Academic literature on the topic 'Newspapers – Political aspects – Zimbabwe'

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Journal articles on the topic "Newspapers – Political aspects – Zimbabwe"

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Naldi, Gino J. "Land Reform in Zimbabwe: Some Legal Aspects." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 585–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012258.

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The Government of Zimbabwe has only recently begun to implement the commitment of the liberation movements to give land to poor ‘communal’ farmers, especially those dispossessed by the whiteminority régime after Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence in 1965. It needs to be recalled that by virtue of the Land Tenure Act of 1969 almost half of the country's agricultural land was allocated to Europeans, who had ‘greater access to the regions considered suited to intensive crop and livestock production’, and that ‘On average, each of the nearly 7,000 European farms was roughly 100 times the size of any of the 700,000 or so holdings in the Tribal Trust Lands’. The fact that much of this land was under-utilised only served to increase African resentment.
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Rutenbeck, Jeffrey B. "Newspaper Trends in the 1870s: Proliferation, Popularization, and Political Independence." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 2 (June 1995): 361–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200209.

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The 1870s was a decade of dramatic growth and change for American journalism. This article examines several specific aspects of those changes, including changes in newspaper size, cost, and political affiliation. In general, newspapers were expanding in size (from four to eight pages), decreasing in cost, and moving away from the long-standing tradition of party identification toward political independence and nonaffiliation. By the end of the 1870s, partisan papers were smaller, fewer, and more expensive than their independent and nonaffiliated counterparts, suggesting a transformation in the social, political, and economic relationships embodied in American newspapers.
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Institution of Traditional Leadership and Local Governance in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 5, no. 1 (January 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2018010101.

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This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.
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Crumley, Ellen T., Caroline Sheppard, Chantelle Bowden, and Gregg Nelson. "Canadian French and English newspapers’ portrayals of physicians’ role and medical assistance in dying (MAiD) from 1972 to 2016: a qualitative textual analysis." BMJ Open 9, no. 4 (April 2019): e020369. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2017-020369.

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ObjectiveTo examine how Canadian newspapers portrayed physicians’ role and medical assistance in dying (MAiD).DesignQualitative textual analysis.SettingOnline and print articles from Canadian French and English newspapers.Participants813 newspaper articles published from 1972 to 2016.ResultsKey Canadian events defined five eras. From 1972 to 1990, newspapers portrayed physician’s MAiD role as a social issue by reporting supportive public opinion polls and revealing it was already occurring in secret. From 1991 to 1995, newspapers discussed legal aspects of physicians’ MAiD role including Rodriguez’ Supreme Court of Canada appeal and Federal government Bills. From 1996 to 2004, journalists discussed professional aspects of physicians’ MAiD role and the growing split between palliative care and physicians who supported MAiD. They also reported on court cases against Canadian physicians, Dr Kevorkian and suffering patients who could not receive MAiD. From 2005 to 2013, newspapers described political aspects including the tabling of MAiD legislation to change physicians’ role. Lastly, from 2014 to 2016, newspapers again portrayed legal aspects of physicians’ role as the Supreme Court of Canada was anticipated to legalise MAiD and the Québec government passed its own legislation. Remarkably, newspapers kept attention to MAiD over 44 years before it became legal. Articles generally reflected Canadians’ acceptance of MAiD and physicians were typically portrayed as opposing it, but not all did.ConclusionsNewspaper portrayals of physicians’ MAiD role discussed public opinion, politicians’ activities and professional and legal aspects. Portrayals followed the issue-attention cycle through three of five stages: 1) preproblem, 2) alarmed discovery and euphoric enthusiasm and 3) realising the cost of significant progress.
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Guo, Lei, Shih-Hsien Hsu, Avery Holton, and Sun Ho Jeong. "A case study of the Foxconn suicides." International Communication Gazette 74, no. 5 (July 17, 2012): 484–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048512445155.

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This study used an international perspective to analyze how newspapers in the United States and China framed a specific global sweatshop issue: a continuous spate of suicides at the Foxconn Technology Group, a major supplier to Apple, Dell, and Hewlett-Packard. Through a quantitative and qualitative analysis of 92 newspaper articles appearing in US and Chinese newspapers, this study found Chinese newspapers framed the suicides mainly as the psychological problems of a young generation rather than a sweatshop issue. Newspapers in the US used a traditional human rights abuser frame to portray the suicides. Foxconn was the main social actor cited in most news coverage. Both the US and Chinese newspapers framed the case as a China-specific problem, ignoring global social justice and world economy aspects. This study contributes more broadly to framing research by developing an approach that is distinctly used for cross-cultural framing studies about a global issue.
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Ndakaripa, Musiwaro. "‘Zimbabwe is open for business’: Aspects of post-Mugabe economic diplomacy." South African Journal of International Affairs 27, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 363–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2020.1826355.

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Tyshkevych, Oleksandr. "NEWSPAPERS OF THE KYIV GENERAL GOVERNORATE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY: LANGUAGE, CIRCULATION, PERIODICITY OF PUBLICATION." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001565.

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The article represents the Ukrainian-language newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate of the early XX century and defines their role in the socio-political life of that time. It should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, only 9 were in Ukrainian. Despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, Ukrainian-language newspapers covered all aspects of Ukrainian life under the rule of the Russian Empire. Ukrainian-language newspapers monitored the development of society and the influenced on the formation of the national consciousness of ethnic Ukrainians. The object of the research is aspects of the political life of Ukrainians on the pages of publications: "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." The mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, but are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine at the beginning of the XX century. The purpose of the article is to study the political orientation, the language of publications, and the frequency of Ukrainian-language newspapers in the Kyiv General Governorate in the early XX century. By summing up the role of newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate at the beginning of the XX century, it should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, published in the Volyn Governorate, Kyiv Governorate, Podil Governorate, only 8 were Ukrainian-language. Nevertheless, despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, the newspapers reflected all aspects of Ukrainian life under the control of the Russian Empire. Newspaper publications reflected the life of the Ukrainian community while influencing the formation of the national identity of ethnic Ukrainians [1]. It seems that no issue of Ukrainian national life has escaped their pages. Even the slightest manifestation of the cultural or political life of Ukrainians under the government of the Russian Empire found a response in the pages of publications in "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." Although the mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, they are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine in the early XX century, testify to the growth of national and cultural revival of the Ukrainian people in Russian Ukraine. The study can be applied to prepare students and graduates in the field of Historical Sciences and Culturology. The newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate (Volyn, Kyiv, and Podil Governorate) of the early XX century were researched and systematized by language, circulation, and frequency of publication for the first time. The study can be the basis for further research of the Ukrainian periodicals for the period from 1800 to 1861 of the XIX century.
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Noureen, Abida, Haseeb ur Rehman, and Khuram Shams. "Print Media Coverage of Political Parties in Pakistan: Treatment of Opinion Pages of the Daily Jang and Daily Dawn." Global Regional Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 230–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/.2020(v-i).26.

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Historically, Print media especially newspapers in Pakistan were considered as mature and objective in their business. Currently, the phenomenon of ‘popular and crispy style’ of editorials is being explored for enhancing the readership of newspapers. Theperceptions we make in our mindsabout the worldare mostly basedon second-handreality which sometimes creates distortion in the information we receive whether it comes from media or any other channel of communication. Therefore, the role of media in framing certain aspects of political parties for the target audiences has been drastically enhanced in recent decades. The present study has focused on the coverage of political parties in the light of framing theory. The mainstream media covered these activities of the parties differently as some newspapers gave huge coverage while some others gave moderate or low coverage. The goal of this research study was to explore how leading dailies Daily Jang and Daily Dawn covered main political parties PTI and PML-N in the light of Indexing theory
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Noureen, Abida, Haseeb ur Rehman, and Khuram Shams. "Print Media Coverage of Political Parties in Pakistan: Treatment of Opinion Pages of the Daily Jang and Daily Dawn." Global Regional Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 230–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-i).26.

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Historically, Print media especially newspapers in Pakistan were considered as mature and objective in their business. Currently, the phenomenon of ‘popular and crispy style’ of editorials is being explored for enhancing the readership of newspapers. Theperceptions we make in our mindsabout the worldare mostly basedon second-handreality which sometimes creates distortion in the information we receive whether it comes from media or any other channel of communication. Therefore, the role of media in framing certain aspects of political parties for the target audiences has been drastically enhanced in recent decades. The present study has focused on the coverage of political parties in the light of framing theory. The mainstream media covered these activities of the parties differently as some newspapers gave huge coverage while some others gave moderate or low coverage. The goal of this research study was to explore how leading dailies Daily Jang and Daily Dawn covered main political parties PTI and PML-N in the light of Indexing theory
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10

Moyo, Jonathan N. "State Politics and Social Domination in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010739.

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Few can doubt the proposition that there is an important difference between information and knowledge, and that more of the former does not necessarily lead to the latter. Whereas a great deal has been written from all manner of perspectives about the situation in Africa both before and since independence, the resulting corpus of literature has seldom yielded a mainstream understanding of basic aspects of state politics. Doubtless many feel that the more they read about the continent, the less they known about what is going on and why.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Newspapers – Political aspects – Zimbabwe"

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Nyaungwa, Mathew. "Newspapers' institutional voices in Zimbabwe : speaking to power through editorials between 1 June and 31 December 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017786.

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This study investigates the complex role editorials – a newspaper's institutional voice – play in highly-polarised political contexts. Employing Van Dijk's insight that editorials "are usually not only, and even not primarily, directed at the common reader: rather they tend to directly or indirectly address influential news actors" (1992: 244), the study focuses on how the editorials of two Zimbabwean daily newspapers – The Herald, a perceived pro-government newspaper, and NewsDay, a perceived pro-opposition newspaper – speak to those in power. The study looks at these two newspapers' editorials from 1 June to 31 December 2013, which covers the period prior to, during and after the 2013 national elections. The 31 July, 2013 elections took place after four years of an uneasy government of national unity (GNU), which comprised ZANU-PF and the two MDC formations (Raftopoulos, 2013:978). Given the polarisation that is pervasive in the Zimbabwean politics and media, the study draws on Hallin and Mancini (2004)'s "Polarised Pluralist Model". In this model the media are used as instruments of struggle in conflicts, sometimes by dictatorships and by movements struggling against them, but also by contending parties in periods of democratic politics (Hallin and Mancini, 2004:61). Further, the methodological approach that informs this study is primarily qualitative. A qualitative content analysis of 30 editorials seeks to identify themes covered in the editorials. The study also employs a rhetorical analysis of 12 editorials and in-depth interviews and these form the adopted three-stage research design. The findings of this research somewhat contradict the common view in Zimbabwe that the privately-owned media blindly support the opposition while the stateowned media do the same to ZANU-PF (Chari, 2009:10; Mabweazara, 2011:110). Although The Herald openly supported ZANU-PF prior to the election, it shifted after the election as it pushed the ruling party to fulfill pledges made on the campaign trail. Some ZANU-PF officials were also censured by The Herald, although this selective criticism can be linked to factionalism in the party. NewsDay editorials reminded the newly formed government to mend the economy and provide basic services. While, the daily constantly censured Mugabe and ZANU-PF prior to the election, it also occasionally berated the MDC, which can be attributed to its participation in the GNU as that took away the privilege it previously had of not being hold accountable by the press.
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Gandari, Jonathan. "An examination of how organisational policy and news professionalism are negotiated in a newsroom: a case study of Zimbabwe's Financial gazette." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002884.

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The construction of journalistic professionalism in Zimbabwe has stirred debate among scholars. Critics have argued that professionalism has been compromised by the stifling media laws in Zimbabwe as well as the extra legal measures the state has enforced to control the press. Some have also argued that a new kind of journalism must be emerging in the Zimbabwean newsroom as journalism try to cope with the political and economic pressures bedeviling the country. Much of this criticism however, has not been based on close interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of the journalists in any particular newsroom. It is against this background that this study examines the constructions of professionalism at the Financial Gazette. In particular it explores the meaning of professionalism through interrogating the journalistic practices the journalists consider during the process of news production in the context of overwhelming state power. In undertaking this examination, the study draws primarily on qualitative research methods, particularly observation and multi-layered individual in-depth interviews. As the study demonstrates, the interrogation of professionalism from the perspective of newsroom practices uncovers the complex manner in which professionalism is negotiated in the Gazette’s newsroom located in a country undergoing transition in Democracy. The study establishes that when measured against normative canons of journalistic professionalism the Gazette is deviating from such tenets as public service and watchdog journalism. As the study indicates, perhaps unbeknown to the respondents, the ruling ZANU PF party hegemony is reproduced at the Gazette through choice of news values such as sovereignty and patriotism all euphemisms for ruling party‘s slogans.
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Mukundu, Rashweat. "A critical discourse analysis of the coverage of operation "Restore Order" (Operation Murambatsvina) by Zimbabwe's weekly newspapers, the state-owned The Sunday Mail and the privately owned The Standard, in the period 18 May to 30 June 2005." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002925.

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On May 16 2006 the government of Zimbabwe embarked on a clean-up programme of urban centres, destroying informal human settlements and informal businesses. This operation, which the government called operation "Restore Order", resulted in the displacement of nearly one million people and left thousands of families homeless. This study is a discussion and an analysis of the coverage of the clean-up operation by two of Zimbabwe's leading Sunday newspapers, The Sunday Mail and The Standard. The Sunday Mail is owned by the Zimbabwe government and The Standard is privately owned and perceived to be oppositional to the current Zimbabwe government. The two newspapers, therefore, covered the clean-up operation from different perspectives and often presented conflicting reports explaining why the clean-up operation was carried out and the extent of its impact on the lives of millions of Zimbabweans. The chosen research approach is the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) framework as developed by Fairclough (1995). Using CDA, this study seeks to find out and expose the underlying ideological struggles for hegemony between different social and political groups in Zimbabwe and how the newspapers became actors in this process. This process is made possible by looking at how news reporting is organised in the two newspapers, issues of language use, sourcing and external factors that influenced the coverage of the operation.
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Moyo, Chelesani. "A critical history of the rise and fall of the first ever independently owned Matabeleland publication in Zimbabwe : the case of The Southern Star." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1013273.

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This research is premised on the understanding that alternative forms of media emerge to deal with specific ideological projects and, as such, must be seen as satisfying a specific need at a specific point in time. Using the case of a weekly newspaper, The Southern Star which was in circulation from January 2012 to June 2012, this study sought to understand the factors that led to the establishment of the newspaper, what it sought to achieve, how it went about putting that into practice, its message in relation to debates emanating from the ‘Matabeleland Question’ and also the factors that led to the its collapse. In order to address my research questions, I adopted a two stage research design qualitative content analysis and semi structured in depth interviews. In locating the study within the qualitative epistemic understanding of research, it was clear from the qualitative content analysis of 13 editions of the publication and in depth interviews held with 15 respondents that the newspaper was set up with the aim of serving a marginalised section of the population (in this instance the Ndebele) by providing them with a platform to articulate issues affecting them. It also sought to ‘speak’ the ‘unspoken’ within the mainstream media by focusing on Matabeleland identity politics. It achieved this by creating content around the Gukurahundi genocide, Matabeleland development, Matabeleland history and Matabeleland heroes. The newspaper also sought to emancipate the people from the South by advocated for social, cultural, economic and political justice as a resolution to the ‘Matabeleland Question’. However, the newspaper failed to sustain operations due to lack of advertising revenue. As a result of the constraining political environment in which the newspaper operated, potential advertisers were afraid of placing advertisements in the newspaper because of the nature of the content produced, which in view of Zimbabwe’s rival ethnic history, could easily be labelled ethnically divisive. Also, being a new player in the market worked to their disadvantage as prospective advertisers opted to place their adverts in “tried and tested” publications (Zimpapers and Alpha Media Holdings). Additionally, because of poor management, roles were not clearly defined and hence the newspaper failed to operate as a business enterprise. As noted during interviews with junior reporters, there was little or no experience at management level. The paper lacked a coordinated circulation strategy and from inception, was never officially launched, which resulted in the failure to reach significant audiences.
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Mlotshwa, Khanyile Joseph. "An interrogation of the representation of the San and Tonga ethnic ‘minorities’ in the Zimbabwean state-owned Chronicle, and the privately owned Newsday Southern Edition/Southern Eye newspapers during 2013." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1018546.

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This study critically interrogates representations of the San and Tonga in the Chronicle and the NewsDay Southern Edition/Southern Eye newspapers in 2013. It makes sense of how these representations and the journalistic practices that underwrite them position the ethnic groups as ‘minorities’ - in relation to other ethnic groups - within the discourses of Zimbabwean nationalism. Underpinned by a constructionist approach (Hall, 1997), the study makes sense of the San and Tonga identities otherwise silenced by the “bi-modal” (Ndlovu- Gatsheni, 2012: 536; Masunungure, 2006) Shona/Ndebele approach to Zimbabwean nationalism. In socio-historic terms, the study is located within the re-emergence of ‘ethnicity’ to contest Zimbabwean nationalism(s) during debates for the New Constitution leading to a Referendum in March 2013. The thesis draws on social theories that offer explanatory power in studying media representations, which include postcolonial (Bhabha, 1990, 1994; Spivak, 1995), hegemony (Gramsci, 1971), and discourse (Foucault, 1970, 1972; Laclau and Mouffe, 1985) theories. These theories speak to the ways in which discourses about identity, belonging, citizenship and democracy are constructed in situations in which unequal social power is contested. The thesis links journalism practice with the politics of representation drawing on normative theories of journalism (Christians et al, 2009), the professional ideology of journalism (Tuchman, 1972; Golding and Elliot, 1996; Hall et al., 1996), and the concept of journalists as an ‘interpretive community’ (Zelizer, 1993). These theories allow us to unmask the role of journalism’s social power in representation, and map ways in which the agency of the journalists has to be considered in relation to the structural features of the media industry in particular, and society in general. The study is qualitative and proceeds by way of combining a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) (Fairclough, 1992; Richardson, 2007) and ideological analysis (Thompson, 1990) of eight news texts taken from the two newspapers and in-depth interviews with 13 journalists from the two newspapers. This way we account for the media representations journalists produced: sometimes reproducing stereotypes, at other times, resisting them. Journalists not only regard themselves as belonging to the dominant ethnic groups of Shona or Ndebele, but as part of the middle class; they take Zimbabwean nationalism for granted, reproducing it as common-sense through sourcing patterns dominated by elites. This silences the San and Tonga constructing them as a ‘minority’ through a double play of invisibility and hyper visibility, where they either don’t appear in the news texts or are overly stereotyped.
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Mabweazara, Hayes Mawindi. "An investigation into the popularity of the Zimbabwean tabloid newspaper, uMthunywa: a reception study of Bulawayo readers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002908.

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The development of the tabloid press has stirred heated debate among media scholars. Critics have argued against the relevance of tabloids in society, often framing them as the ‘journalistic other’ deserving no place in ‘serious’ journalism. Much of this criticism, however, has not been based on a close interrogation of the phenomenon, or an examination of the reasons for their popularity amongst readers. It is against this background that this study investigates the reasons behind the popularity of the Zimbabwean state-controlled tabloid newspaper uMthunywa, among its Bulawayo readers. In particular, it explores the meanings obtained from the content of the paper and the relevance of this content to the readers’ everyday lives. In undertaking this investigation, the study draws primarily on qualitative research methods, particularly qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews (both group and individual). As the study demonstrates, these methods uncover the complex manner in which Bulawayo readers are attracted to uMthunywa and how they appropriate its textual meanings to their lived realities. The study establishes that despite uMthunywa being state-controlled, it offers space through which the conventional ways of presenting reality are challenged, and the importance of the newspaper being written in isiNdebele. As the study indicates, the popularity of the newspaper is largely dependent on its excessive formulaic and sensational stories, which cover issues experienced by its readers in their lived circumstances. The study thus argues that the newspaper constitutes an alternative mediated public sphere that finds space in the deeper social conditions that have alienated the people of Bulawayo from the macropolitical life of the nation and the ‘power bloc’.
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Munyanyi, Rachael Mationesa. "The political economy of food aid: a case of Zimbabwe." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_8972_1182748616.

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The food security crisis which gripped the sub Sahara Africa after the drought in 1999/2000 threatened development initiatives in these countries. Zimbabwe&rsquo
s situation has since worsened and the country has failed to recuperate from the food problems, even after an improvement in the climatic conditions. International and local food aid activities then became a priority in the fight to sustain the right to food for the affected regions. It is argued in this research that if food aid is distributed on the basis of need it will enable the vulnerable populations recuperate form food insecurity problems. It is also postulated that if well implemented, food aid programmes are also able to play the dual role of averting starvation and leading to long term development. This thesis departs from the allegations of food aid politicisation in Zimbabwe.


Using the rational choice and neopatrimonial theories of individual behaviour, this research endeavored to ascertain whether political decisions influenced the government food aid distributions which were conducted through the Grain Marketing Board. In line with these theories, it is argued in this study that politicians behave in a manner that maximizes the fulfillment of their individual needs rather than the needs of the people who vote them in positions of power.


A qualitative approach was adopted in this study and data was gathered through household interviews in the Seke and Goromonzi districts of the Mashonaland East province in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, interviews were conducted with food aid experts from the governmental and non governmental organisations dealing with food security issues in Zimbabwe.

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Dlamini, Tula. "Whither state, private or public service broadcasting? : an analysis of the construction of news on ZBC TV during the 2002 presidential election campaign in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008257.

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The study sets out to examine the television coverage of the 2002 presidential campaign in Zimbabwe by examining the extent to which the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation fulfilled the mandate of public service broadcasting. The primary objective of this study is to assess how ZBC television newscasts mediated pluralistic politics in the coverage of the country's presidential election campaign, in line with the normative public sphere principles. The thesis comprises seven chapters organized, first, with an introductory chapter, which provides the general background of the study. The chapter offers the rationale for the focus on TV rather than other media fomls . There are two theoretical and contextual chapters in which the use of both qualitative and quantitative methods is explained and findings are presented. Finally, the conclusion offers recommendations about the form broadcasting might take to fulfil a public service mandate and these include the strengthening of the public service broadcasting model along normative public sphere principles. The findings of the analysed election newscasts confirm that ZBC television election news was constructed in favour of ZANU PF at the expense of voices from other social and political constituencies.
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Lee, Kin-sun Alvin, and 李建燊. "A corpus study on the depiction of political parties in British newspapers." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B44670266.

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Mawarire, Jealousy Mbizvo. "A critical inquiry into the absence of a gender equality discourse in the coverage of the land redistribution issue in two Zimbabwean newspapers, The Daily News and The Herald, between 01 February and 30 June 2000." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002915.

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The media, which help define what we think and our roles in the society, have a crucial role to project both men and women’s issues so as to change people’s perceptions and stereotypes about the role men and women play in the society. There is need, therefore, to ensure gender equality in the operations of the media so that issues to do with both men and women get adequate and equal coverage. This study on the reportage of the land redistribution exercise in Zimbabwe has, however, exposed the gendered nature of the operations of the media, particularly in the news production process. It provides that, overally, the news discourse is a masculine narrative whose androcentric form is a result of, and is protected by, claims to ‘objectivity,’ ‘professionalism’, ‘impartiality’ and the pursuit of a journalistic routine system that hegemonically prioritises men’s issues over those of women. The situation, as the research shows, has not been helped by journalists’ incapacity to do thematic appreciation of issues and their over-inclination towards a simplistic event-based journalism that fails to question policies as they are enacted and implemented in gender-skewed processes. The lack of gender policies, the operations of patriarchy and the pursuit of a journalistic routine system that sees nothing wrong with the ostracisation of women issues are very fundamental findings that the research uses in its attempts to explain why the gender equality discourse was left out of the news reports about the land reform exercise in Zimbabwe.
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Books on the topic "Newspapers – Political aspects – Zimbabwe"

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Rusike, E. T. The politics of the mass media: A personal experience. [Harare, Zimbabwe: Roblaw Publishers, 1990.

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Mamutse, Edward O. Report on rural newspaper development in Zimbabwe. [Harare]: Zimbabwe Mass Media Trust, 1986.

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Zimbabwe Institute of Development Studies., ed. The political economy of hunger in Zimbabwe. Harare: Publications Office, ZIDS, 1985.

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Dzimba, John. South Africa's destabilization of Zimbabwe, 1980-89. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.

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South Africa's destabilization of Zimbabwe, 1980-89. London: MacMillan Press, 1998.

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Price-Smith, Andrew T. Downward spiral: HIV/AIDS, state capacity, and political conflict in Zimbabwe. Washington, D.C: United States Institute of Peace, 2004.

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Independent newspapers: A history. Dublin, Ireland: Four Courts Press, 2012.

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Iskandar, Suhayr. al- Ṣiḥāfah al-Miṣrīyah wa-al-qaḍāyā al-waṭanīyah :1946-1054. [Cairo]: al-Hayʾah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 1992.

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1906-, Allana G., ed. Alvaḥīd jo Sindh jī ṣaḥāfata, siyāsata ʻain ʻilmu o adaba main ḥiṣṣo: Pī. Aich. Ḍī. jī ḍigrīʼa lāʼi līkhyal taḥqīqī maqālo. Karācī: Inḍas Pablīkeshans, 1996.

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J, Fleming Thomas. Behind the headlines: The story of American newspapers. New York: Walker, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Newspapers – Political aspects – Zimbabwe"

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Sabao, Collen. "Shades of the GNU in Zimbabwe (2009 – 13)." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 306–27. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0081-0.ch017.

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The chapter seeks to make a comparative analysis of the representations of Zimbabwe's GNU in Zimbabwean newspapers – The Herald and NewsDay with regards to two main issues of contention – the Zimbabwe Sanctions Debate and the constitution making process. It is important to note that Zimbabwe at the time of the GNU was under European Union (EU) and United States of America imposed ‘sanctions' and the sanctions debate constituted one of the most contentious issues with regards to the relations between the parties to the GNU. As such, it examines the discourse linguistic question of ‘objectivity' (or ‘neutrality') in ‘hard' news reports on the matter in these newspapers and from an Appraisal linguistic theoretic perspective. It compares the textuality of purposively sampled ‘hard' news reports in The Herald and NewsDay that evince the political relations between the parties to the GNU and the functionalities of the GNU in general during the period between September 2009 and June 2013.
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Forceville, Charles. "Case Studies–Political and Non-Political Cartoons." In Visual and Multimodal Communication, 167–84. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190845230.003.0009.

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The genre of political cartoons purports to present a wittily critical visual or visual-plus-written-verbal commentary on politicians and states of affairs in the world. The genre is thereby of high interest for critical discourse analysts, as it lays bare a community’s ideological assumptions and does so in a pithy, easily accessible form. Moreover, the genre can get away with proposing ideas that, when presented in the verbal mode, would be unacceptably offensive or crude. From an RT perspective, it is clear that since cartoons typically appear in specific newspapers and magazine, cartoonists have a fairly precise idea of the target audience to whom they want to be optimally relevant. The chapter outlines the conventions of the cartoon genre in some detail, then examines four political and two non-political cartoons in the light of their communicative and informative intentions, aspects of reference assignment, implicated premises, and explicatures and implicatures. Other aspects that are briefly addressed are cartoons’ artist-dependent style, need for stereotypical depiction and caricaturization, deployment of metaphors, and loose use of visuals.
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Institution of Traditional Leadership and Local Governance in Zimbabwe." In African Studies, 715–32. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3019-1.ch038.

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This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.
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Kediehor, Collins, and Chamberlain Chinsom Egbulefu. "Framing American Politicians Through Photo Manipulation." In Research Anthology on Fake News, Political Warfare, and Combatting the Spread of Misinformation, 370–86. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7291-7.ch021.

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This chapter examines photo manipulation as a non-verbal strategy aimed at framing reality and representing American politicians in three Nigerian tabloids, namely Vanguard, Punch, and Nigeriana. The chapter specifically seeks answers to three research questions: What are some of the photo manipulation techniques used in the three newspapers? How do these techniques affect these newspapers' reports on American politics? And how does photo manipulation help frame specific aspects of American politics? Using structuralism as method of analysis, the chapter argues that Vanguard and Punch newspapers have embraced the tradition of using photomontage, photo collage and photoshopped photos to subtly dramatize news and infuse their articles with features carrying highly connotative meanings. In such photo montages and collages, shots are usually oriented in well calculated manners, or set as in photo serials and cartoons; all these in a bid to convey subliminal/connotative messages about American politicians. Such messages often endorse trivial stereotypes of American politicians.
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Takavarasha, Jr., Sam, and Eldred Masunungure. "The Opportunities and Challenges of using Email for Political Communication in Authoritarian States." In Advances in Human and Social Aspects of Technology, 147–65. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6066-3.ch009.

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This chapter uses Illich's (1973) concept of conviviality for analysing the challenges and opportunities of using email for political communication in authoritarian states. Based on evidence from a case study of Zimbabwe's Media Monitoring Project (MMPZ), it contends that while conviviality allows the use of ICTs for political mobilisation, it also enables a counterproductive “big brother” effect. In addition to constant censorship and overt operations, covert strategies are often used for disrupting communication platforms. This calls for a framework for harnessing ICTs for political mobilisation. This chapter is a case study on how perceived state surveillance disrupted a vibrant communicative space in Zimbabwe. Based on evidence from the volumes of email traffic transacted over two weeks of panic, anger, and heroism, the chapter discusses the challenges and opportunities of using email for political mobilisation and warns against uncritical celebration of the role of ICTs in political mobilisation. It concludes by suggesting how the adaption of e-strategies from email marketing to political communication is among the skills that could break the tie between political opponents armed with the same convivial tools for political communication in the information age.
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O’Malley, Tom. "Readership and Readers." In The Edinburgh History of the British and Irish Press, Volume 3, 83–105. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474424929.003.0004.

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This chapter examines aspects of the relationship between newspapers and their readers in the twentieth century. It explores the ways the newspaper industry understood its readers and how readers responded to newspapers. It discusses patterns of circulation; the effect of industry research on the content of newspapers; the demographics of readership; what readers read, and the nature of their engagement and the question of the effects of the content. It argues that if historians are to grasp the roles newspapers played in the political, cultural and social world of the twentieth century, we need to pay far more attention to their readers.
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Tanana, Arina. "The Ethnopolitical Component of the Finnish Occupation Authorities’ Print Propaganda in Karelia in 1941–1944." In Ethnocultural and ethnopolitical processes in Karelia from the Middle Ages to the present day. Karelian Research Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.17076/ethno0_26.

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The paper discusses the ethno-political aspects of the Finnish military administration policy in occupied Karelia in 1941–1944, which was reflected in newspapers. The materials of the periodicals were aimed at forming an idea of the historical and cultural unity of the East Karelia’ and Finland’ population. The result of this activity should have been education of “true” citizens of The Great Finland from “kindred peoples” (i.e. aboriginal persons).
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Huffman, James L. "The Sun Also Shone." In Down and Out in Late Meiji Japan. University of Hawai'i Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824872915.003.0007.

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The brighter aspects of hinmin life are examined here, with poor people seen as agents who embraced challenges and sought to enjoy life. At work, many found meaning in what they did, even as they strove to advance and engaged in individual acts of protest. In the political sphere, it is clear that hinmin were heavily involved in the public protests and riots that marked the late-Meiji years—and that they had a significant impact. At home, they read newspapers in surprising numbers, created communities that, over time, began to resemble the village communities from which they had come, and they worked to improve their finances and their lives. Beyond that, the hinmin were celebrators. Their participation in street markets, in holidays, in seasonal celebrations such as blossom-viewing, and in temple festivals is detailed, with an emphasis on the the Asakusa temples and entertainment centers.
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Conference papers on the topic "Newspapers – Political aspects – Zimbabwe"

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McClelland, Paul, Frank Dennis, and Mark Liddiard. "Practical Implementation of National Clearance Levels at Dounreay." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4629.

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Clearance is a very important part of any effective waste management strategy for both operating and decommissioning nuclear facilities. Radioactive waste disposal capacity is becoming an increasingly valuable resource and costs for disposal of radioactive wastes continue to dramatically rise. Considerable cost savings may be realised by efficient segregation of essentially non-radioactive material from radioactive wastes. The release of these materials from licensed nuclear sites for disposal, reuse or recycle without further regulatory controls is commonly referred to by the nuclear industry as “clearance”. Although much effort has been directed at establishing national clearance levels, below which, materials may be released without further regulatory controls, there is little practical guidance regarding implementation into local waste management programmes. Compliance with regulatory clearance limits is a relatively straightforward technical exercise involving appropriate management control and monitoring of the material. Whilst this is sufficient to avoid prosecution for breach of regulatory requirements, it is not sufficient to avoid a myriad of political and public relations land mines. When material is unconditionally released, unless additional attention is given to management of its future destination off-site, it may end up anywhere. The worst nightmare for a waste manager at a nuclear site is headlines in local and national newspapers such as, “RADIOACTIVE WASTE DISPOSED IN LOCAL MUNICIPAL LANDFILL,” or, “RADIOACTIVE WASTE USED AS CONSTRUCTION MATERIAL FOR CHILDRENS PLAYGROUND,” etc. Even if the material were released legally, the cost of recovering from such a situation is potentially very large, and such public relations disasters could threaten to end the clearance programme at the given site, if not nationally. This paper describes how national regulatory clearance levels have been implemented for the decommissioning of the Dounreay nuclear site in the far north of Scotland. It specifically focuses on the management of public relations aspects of clearance in order to limit the exposure to non-regulatory pressures and liabilities associated with clearance programmes from nuclear sites. The issues are put into context for uncontaminated wastes, trace contaminated wastes and management of contaminated land.
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Reports on the topic "Newspapers – Political aspects – Zimbabwe"

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Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. VOLODYMYR LENYK AS A JOURNALIST AND EDITOR IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11094.

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In this article considered Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenika (14.06.1922–02.11.2005) – one of the leading figures of Ukrainian emigration in Germany. First outlined basic landmarks of his life and creation. Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenik was during to forty years out of Ukraine. In the conditions of emigration politically zaangazhovani Ukrainians counted on temporality of the stay abroad and prepared to transference of the created charts and instituciy on native lands. It was or by not main part of conception of liberation revolution of elaborate OUN under the direction of Stepan Banderi, and successfully incarnated in post-war years. Volodymyr Lenik, executing responsible commissions Organization, proved on a few directions of activity, which were organically combined with his journalistic and editorial work. As an editor he was promotorom of creation and realization of models of magazines «Avangard», «Krylati», «Znannia», «Freie Presse Korespondenz», newspapers «Shliakh peremogy». As a journalist Volodymyr Lenik left ponderable work, considerable part of which entered in two-volume edition «Ukrainians on strange land, or reporting, from long journeys». Subject of him newspaper-magazine publications directed on illumination of school, youth, student, cultural, scientific problems, organization and activity of emigrant structures, political fight of emigration, to dethronement of the antiukrainskikh Moscow diversions and provocations. Such variety of problematic of works of V. Lenika was directed in the river-bed of retaining of revolutionary temperament in the environment of diaspore, to bringing in of it to activity in public and political life. Problematic of him is systematized publicism and journalistic appearances, which was inferior realization of a few important tasks, namely to the fight for Ukrainian independence in new terms, cherishing and maintainance of national identity, counteraction hostile soviet propaganda. On an example headed Volodymyr Lenikom a magazine «Knowledge» some aspects are exposed him editorial trade.
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