routledge, 1997. 270 pp. $80.00 US (cloth).The Conservatives and British Society, 1880-1990, edited by Martin Francis and Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska. Cardiff, University of Wales Press, 1996. 342 pp. $65.00 US (cloth).Conservative Women: A History of Women and the Conservative Party, 1874-1997, by G.E. Maguire. Basingstoke, Macmillan, 1998. 242 pp. $92.50 US (cloth).The British Conservative Party in the Age of Universal Suffrage: Popular Conservatism 1918-1929, by Neal McCrillis. Columbus, Ohio State University Press, 1998. 314 pp. $41.95 US (cloth).An Appetite for Power: A History of the Conservative Party since 1830, by John Ramsden. London, Harper Collins, 1998. 562 pp. $15.95 US (paperback).Conservatism and Foreign Policy during the Lloyd George Coalition, 1918-1922, by Inbal Rose. London, Frank Cass, 1999. 289 pp. $59.50 US (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 37, no. 1 (2002): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.37.1.83.

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Stark, Barbara. "Does International Law Really Require the Criminalization of Marital Rape?" AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 332–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001690.

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Nothing can be said in favor of intimate sexual violence, including marital rape, as Randall and Venkatesh, the authors of Intimate Sexual Violence, Human Rights Obligations and the State, make plain. As the New York Court of Appeals held in 1984: Rape is not simply a sexual act to which one party does not consent. Rather, it is a degrading, violent act which violates the bodily integrity of the victim and frequently causes severe, long-lasting physical and psychic harm. To ever imply consent to such an act is irrational and absurd. . . . A married woman has the same right to control her body
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Wilson, Destinee, Alexandra Lang, and Chloe Campos. "The Emancipation and Liberation of One Karen Smith." Boller Review 5 (November 24, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.18776/tcu/br/5/135.

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Set in the late 1910s, a white woman named Karen Smith lives an ordinary life married to her husband in Brooklyn, New York in a lovely home. Brad, the husband of Karen, has a job on Wall Street, where he commutes to work. He is very controlling, misogynist, and racist. They have been married for five years and have a normal and happy life, the complete American Dream. During this time, the women of the United States are embroiled in the fight for suffrage, with many in opposition. Karen and Brad are a part of the anti-suffrage movement that believes in a limited role for women, such as “workin
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Books on the topic "New York State Woman Suffrage Party"

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Goodier, Susan. Using Enfranchisement to Fight Woman Suffrage, 1917–1932. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0006.

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This chapter tells of the expected end of the anti-suffrage movement, highlighting much of the public and residual animosity toward women's enfranchisement. The women antis restructured the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage as the Women Voters' Anti-Suffrage Party and worked against a federal amendment. The Woman Patriot Publishing Company absorbed the National Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage. Although New York State anti-suffragists had always been influential in national level work, in 1917, with a change in leadership, they moved the national headquarters to Washing
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Santangelo, Lauren C. Suffrage and the City. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190850364.001.0001.

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Suffrage and the City: New York Women Battle for the Ballot uncovers the ways in which the demand for women’s rights intersected with the history, politics, and culture of New York City in the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. The city—its mores, rhythms, and physical layout—helped to shape what was possible for suffragists campaigning within it. At the same time, these activists helped to redefine the urban experience, especially for white, middle-class women. The fight for the vote in the nation’s largest metropolis demanded that suffragists both mobilize and contest urban etiquette, as they w
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Goodier, Susan. Establishing New York State Anti-Suffrage Organizations, 1895–1911. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0003.

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This chapter illustrates the nascent attempts of anti-suffragists to prevent their enfranchisement. The most prominent and effective anti-suffrage organizations that developed in New York State between 1895 and 1911 deliberately excluded men. Certainly, anti-suffragists were married to or related to some of the most politically powerful men in state and national government. However, a significant portion of college-educated, professional, and self-supporting women opposed suffrage. Once the antis established their organizations, they became a force powerful enough to help prolong the battle fo
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Goodier, Susan. Antis Win the New York State Campaign, 1912–1915. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0004.

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Activities of the anti-suffrage movement ebbed and flowed with those of the suffrage movement, suggesting the responsive nature of both movements. This chapter focuses on this process. The leadership of Alice Hill Chittenden, elected in the fall of 1912 to serve as president of the New York State Association Opposed to Woman Suffrage, accounts for the increased politicization of the anti-suffrage movement. Anti-suffragists won this battle, apparent in the results of the November 1915 referendum. However, it is also apparent by 1915 that anti-suffrage leaders faced serious challenges to their c
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Goodier, Susan. Suffragists Win the New York State Campaign, 1915–1917. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037474.003.0005.

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This chapter focuses on the second campaign for woman suffrage in New York State. Following the advent of the Great War, Alice Hill Chittenden, although continuing to serve as president of the state anti-suffrage association, focused her reform energy on war preparedness and the American Red Cross more than on suffrage. Historians have long posited that women won the right to vote as a reward for their war efforts. However, anti-suffragists, individually and as a group, committed their resources earlier and far more fully to the war effort than did suffragists. The Great War so distracted the
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Monopoli, Paula A. Constitutional Orphan. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190092795.001.0001.

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This book explores the role of former suffragists in the constitutional development of the Nineteenth Amendment, during the decade following its ratification in 1920. It examines the pivot to new missions, immediately after ratification, by two national suffrage organizations, the National Woman’s Party (NWP) and the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). The NWP turned from suffrage to a federal equal rights amendment. NAWSA became the National League of Women Voters (NLWV), and turned to voter education and social welfare legislation. The book connects that pivot by both group
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Johansen, Bruce, and Adebowale Akande, eds. Nationalism: Past as Prologue. Nova Science Publishers, Inc., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52305/aief3847.

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Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living t
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Book chapters on the topic "New York State Woman Suffrage Party"

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Santangelo, Lauren C. "From Confrontation to Collaboration, 1916 and 1917." In Suffrage and the City. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190850364.003.0007.

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This chapter examines the second referendum campaign in 1917, as collaboration with public officials replaced confrontation. Less than a month after New York men rejected political equality in 1915, the Empire State Campaign Committee hosted a “Reorganization Convention,” one outcome of which was the birth of the New York State Woman Suffrage Party. For years activists had aggressively claimed a “right to the city.” Now, those in the Woman Suffrage Party used that right to help the city during a devastating polio outbreak and World War I: distributing medical information to tenement dwellers,
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Goodier, Susan, and Karen Pastorello. "Conclusion." In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0010.

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This concluding chapter explores the ways that suffragists used their enfranchisement to push the Nineteenth Amendment forward. The book's study places New York State at the forefront of the woman suffrage movement in the eastern United States. Its success had a profound effect on the national movement. As seems usual for suffragists, there is no one path activists followed. Some women, radicalized by their efforts in New York State, joined the militant National Woman's Party and picketed the White House. Others took their organizing skills, including canvassing and lobbying, to campaigns in n
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Perry, Elisabeth Israels. "Negotiating Partisanship." In After the Vote. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199341849.003.0004.

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After New York women won the vote in 1917, many joined political party clubs and some ran for office. In the 1920s, only a few won seats in the state legislature, and only one served more than one term. A few women won other posts—register of New York County and alderwoman—and a few others won appointive government and judicial posts. Local and state political party committees elected women as officers. These small victories encouraged other women to keep trying. The obstacles to women’s political success in the first decade after suffrage remained high, however. Some suffragists were ambivale
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"Mary Church Terrell: “The Progress of Colored Women”." In Schlager Anthology of Women’s History. Schlager Group Inc., 2023. https://doi.org/10.3735/9781961844025.book-part-068.

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On February 18, 1898, at a meeting of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), Mary Church Terrell delivered an address titled “The Progress of Colored Women.” She states in the address that the occasion marks the fiftieth anniversary of the NAWSA, but this is only partly true. This meeting of the association was held in conjunction with the fiftieth anniversary of the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848 in New York, which many historians regard as the official start of the women’s suffrage movement in the United States. In part as a result of the Seneca Falls Convention, various
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"Mary Church Terrell: “The Progress of Colored Women”." In Schlager Anthology of Black America. Schlager Group Inc., 2021. https://doi.org/10.3735/9781935306627.book-part-108.

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On February 18, 1898, at a meeting of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), Mary Church Terrell delivered an address titled “The Progress of Colored Women.” She states in the address that the occasion marks the fiftieth anniversary of the NAWSA, but this is only partly true. This meeting of the association was held in conjunction with the fiftieth anniversary of the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848 in New York, which many historians regard as the official start of the women’s suffrage movement in the United States. In part as a result of the Seneca Falls Convention, various
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"Mary Church Terrell: “The Progress of Colored Women” 1898." In Milestone Documents in African American History. Schlager Group Inc., 2010. https://doi.org/10.3735/9781935306153.book-part-061.

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On February 18, 1898, at a meeting of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), Mary Church Terrell delivered an address titled “The Progress of Colored Women.” She states in the address that the occasion marks the fi ftieth anniversary of the NAWSA, but this is only partly true. This meeting of the association was held in conjunction with the fi ftieth anniversary of the Seneca Falls Convention of 1848 in New York, which many historians regard as the offi cial start of the women’s suffrage movement in the United States. In part as a result of the Seneca Falls Convention, vario
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Goodier, Susan, and Karen Pastorello. "Rising from the Ashes of Defeat." In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0009.

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This chapter discusses how women suffragists engaged in legislative and political maneuvering in the crucial years between 1915 and 1917. Rural, immigrant, and black women rarely had the ability to lobby the state legislature directly. Mainstream suffragists, however—eventually fortified by male supporters—maintained their legislative lobbying efforts throughout the entire movement. Although the suffrage referendum failed in 1915, ever-resilient suffrage activists immediately rallied to analyze their shortcomings, draw on extensive experience, and systematically target male politicians and vot
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Goodier, Susan, and Karen Pastorello. "Persuading the “Male Preserve”." In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0006.

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This chapter focuses on men, the only empowered contingent of the suffrage movement. While some men had always voiced support for woman suffrage, no sustained men's organization existed in the state until 1908. That year, Anna Howard Shaw, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, encouraged the founding of the Men's League for Woman Suffrage, which then served as an affiliate of the New York State Woman Suffrage Association. These elite white men, often raised or living in suffrage households, risked embarrassment and censure by publicly displaying their support for woman
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Santangelo, Lauren C. "“The Wickedness of the Masses”." In Suffrage and the City. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190850364.003.0002.

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This chapter explores suffrage strategies from 1870 to 1894—from the Manhattan movement’s foundation to the New York State Constitutional Convention campaign. For suffrage leaders like Lillie Devereux Blake and those in the New York City Woman Suffrage League, the city remained a frustrating, if not dangerous, place. These beliefs informed movement tactics in the 1870s and 1880s, as organizers clung to the safety of supporters’ homes or rented commercial halls for meetings. The opportunity presented by the New York State Constitutional Convention in 1894 interrupted this routine and energized
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Goodier, Susan, and Karen Pastorello. "Tenuous Ties." In Women Will Vote. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501705557.003.0002.

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This chapter details the development of a woman suffrage movement in New York State as it positions the state in the broad historical context of the national woman suffrage movement. Some rural upstate New Yorkers demanded social and political reforms for women well before the Civil War. As a result of controversy sparked by the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted African American men the right to vote, women founded two national organizations and the New York State Woman Suffrage Association. State leaders dominated the movement in terms of strategy and tactics, and several of them rose to nat
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