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1
Naldi, Gino J. "Land Reform in Zimbabwe: Some Legal Aspects." Journal of Modern African Studies 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 585–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012258.
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The Government of Zimbabwe has only recently begun to implement the commitment of the liberation movements to give land to poor ‘communal’ farmers, especially those dispossessed by the whiteminority régime after Rhodesia's unilateral declaration of independence in 1965. It needs to be recalled that by virtue of the Land Tenure Act of 1969 almost half of the country's agricultural land was allocated to Europeans, who had ‘greater access to the regions considered suited to intensive crop and livestock production’, and that ‘On average, each of the nearly 7,000 European farms was roughly 100 times the size of any of the 700,000 or so holdings in the Tribal Trust Lands’. The fact that much of this land was under-utilised only served to increase African resentment.
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Rutenbeck, Jeffrey B. "Newspaper Trends in the 1870s: Proliferation, Popularization, and Political Independence." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 72, no. 2 (June 1995): 361–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909507200209.
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The 1870s was a decade of dramatic growth and change for American journalism. This article examines several specific aspects of those changes, including changes in newspaper size, cost, and political affiliation. In general, newspapers were expanding in size (from four to eight pages), decreasing in cost, and moving away from the long-standing tradition of party identification toward political independence and nonaffiliation. By the end of the 1870s, partisan papers were smaller, fewer, and more expensive than their independent and nonaffiliated counterparts, suggesting a transformation in the social, political, and economic relationships embodied in American newspapers.
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Kurebwa, Jeffrey. "The Institution of Traditional Leadership and Local Governance in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 5, no. 1 (January 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2018010101.
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This article describes how traditional leaders play important developmental, administrative and political roles in rural areas, despite modern state structures. They regulate rural life, control access to land, and settle various disputes. They are respected leaders in their communities. The existence of traditional leaders means that both the decentralisation and the strengthening of local governance are not taking place in a vacuum. Documentary sources such as the Constitution of Zimbabwe; the Traditional Leaders Act (2000) and Chiefs and Headmen Act (1982); newspapers and unpublished non-governmental organisations (NGOs) evaluations and reports were used in this article. Traditional leaders have played a pivotal role in ensuring that the ZANU-PF government remains in power since 1980. In principle, traditional leaders should not be drawn into party politics and their role should remain one of the neutral leadership. If the traditional leader assumes a party-political role, one should appoint a substitute to handle their traditional role to avoid a conflict of interest.
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Crumley, Ellen T., Caroline Sheppard, Chantelle Bowden, and Gregg Nelson. "Canadian French and English newspapers’ portrayals of physicians’ role and medical assistance in dying (MAiD) from 1972 to 2016: a qualitative textual analysis." BMJ Open 9, no. 4 (April 2019): e020369. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2017-020369.
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ObjectiveTo examine how Canadian newspapers portrayed physicians’ role and medical assistance in dying (MAiD).DesignQualitative textual analysis.SettingOnline and print articles from Canadian French and English newspapers.Participants813 newspaper articles published from 1972 to 2016.ResultsKey Canadian events defined five eras. From 1972 to 1990, newspapers portrayed physician’s MAiD role as a social issue by reporting supportive public opinion polls and revealing it was already occurring in secret. From 1991 to 1995, newspapers discussed legal aspects of physicians’ MAiD role including Rodriguez’ Supreme Court of Canada appeal and Federal government Bills. From 1996 to 2004, journalists discussed professional aspects of physicians’ MAiD role and the growing split between palliative care and physicians who supported MAiD. They also reported on court cases against Canadian physicians, Dr Kevorkian and suffering patients who could not receive MAiD. From 2005 to 2013, newspapers described political aspects including the tabling of MAiD legislation to change physicians’ role. Lastly, from 2014 to 2016, newspapers again portrayed legal aspects of physicians’ role as the Supreme Court of Canada was anticipated to legalise MAiD and the Québec government passed its own legislation. Remarkably, newspapers kept attention to MAiD over 44 years before it became legal. Articles generally reflected Canadians’ acceptance of MAiD and physicians were typically portrayed as opposing it, but not all did.ConclusionsNewspaper portrayals of physicians’ MAiD role discussed public opinion, politicians’ activities and professional and legal aspects. Portrayals followed the issue-attention cycle through three of five stages: 1) preproblem, 2) alarmed discovery and euphoric enthusiasm and 3) realising the cost of significant progress.
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Guo, Lei, Shih-Hsien Hsu, Avery Holton, and Sun Ho Jeong. "A case study of the Foxconn suicides." International Communication Gazette 74, no. 5 (July 17, 2012): 484–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048512445155.
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This study used an international perspective to analyze how newspapers in the United States and China framed a specific global sweatshop issue: a continuous spate of suicides at the Foxconn Technology Group, a major supplier to Apple, Dell, and Hewlett-Packard. Through a quantitative and qualitative analysis of 92 newspaper articles appearing in US and Chinese newspapers, this study found Chinese newspapers framed the suicides mainly as the psychological problems of a young generation rather than a sweatshop issue. Newspapers in the US used a traditional human rights abuser frame to portray the suicides. Foxconn was the main social actor cited in most news coverage. Both the US and Chinese newspapers framed the case as a China-specific problem, ignoring global social justice and world economy aspects. This study contributes more broadly to framing research by developing an approach that is distinctly used for cross-cultural framing studies about a global issue.
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Ndakaripa, Musiwaro. "‘Zimbabwe is open for business’: Aspects of post-Mugabe economic diplomacy." South African Journal of International Affairs 27, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 363–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2020.1826355.
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Tyshkevych, Oleksandr. "NEWSPAPERS OF THE KYIV GENERAL GOVERNORATE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XX CENTURY: LANGUAGE, CIRCULATION, PERIODICITY OF PUBLICATION." EUREKA: Social and Humanities, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5571.2020.001565.
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The article represents the Ukrainian-language newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate of the early XX century and defines their role in the socio-political life of that time. It should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, only 9 were in Ukrainian. Despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, Ukrainian-language newspapers covered all aspects of Ukrainian life under the rule of the Russian Empire. Ukrainian-language newspapers monitored the development of society and the influenced on the formation of the national consciousness of ethnic Ukrainians.
The object of the research is aspects of the political life of Ukrainians on the pages of publications: "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." The mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, but are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine at the beginning of the XX century.
The purpose of the article is to study the political orientation, the language of publications, and the frequency of Ukrainian-language newspapers in the Kyiv General Governorate in the early XX century.
By summing up the role of newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate at the beginning of the XX century, it should be noted, that out of more than 100 publications, published in the Volyn Governorate, Kyiv Governorate, Podil Governorate, only 8 were Ukrainian-language. Nevertheless, despite constant persecution by the tsarist administration, the newspapers reflected all aspects of Ukrainian life under the control of the Russian Empire. Newspaper publications reflected the life of the Ukrainian community while influencing the formation of the national identity of ethnic Ukrainians [1]. It seems that no issue of Ukrainian national life has escaped their pages. Even the slightest manifestation of the cultural or political life of Ukrainians under the government of the Russian Empire found a response in the pages of publications in "Hromadska Dumka", "Rada", "Borot'ba", "Slovo", "Selo", "Zasiv", "Mayak", "Svitova Zirnytsia." Although the mentioned newspapers were published in different periods, they are a valuable source for studying the history of Ukraine in the early XX century, testify to the growth of national and cultural revival of the Ukrainian people in Russian Ukraine.
The study can be applied to prepare students and graduates in the field of Historical Sciences and Culturology.
The newspapers of the Kyiv General Governorate (Volyn, Kyiv, and Podil Governorate) of the early XX century were researched and systematized by language, circulation, and frequency of publication for the first time.
The study can be the basis for further research of the Ukrainian periodicals for the period from 1800 to 1861 of the XIX century.
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Noureen, Abida, Haseeb ur Rehman, and Khuram Shams. "Print Media Coverage of Political Parties in Pakistan: Treatment of Opinion Pages of the Daily Jang and Daily Dawn." Global Regional Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 230–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/.2020(v-i).26.
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Historically, Print media especially newspapers in Pakistan were considered as mature and objective in their business. Currently, the phenomenon of ‘popular and crispy style’ of editorials is being explored for enhancing the readership of newspapers. Theperceptions we make in our mindsabout the worldare mostly basedon second-handreality which sometimes creates distortion in the information we receive whether it comes from media or any other channel of communication. Therefore, the role of media in framing certain aspects of political parties for the target audiences has been drastically enhanced in recent decades. The present study has focused on the coverage of political parties in the light of framing theory. The mainstream media covered these activities of the parties differently as some newspapers gave huge coverage while some others gave moderate or low coverage. The goal of this research study was to explore how leading dailies Daily Jang and Daily Dawn covered main political parties PTI and PML-N in the light of Indexing theory
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Noureen, Abida, Haseeb ur Rehman, and Khuram Shams. "Print Media Coverage of Political Parties in Pakistan: Treatment of Opinion Pages of the Daily Jang and Daily Dawn." Global Regional Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 230–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-i).26.
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Historically, Print media especially newspapers in Pakistan were considered as mature and objective in their business. Currently, the phenomenon of ‘popular and crispy style’ of editorials is being explored for enhancing the readership of newspapers. Theperceptions we make in our mindsabout the worldare mostly basedon second-handreality which sometimes creates distortion in the information we receive whether it comes from media or any other channel of communication. Therefore, the role of media in framing certain aspects of political parties for the target audiences has been drastically enhanced in recent decades. The present study has focused on the coverage of political parties in the light of framing theory. The mainstream media covered these activities of the parties differently as some newspapers gave huge coverage while some others gave moderate or low coverage. The goal of this research study was to explore how leading dailies Daily Jang and Daily Dawn covered main political parties PTI and PML-N in the light of Indexing theory
10
Moyo, Jonathan N. "State Politics and Social Domination in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010739.
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Few can doubt the proposition that there is an important difference between information and knowledge, and that more of the former does not necessarily lead to the latter. Whereas a great deal has been written from all manner of perspectives about the situation in Africa both before and since independence, the resulting corpus of literature has seldom yielded a mainstream understanding of basic aspects of state politics. Doubtless many feel that the more they read about the continent, the less they known about what is going on and why.
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Tong, Jingrong. "Technology and journalism: ‘Dissolving’ social media content into disaster reporting on three Chinese disasters." International Communication Gazette 79, no. 4 (January 17, 2017): 400–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748048516682142.
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This article examines how three Chinese and two British newspapers sourced content from social media in their coverage of the 2008 Wenchuan Earthquake, the 2013 Ya'an Earthquake, and the 2015 Tianjin Explosion. The media outlets citing of social media content present different patterns in line with their political and commercial interests, ideologies, and journalistic values. Diverse images of the three disasters as revealed on social media (social media reality) were constructed in the newspapers' coverage. Journalists gate-keep information from social media and dissolve it into daily disaster reporting, accepting selected aspects of social media reality but rejecting others. Especially in the case of the Chinese newspapers, meeting the needs of domestic political and commercial interest groups, journalists endorse social media content that is favorable to these groups. In so doing, social media technologies are used and tailored to meet the needs of journalism.
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Mushore, Washington. "YOUTH AND INDIGENISATION IN THE ZIMBABWEAN PRINT MEDIA." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 1 (March 7, 2017): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1383.
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The main purpose of the indigenisation policy in Zimbabwe, according to Masunungure and Koga (2013), was to empower the historically disadvantaged groups in Zimbabwe after the nationalist government had recognised that the inherited colonial systems were unsustainable and a sure recipe for future social and political instability. Although the indigenisation policy was a very noble idea, there was no consensus – especially at the political level – on how empowerment was going to be achieved. The ruling party (ZANU-PF) saw empowerment as being best achieved through the compulsory takeover of foreign-owned businesses in order to benefit the indigenous blacks, and the main opposition party (MDC-T) perceived empowerment as the creation of more jobs for the multitudes of unemployed Zimbabweans, especially the youth. This article, however, argues that the use of nationalistic language, such as ‘the black majority’, in political discourse by politicians in most cases obscures who the real beneficiaries are or will be. In view of the above, the aim of this study is to critically explore, with the aid of framing theory, how the Zimbabwean print media have reported on the issue of youth and indigenisation in stories purposively sampled from The Herald, The Zimbabwean and The Standard newspapers.
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Voronenkova, Galina F., and Maria G. Maslina. "Luxembourg daily press: degree of political engagement." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-2-283-294.
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The article discusses the connection of four daily newspapers of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg - “Luxemburger Wort”, “Tageblatt”, “Lëtzebuerger Journal” and “Zeitung vum Lëtzebuerger Vollek” - with the party system. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the fact that the Luxembourg press has never been studied by Russian scientists either in general or from the point of view of political engagement, which the authors study in four aspects: historical, in point of content, economic and audience (in this case it’s about media preferences of politicians - party members). However, there is a positive side to the political commitment of the Luxembourg editions: the connection with political parties contributes to maintaining the diversity of the newspaper landscape of Luxembourg.
14
Alimi, Eitan. "Constructing Political Opportunity: 1987—The Palestinian Year of Discontent." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.11.1.100804n4n1u16121.
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This article challenges the portrayal of the 1987 Palestinian Intifada as a spontaneous, sudden outburst of contention. Drawing on content analysis data obtained from several Palestinian print news media sources (N=84), it is suggested that a Palestinian shared perception regarding ripe conditions to rebel was constructed throughout 1987. The findings indicate that throughout 1987 there was (a) a significant gradual increase in calls for action and (b) a convergence among newspapers representing various political factions of the Palestinian movement regarding a framing process of an opportunity to act contentiously. Such findings support recent calls in social movement literature to integrate perceptual with structural aspects.
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Rohmer, Martin. "Form as Weapon: the Political Function of Song in Urban Zimbabwean Theatre." New Theatre Quarterly 16, no. 2 (May 2000): 148–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x0001366x.
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In Zimbabwean society, what may not be spoken sometimes becomes acceptable in song – whether to avoid social taboos and enable a wife to complain against her mother-in-law, or in broadening the boundaries of political protest. In this article, Martin Rohmer looks back to the ways in which song enabled forms of protest against forced labour and other aspects of colonial rule – in times of outward compliance as well as of direct struggle – and considers how urban theatre groups in independent Zimbabwe have adapted the tradition to their own, contemporary ends. Martin Rohmer spent almost two years studying Zimbabwean theatre when a research assistant at the University of Bayreuth, and completed his doctorate on Theatre and Performance in Zimbabwe at the Humboldt University, Berlin, in 1997. Since then he has been working in the field of cultural management for the Young Artists' Festival in Bayreuth. The present paper was first presented at the Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association in San Francisco in November 1996.
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Kolonitskii, Boris I. "Images of A.F. Kerensky and the Political Struggle in 1917 (based on the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin)." Historia provinciae – the journal of regional history 4, no. 3 (2020): 834–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2020-4-3-5.
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The article examines the cultural forms of legitimation / delegitimation of authority of the Provisional Government. Particular attention is paid to the personal authority of Alexander Kerensky, including rhetorical (persuasive) devices and visual images which underlay the tactics of praising or condemning him. As the main source, the article uses the newspapers of A.A. Suvorin, namely Malen'kaya gazeta [Little newspaper], Narodnaya gazeta [People’s newspaper], Rus' [Rus], Novaya Rus' [New Rus]. These newspapers are compared with resolutions, letters and diaries, and with publications in other periodicals. The study clarifies some aspects of political isolation of the Provisional Government in the fall of 1917. By this time, the propaganda attack on Kerensky was conducted not only by the Bolsheviks and other left-wing groups but also by the right-wing and conservative publications. The propaganda of the left- and right-wing opponents was significantly different but they had a point of contact: both of them created the image of the “traitor” who was unworthy to remain in power.
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Chibuwe, Albert, and Abioudun Salawu. "Training for English language or indigenous language media journalism: A decolonial critique of Zimbabwean journalism and media training institutions’ training practices." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00016_1.
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There is growing academic scholarship on indigenous language media in Africa. The scholarship has mostly tended to focus on the content and political economy of indigenous language newspapers. The scholarship also suggests that much needs to be done in inculcating indigenous languages and indigenous language journalism in journalism education. Grounded in decoloniality, this article explores journalism training practices in selected institutions of higher learning in Zimbabwe. The intention is to unravel the absence or existence of training for indigenous journalism and perceptions of lecturers and attitudes of students towards indigenous language media and journalism. The article also seeks to establish whether there are any attempts to de-westernize journalism, media and communication studies. Methodologically, in-depth interviews were used to gather data from lecturers and students of journalism and media studies at colleges and universities in Zimbabwe. Findings show that the colleges surveyed do not offer any indigenous media journalism-specific modules or subjects. The lecturers, who include programme designers in some cases, have a low regard for indigenous language media. This, the article concludes, will have a knock-on effect on journalism students’ and journalists’ misgivings towards a career in indigenous language media.
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Tokbulatova, Z. Y. "The image of Kazakhstan in Russia in the media." Izvestiya Rossiiskoi akademii nauk. Seriya geograficheskaya, no. 5 (November 2, 2019): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s2587-55662019532-42.
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The article is concerned with the revealing and comparing of particular images of Kazakhstan formed by five Russian print media (Kommersant, Komsomolskaya Pravda, Sovetskaya Rossiya, Novaya Gazeta and Zavtra), supposedly covering the most of existing ideological and political preferences. The research is based on the database of articles collected using deep content analysis of the newspapers over two focus years (2001 and 2016). The differences in newspapers target audience determine the lack of common motives within proper images (in 2001 they shared only the differently interpreted motive of power concentration and in 2016 all highlighted the problems associated with the state development). At the same time, all newspapers showed the overall decline in interest to Kazakhstan and concurrent impoverishment of its image as well as the tendency to softening its negative aspects. While in 2001 Kazakhstans discourse in chosen newspapers was diverse, if not conflicting, at 2016 we witnessed either erosion of image (Sovetskaya Rossiya and Navaya Gazeta) or its reduction to an integral part of Russian responsibilitys space or Russias important partner within the EAEU (Kommersant, Komsomolskaya Pravda, Zavtra). Among the chosen newspapers only Kommersant contributes to the formation of considered multifaceted perceptions of the state, which add up to relatively solid image, whereas in general Kazakhstan appears to be a mental unexplored country.
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Zengenene, Maybe. "Trafficking of women and girls in the District of Seke: Lessons from the Zimbabwe’s Second Republic." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 33, no. 3 (August 31, 2020): 256. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v33i32020.256-265.
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The study explores the phenomenon of human trafficking in Zimbabwe’s second republic under President Emerson Mnangagwa. Using conflict theory, the study argues that the discourse of human trafficking in Zimbabwe is a complex phenomenon that has led to women’s and girls’ vulnerability in the Seke District. Primary data gathered from five female core informants who have been the direct victims of human trafficking and three significant others who were the parents and guardians of human trafficking victims. The snowball sampling technique was employed to obtain the female core informants for the in-depth interviews. The study also benefitted from secondary sources such as journal articles, online newspapers, government, and international UN, ILO, UNESCO, and UNICEF reports. The results of this study show that eco-socio and political ills such as a high rate of unemployment, a shortage of essential goods, cash, corruption, electricity, gender inequality, poverty, power relations and the continuous harassment by the security forces such as the police and the army have escalated the vulnerability of women to human trafficking in Zimbabwe. Since Zimbabwe’s eco-political situation is a powerful determinant of both the continuation and abandonment of the human trafficking social phenomena, this study recommends that the present government solve the grassroots causes of the phenomena. With enforcement at the grassroots level and regional and international initiatives, human trafficking can be combated.
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Hove, Mediel, Tinashe Nyamunda, and Patience Mukwambo. "Violent state operations at Chiadzwa (Zimbabwe) diamond fields 2006-2009." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 6, no. 1 (January 7, 2014): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-11-2012-0014.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the debilitating socio-economic impact caused by the diamonds at Chiadzwa area in Zimbabwe on the illegal mining community that emerged and inhabited the hills of Chiadzwa between 2006 and the beginning of 2009. The research was carried out for academic proposes, as an advocacy strategy to expose the abuses and violent state operations perpetrated by the security forces. In addition, it intends to equip policy makers and implementers about the heavy handedness of Zimbabwe's security sector during its operations in the area in an effort to enable policy implementers to defend the rights of the affected people at Chiadzwa. Design/methodology/approach – The methodology engaged was chiefly qualitative and the study was a product of primary sources (especially in-depth interviews) and secondary sources (text books, journal articles, newspapers and the internet). Purposive and snowballing sampling techniques were used to collect the data between 2007 and 2009. Collected data were analysed and compiled between 2009 and 2013. Some of the names used in this study for our respondents are pseudo and this was done to ensure anonymity and secure the providers of information against possible retribution. On the other hand real names were used in particular where violent state driven operations were discussed. Findings – Initially the government of Zimbabwe was reluctant to intervene in the illegal extraction of diamonds in search of political leverage. Later it responded with violent manipulative strategies and operations with detrimental consequences on the illegal miners. The brutal strategies employed by individuals and the state led to injury, illness and death of people amid a harsh socio-economic environment. Research limitations/implications – A number of respondents preferred to use pseudonyms because they feared that information collected could be used against them. Practical implications – The study is a good example of conflict between the state machinery and its citizens over a natural resource. It reveals excessive use of force by the state which appears to be the norm in other countries where diamonds are dubbed “blood diamonds”. Social implications – In the midst of the diamond-related violence a new and vibrant social identity emerged commonly referred to as magweja. The area experienced challenges especially with regards to the provision of health services and the traditional use of herbs was endangered by the destruction of vegetation. Originality/value – It reveals a milieu, state regulation enforcement and security agents, magombiro (armed robbers or murderers) all who discharged violence on magweja the foremost victims of the violent systems and practices. In addition, it encourages policy markers and implementers to devise non-violent strategies when dealing with illegal exploitation of natural resources.
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Odoemelam, Chika Ebere. "The COVID-19 Health Crisis And Its Framing: Approaches Used by the Print Media for Coverage." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 3 (March 14, 2021): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.84.9676.
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Almost all the countries of the world have witnessed the outbreak of a global health pandemic known as COVID-19 like never before. This pandemic has negatively impacted the economic, health, social, and overall well-being of humanity. The framing analysis approach allows scholars to explore the media’s roles in developing health, economic, political, social, and cultural issues facing society daily. Besides, framing entails an interplay between leading social values and the efforts to tinker with them. This study explored what aspects of framing approaches the major newspapers have created for their readership in Nigeria in understanding the COVID-19 health pandemic that has rattled the entire world since January 2020. The research findings revealed that the six selected newspapers amplified coverage of the pandemic using the frames of economic issues, public healthcare crisis, health workers strike, and corruption with different ferocity and salience. It was also found that the dominant news frames approaches of economic issues, corruption, and public healthcare crisis received negative tone coverage across all the sampled papers at varying degrees. The tone approaches used in framing the COVID-19 pandemic in the selected newspapers were positive, negative, and neutral tones, which are possibly rooted in their editorial policies and political beliefs.
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Hess, Kristy, and Lisa Waller. "Charting the media innovations landscape for regional and rural newspapers." Australian Journalism Review 42, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 59–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajr_00019_1.
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This article charts a scholarly framework for understanding media innovation in Australia’s non-metropolitan news environments. We adopt a geo-social methodology to explore strategies for the betterment of small country newspapers and the societies they serve in the digital era. In doing so, we do not discount the importance of digitization, but contend that a narrow ‘digital first’ focus is eclipsing other important aspects of local news and generating blind spots around existing and evolving power relationships that might impede or foster innovation. We advocate for a six-dimensional approach to shaping innovation for rural news organizations ‐ one that is relational because it foregrounds the connections between digital, social, cultural, political, economic and environmental concerns. Here, the central question is not how country newsrooms can innovate in the interests of their own viability but rather how they can build resilience and relevance in the interests of the populations and environments that sustain them.
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Md Yunus, Marzudi. "PENGARUH TURKI TERHADAP SOSIO-BUDAYA DUNIA MELAYU." Jurnal Pengajian Melayu 32, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jomas.vol32no1.4.
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Turkey is the heir to the Ottoman Islamic Caliphate, extending significant influence on Muslims worldwide. All aspects of the Turkish socio-culture will, directly and indirectly, influence the socio-culture of Muslims. This situation also applies to Muslims in Malaysia, specifically Malays. The influences range from political and administrative to cultural and artistic, and even the way of thinking. Research and analysis conducted towards the writings and historical texts proved that Turkish influence exists in the Malay world. For example, there is a Malay state administration modelled from the Ottoman Caliphate to advance it to synchronise with modern changes in the West. During the 1930s, Turkey’s modernisation drew Malay intellectuals’ attention, spreading the ideas through writing in newspapers and magazines. Developments in Turkey exposed the Malays to various polemics resulting from Kemal’s modernisation and secularisation when he led the Turkish government. For Malays, events in Turkey serve as lessons in their effort to develop their community towards progress in all aspects. Development in Turkey has also attracted various newspapers and magazines like ‘Pengasoh’, ‘Al-Ikhwan’, ‘Malaya’, ‘Majalah Guru’, ‘Al-Hedayah’, ‘Bahtra’ and ‘Saudara’. They celebrated Kemal establishing the Turkish republic and its various modernisation plans. Turkish influence was also pervasive in filmmaking, therefore, proving developments in Turkey influence various aspects of the Malay world. For Malays, events in Turkey serve as lessons and examples towards charting its progress in all aspects. Keywords: Turkey, Malay, Socio-Culture, Culture, Civilisation, Art.
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D'Angelo, Paul, John C. Pollock, Kristen Kiernicki, and Donna Shaw. "Framing of AIDS in Africa: Press-state relations, HIV/AIDS news, and journalistic advocacy in four sub-Saharan Anglophone newspapers." Politics and the Life Sciences 32, no. 2 (2013): 100–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2990/32_2_100.
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This study offers the first systematic analysis of the impact of press-state relations, or media systems, on the HIV/AIDS news agenda in African news coverage. The premise is that media systems play a determining role in the degree to which journalists can independently advocate for social change when covering HIV/AIDS. Drawing on comparative research, four sub-Saharan countries were categorized into two media systems: Contained Democratic (South Africa, Nigeria) and Repressive Autocratic (Zimbabwe, Kenya). A sample of HIV/AIDS stories (n = 393) published from 2002–2007 in each country's leading Anglophone newspaper was content analyzed. Across all coverage, the topic of social costs was framed more for the responsibility borne by nongovernmental agents than governmental agents. In Contained Democratic media systems, however, story emphasis shifted toward government agents taking responsibility for addressing the social costs of HIV/AIDS. Prevention campaigns were framed more as progress than decline across all newspapers; however, campaigns were reported as being more efficacious in Contained Democratic systems than in Repressive Autocratic systems. No impact of media system on framing of medical developments was found. Results show the value of comparative analysis in understanding the agenda-setting process: with greater emphasis on positive efficacy and government initiative, the news agenda in Contained Democratic media systems can facilitate stronger positive societal-level responses than the news agenda in Repressive Autocratic media systems.
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Otekunrin, Adegbola, Kudzanai Matowanyika, and Chena Tafadzwa. "An Analysis of the Aspects Hampering Informal Sector Tax Administration: Case of the Zimbabwe Revenue Authority." International Journal of Financial Research 12, no. 5 (June 10, 2021): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijfr.v12n5p10.
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The main focus of the study was to ascertain the potential of the informal sector to provide much-needed revenue for the government. It also focused on the challenges faced in informal sector revenue taxation and possible solutions thereof. The Zimbabwe revenue authority has maintained presumptive tax for the sector and subcontracting to the city of Harare for the collection of revenue from the informal sector. Despite all this, the industry still underperformed in terms of revenue raised. The study sought to find out challenges of taxing the informal sector, the potential of the informal sector, the effectiveness of the Zimbabwe revenue authority in taxing the informal sector, and possible ways of improving the taxing of this rampant sector. The study found out that there is great potential from the informal sector, but turning it into tangible gains has been elusive due to political interference, lack of proper infrastructure, unfair application of tax laws and general mistrust of the government. The study recommended that the government ought to play an active role by making sure there is the political will to make sure that players in the informal sector contribute to the focus in line with Adam Smith’s general principles which include fairness and equity. There is a need for staffing levels to be commensurate with the workloads and also the motivation of the employees. The research also recommended the adaptation of Information Communication Technology to ensure accountability and traceability of transactions in the informal sector as they move away from a cash-based system recommendation.
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Mutanda, Darlington. "Post-Colonial Violence in Zimbabwe and the Significance of Peacebuilding Premised on Civilian Survival Strategies." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 14, no. 2 (May 27, 2019): 179–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1542316619850159.
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Guided by the theory of conflict transformation, this article contributes to knowledge through articulating the significance of peacebuilding that is centred on civilian survival strategies (CSS) of flight, silence, voice, and joining the perpetrators of violence. The purpose is to articulate what could be done to promote reconciliation and build peace in a heavily polarised environment. CSS aid in identifying, from the perspective of the victims and even witnesses, the aspects that need to be built into the reconciliation process in Zimbabwe, and how these can enable reconciliation to take place. The CSS model demonstrated that citizens wanted reconciliation to be effected through truth-telling, ending political violence, and eliminating structural factors that lead to political violence, tolerance, and the mending of relationships. This article thus reveals the utility of reconciliation that benefits from CSS. Zimbabwe can potentially benefit from civilian input in carrying out a locally initiated and durable reconciliation programme.
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Jurga-Wosik, Ewa. "Prasa lokalna w leszczyńskim regionie wydawniczym. Przyczynek do badań nad zawartością treści w kontekście sportowych wydarzeń medialnych, ze szczególnym udziałem kobiet." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (June 19, 2018): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2013.18.1.12.
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The analysis of the content of Wielkopolska periodicals in the period from 1989 to 2011 indicates that female issues comprised two currents. One presented the historical and modern image of women, while the other discussed female issues in the context of political, economic and social events. In the first decade following the transformation the regional and local press confirmed the presence of the stereotype of female roles, but studies carried out in 2011 indicated that male and female roles were unified in numerous aspects of everyday life. This paper aims to deepen the issue previously discussed by the author, but only in the context of the qualitative changes that have occurred in the presentation of sports releases, focusing on sports events involving women in particular. To this end Wielkopolska local and regional newspapers, and local newspapers from the Leszno region (south-western part of Wielkopolska, the northern part of Lower Silesia and the south-eastern part of Lubuskie) in 1989–2012 were analyzed.
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Soyapi, Caiphas B. "Zimbabwe’s ‘Look East’ Policy: A Sociolegal Perspective." Southern African Public Law 30, no. 1 (November 23, 2017): 176–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2522-6800/3539.
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The studies of the relations between China and Zimbabwe, as with other studies of Chinese relations with African states, have focused largely on the socio-economic and political aspects thereof. There has not been a discussion on the socio-legal perspectives of the relationship. The point of departure is that any relations between China and Zimbabwe must be legally sustainable. The socio-economic consequences of the relations are identified and analysed from a legal perspective, which leads to the conclusion that the ‘look East’ policy adopted by the Zimbabwean government as a way to counter sanctions imposed by the West is an intermestic policy. Based on national and international laws or standards of conduct expected of states, the Zimbabwean government’s failure to protect industries, the environment, labour rights and the trade in armaments at critical moments indicates an abdication of its duties.
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Korolev, Alexey A., Djamila F. Amirova, and Maxim V. Tokarev. "SOME ASPECTS OF THE ISLAMIC «RENAISSANCE» IN POST-SOVIET RUSSIA IN THE LATE 1980s – 1990s (based on materials from the Central Volga Region)." Historical Search 1, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-4-45-51.
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The article describes the content and forms of the «revival» of Islam in the Middle Volga region – an increase in the number of mosques, the training and training of ministers of the Islamic cult, the restoration of the system of Muslim education and education, etc.; the practice of interaction between authorities and believers in the conditions of post-Soviet Russia is considered. The significant role of the Muslim mass media in the process of the revival of Islam is analyzed. The newspapers in the Tatar language, for the most part, were of a cultural and educational nature and were intended for a reader who is actively interested in the traditions of his people. Compact living with the Russians and, as a result, some Russification of the Tatars on the territory of the Middle Volga region became the main reason that Muslim newspapers were published in whole or in part in Russian. Initially, there were virtually no analytical materials in the Muslim publications, the information was presented somewhat one-sided, the bulk of the publications were devoted to the description or explanation of religious rites, etc. Virtually all Islamic newspapers were loyal to federal and local authorities. The process of reviving Muslim education is also considered. Almost in all regions of compact residence of Muslims, secondary, higher and special religious educational institutions were established. The Islamic «renaissance» proceeded at a slower pace than the Orthodox, and, first of all, in the Middle Volga region, since the local party and Soviet authorities were characterized by strong inertia, misunderstanding of the processes taking place; there were no corresponding serious spiritual structures and organizations that could become the initiators and implementers of new tasks. Islam in post-Soviet Russia existed fundamentally in different conditions than in the Russian Empire or the USSR. The relationship between the muftis – leaders of the Spiritual Directorates of Muslims and the federal authorities – was characterized by constancy and certainty. Representatives of the Islamic cult were represented in almost all high government levels in the country. At the turn of 20th – 21st centuries. Islam in the Middle Volga region did not become a serious factor of political socialization and a component of the political culture of the Tatar-Muslim ethno-confessional groups.
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Ripei, Mariia. "The lexemes «obrobliaty» and «zhaduvatysia» in the newspapers’ publications." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 9(27) (2019): 284–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2019-9(27)-17.
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This article seeks to develop new avenues for the study of the Ukrainian lexicography, specifically, a correct usage of the verbal lexemes in the journalistic texts. We have analyzed and edited improper usage of the lexemes «obrobliaty» and «zhaduvatysia» in the newspapers’ publications on the basis of the Urkainian reference literature (specifically, the Ukrainian (as well as the Russian-Ukrainian) dictionaries of contemporary Ukrainian language). This article aims to analyze cases of the incorrect use of the Ukrainian verbs «obrobliaty» and «zhaduvatysia» in the «Den’» newspaper. The latter quality daily occupies a particular place in the Ukrainian newspaper journalism and publicism. Our editing expertise (as well as academic normative usage of these lexemes in the multi-volume dictionaries of the renowned contemporary Ukrainian linguists) made us possible to identify the errors during the textual analysis. This study shows numerous examples of incorrect usage of these lexemes as well as others (specifically, in word combinations featured in the publications covering socio-political topics). We argue that the correct usage of the lexemes «obrobliaty» and «zgaduvatysia» depends on many factors, specifically, context, discourse, topical and problem aspects of the publication as well as their semantics. The latter (semantic implications) of these analyzed words is frequently overlooked by the Ukrainian authors (journalists, publicists, contributors) composing the journalistic texts (specifically, those published in the Den’ newspaper). We conclude that the different meanings of these words depending on their contextual (as well as intertextual) placement determine either correct or incorrect usage of the lexemes «obrobliaty» and «zhaduvatysia». Given its importance and significance, this problem requires further research. Keywords: lexeme, newspapers publications, incorrect (improper) usage, dictionaries.
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Egorova, Eleonora V., Ekaterina I. Krasheninnikova, and Natalia A. Krasheninnikova. "Functional and Stylistic Connotation of Regional Media Vocabulary." Current Issues in Philology and Pedagogical Linguistics, no. 1 (2020) (March 25, 2020): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/2079-6021-2020-1-128-134.
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This article focuses on the peculiarities of functional and stylistic aspects of the regional media vocabulary (Ulyanovsk region newspapers). The authors analyzed publications from the three leading sites of Ulyanovsk newspapers – Ulyanovsk Segodnya (Ulyanovsk Today), Molodezhnaya Gazeta (Youth Newspaper) and Simbirskiy kur’er (Simbirskiy Courier) from July 2019 to February 2020. The authors examined the regional broadcasting language, characteristics of printed media and lexical connotation of provincial publications. To study the stylistic peculiarities of the regional newspapers, we analyzed about 100 pages of various newspaper articles (180,000 printed characters with spaces). The conducted content analysis revealed four basic types of vocabulary with a functional and stylistic coloring. The results of the analysis showed the dominance of business vocabulary, social and political vocabulary, Internet vocabulary, as well as scientific and technical terms. According to quantitative estimation, the most widely-used group of vocabulary with functional and stylistic connotation are social and political terms (150 lexical units). This group mainly included journalistic clichés. Within the group of business lexis, the main subgroups were namely business, economic and legal vocabulary. Neologisms that are not registered in lexicographic sources are also widely used in regional newspaper publications. It should be emphasized that borrowings, primarily Anglo-Americanisms are often found in the Russian press. This is due to the fact that the English language has acquired the status of a global language. Thus, today it plays a big role in every culture and in every state, including Russia, reflecting the Russian press as well.
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Özsu, Gökçe, and Ferruh Mutlu Binark. "Representation of the “Belt and Road Initiative” in Turkish mainstream newspapers." Communication and the Public 4, no. 4 (December 2019): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047319895448.
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Turkey and China are the countries that established their relations in the shadow of their ideological affiliation. Turkey constructed its multi-partied democratic regime as an implementation of Western-based democracy. However, this has not granted EU full-membership to the country, and Turkey has initiated alternative allies since mid 2000s. This shift of axis has turned into more enthusiasm after the failed coup d’état of 15 July 2016. The purpose of this study is to reveal how Turkish mainstream newspapers represent the Chinese alternative globalization project, “The Belt and Road Initiative” which was introduced in 2013 by General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping. In order to frame the background information, we will first introduce the aims of the Belt and Road Initiative, and then summarize Turkey’s relation to China from two aspects: political and economic concerns. Following the overview of Turko-Sino relationship, we will focus on the Justice and Development Party’s foreign policy to grasp its pragmatic concern in relation to the Belt and Road Initiative. Based on the contextualization of Turko-Sino relations, we will conduct thematic content analysis of the news on the Belt and Road Initiative from May to July 2017 in mainstream Turkish newspapers. Our analysis brings into question how Turkish press relocates the Belt and Road Initiative with respect to Turkey’s political and economic concerns about China’s alternative globalism, Turkish foreign policy seeking for new allies as alternatives for the Western counterparts, and thus we will examine President Erdoğan’s influence on Turkish foreign policy. Based on our findings, we will discuss the reasons for insufficient coverage of the Belt and Road Initiative in Turkish mainstream newspapers.
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Romaniuk, Myroslav. "To press studies' files: "The Newspapers of Ukraine, 1816-1916 in collections of Vernadsky National Library"." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 10(28) (January 2020): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-3.
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The article analyses the characteristics of retrospective scientific catalogue compiled by bibliographers from Department of Press Studies of Vernadsky National Library. The catalogue comprises an information about periodicals from the Department of Formation and Using of Newspaper Collections as well as other divisions of Vernadsky National Library. The author emphasizes an importance of scientific idea realized by compilers which consisted in studying the unique library collections of periodicals of 19th — early 20th century as well as in creation of scientific and information product valuable to all who need information about newspapers, their availability in Vernadsky National Library and those who seeks for data on the pages of newspapers published in 1816—1916. The main principles of compiling the catalogue were clarified, the way of presenting the bibliographic information, especially main data about the described newspapers like the place of publication, publishing period, names of editors and publishers etc. Author stated that reviewed catalogue allowed to see the picture of media landscape typical for Ukrainian lands in 19th — early 20th centuries, consisted with several components such as language, ideological and political commitment etc.). It was outlined that the reviewed publication is a good information guide to the newspaper collections of Vernadsky National Library which were dispersed in result of specific policy applied to establishing the institution’s divisions since the first decades of Library’s functioning. The importance of bibliography titled «The newspapers of Ukraine, 1816—1916 in collections of Vernadsky National Library» as a powerful source of different aspects study on Ukrainian press of the past was stressed. Keywords: retrospective catalogue, Ukrainian Press, newspaper, bibliographic information, library collections.
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Bloomfield, Elizabeth. "Economy, Necessity, Political Realitry: Two Planning Efforts in Kitchener-Waterloo, 1912-1925." Urban History Review 9, no. 1 (November 8, 2013): 3–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1019348ar.
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Between 1912 and 1925, the Ontario communities of Kitchener and Waterloo experienced two distinct phases of city planning ideas and proposals. The second phase, in which Thomas Adams and Horace Seymour were the professional planners, led to the adoption of Canada's first urban zoning by-law. Stages in the planning process have been reconstructed, mainly from research in records of the municipal councils and boards of trade and from the daily newspapers. The emphasis is on local perceptions of planning, planning as an issue in local politics and the interaction between outside planners and the local community. Themes include the significance of key individuals and the press in leading public opinion, the reluctance of municipal councils to antagonize the voters, and recurrent suspicions of the motives of those who advocated planning. The case-study also illustrates the diffusion of ideas about planning, as of other aspects of urban reform, from large metropolitan centres to smaller cities, and the transition in these derived concepts from "City Beautiful" ideals to political realistic type of plan.
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Wada, Takeshi. "Event Analysis of Claim Making in Mexico: How are Social Protests Transformed into Political Protests?" Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 3 (October 1, 2004): 241–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.3.7wx2pt66130718v3.
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Why do citizens demand certain kinds of citizenship rights rather than another in a given context? This article extends the idea of political and cultural opportunities to Mexico's authoritarian context to explore why Mexicans, who had prioritized social rights over other rights, came to emphasize political rights in a context of neoliberalism. In particular, I ask how this transformation from social protests to political protests happened when neither political nor cultural opportunities appeared to be conducive to it? I gathered 1174 episodes of popular protests between 1964 and 2000 from Mexican newspapers and employed a quantitative event analysis to examine discursive aspects of claims making. In the neoliberal period, demands for social rights and material issues were made increasingly in conjunction with demands for political rights. Mexicans came to realize that their everyday needs and redistributive demands would not be satisfied without dealing with undemocratic political system. It is this change in people's recognition that pushed political claims making to the forefront of popular contention in Mexico.
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Opperhuizen, Alette Eva, Erik Hans Klijn, and Kim Schouten. "How do media, political and regulatory agendas influence one another in high risk policy issues?" Policy & Politics 48, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 461–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557319x15734252420020.
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This article shows how an emerging risk is covered by the media and how this interacts with political attention and policy implementation. Gas drilling has resulted in earthquakes in the Netherlands over the past 25 years. We show that an increase in the frequency and magnitude has not stimulated greater media attention. Media and political attention increased only after the media had interpreted the risk as a safety issue. Once this had happened, newspapers and political debates tended to focus on the emotionally loaded aspects. This is in contrast with the regulatory agenda, which followed its own course by focusing on factual information. By using a new method ‐ supervised-machine learning ‐ we analyse a large, longitudinal data set to explore patterns over time. Our findings shed new light on risk- and agenda-setting theory, confirming that media and politics agendas reinforce each other, but the regulatory agenda is not strongly influenced by them.
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Davenport, Christian, and Marci Eads. "Cued to Coerce or Coercing Cues? An Exploration of Dissident Rhetoric and its Relationship to Political Repression." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 2 (September 1, 2001): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.2.4671141747x2k660.
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This article explores whether and how state repression is influenced by a social movement organization's rhetoric; and, conversely, if dissident rhetoric is responsive to authorities' repressive efforts. These relationships are examined with data generated from several newspapers within the Bay area, across 253 weeks from 1969 to 1973, concerning rhetoric of the Black Panther Party (BPP) as well as police and court repression directed against the Panther organization. The results of the statistical analysis are mixed. Several aspects of BPP rhetoric increase both police and court-ordered repression, albeit at different magnitudes and lags. Moreover, results disclose that only police repression influences the discussion of particular topics in the Panther newspaper—the same topics that induce protest policing (again, across different lags). The analysis complements existing research on the conflict-repression nexus, but it also forces us to consider state-dissident interactions in a more comprehensive manner.
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Keenleyside, T. A., B. E. Burton, and W. C. Soderlund. "La presse et la politique étrangère canadienne." Études internationales 18, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 501–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702208ar.
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This article reports on the findings of what appears to be the first content analysis of all aspects of Canadian press coverage of Canadian foreign relations. Six major/newspapers were chosen on the basis of national significance and linguistic and regional considerations: the Halifax Chronicle-Herald, Le Devoir (Montréal), La Presse (Montréal), the Ottawa Citizen, the Toronto Globe and Mail and the Vancouver Sun. During the period studied (the last quarter of 1982), these newspapers averaged nearly nine items per issue on Canadian foreign relations and relied predominantly on Canadian sources for their material. However, there was a relative lack of analytic coverage and only a limited number of items that adopted supportive or critical positions on the various issues in Canadian foreign policy. Commercial matters received both the most extensive and the most sophisticated treatment, while the reporting of political subjects was generally less detailed and often superficial. In terms of relationships, that with the United States was arguably the only one to receive adequate coverage, while from the standpoint of issues there were several that received insufficient attention, such an environmental problems in relations with the United States, Canadian concerns at the United Nations, and international developmental matters. One of the most notable differences in coverage among the papers studied was the variation found in the attention paid to the international role of Quebec, which received only scant attention in the English-language press but was the single most frequently coded theme in the Quebec newspapers. While analytic coverage was found to be more extensive and profound in the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir and La Presse than in the other three papers, the authors in general agree with De Montigny Marchand that Canadian newspapers are "an uncertain intellectual force in the definition and interpretation of Canadian foreign policy".
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HORVAT, Andrew. "Bushidō and the Legacy of “Samurai Values” in Contemporary Japan." Asian Studies 6, no. 2 (June 29, 2018): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2018.6.2.189-208.
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Though difficult to define as a clear set of moral precepts, aspects of so-called “samurai values”, the combination of orally-transmitted Confucian and Buddhist lore to which Nitobe Inazō refers in his Bushido, can clearly be discerned in Japanese society today. As evidence for the influence of “samurai values”, I have provided examples from two fields with which I am personally familiar: journalism and education. Although in recent years several academic works have exposed historical anomalies in widely-held beliefs about actual samurai behaviour, I argue that the effectiveness of ideologies does not depend on historical accuracy. For example, justification for the right of newspapers to criticise governments in Japan does not stem from inalienable rights originating with European Enlightenment philosophers. Instead, it is linked to the view that the former samurai who in the 1870s became Japan’s first news reporters could be trusted intermediaries between the government and the people, because as samurai they possessed higher standards of morality. That expectations of superior moral conduct continue to justify in the eyes of the general public the right of newspapers to speak truth to power can be seen by mass cancellations of subscriptions of newspapers whose staff betray these expectations through involvement in scandal. Likewise, the emphasis on “character building” (jinkaku keisei) in Japanese higher education is another link to perceived “samurai values.” Some of Japan’s leading private universities were founded in the late nineteenth century by former samurai. As in the case of journalism, the maintenance of superior moral conduct helps strengthen the claim to legitimacy of educational institutions in Japan. Finally, I will present a picture of Nitobe as an example of a former samurai who long after his passing continues to be revered for having adhered to the “samurai values” he both defined and embraced.
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Clarke, Patricia. "The Queensland Shearers' Strikes in Rosa Praed's Fiction." Queensland Review 9, no. 1 (May 2002): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600002750.
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Novelist Rosa Praed's portrayal of colonial Queensland in her fiction was influenced by her social position as the daughter of a squatter and conservative Cabinet Minister, Thomas Lodge Murray-Prior, and limited by the fact that she lived in Australia for much less than one-third of her life. After she left Australia in 1876, she recharged her imagination, during her long novel-writing career in England, by seeking specific information through family letters and reminiscences, copies of Hansard and newspapers. As the decades went by and she remained in England, the social and political dynamics of colonial society changed. Remarkably, she remained able to tum sparse sources into in-depth portrayals of aspects of colonial life.
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Ncube, Farai, and Olabanji Oni. "ORGANIZING CHALLENGES FACED BY TRADE UNIONS IN THE HOSPITALITY INDUSTRY OF ZIMBABWE." EURASIAN JOURNAL OF BUSINESS AND MANAGEMENT 8, no. 3 (2020): 167–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15604/ejbm.2020.08.03.001.
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Globally there are a lot of developments and changes happening in the tourism industry affecting the traditional business operations and with a serious effect on employment relations patterns. Trade unions have been at the receiving end owing to these changes. New forms of employment coupled with other changes have adversely affected the ability of trade unions to effectively organize. While union strength is measured by a number of aspects, membership remains the main indicator of union power. In this article, we examine the organizing challenges faced by the Trade Unions in the Hospitality Industry of Zimbabwe. We employ a qualitative study utilizing a sample of 80 respondents drawn from union officials (10), shop stewards (40) and management representatives (30). The study reveals that the unions face a myriad of challenges ranging from lack of resources to effectively organize and support all initiatives in place, political persecution affecting member perceptions, lack of management support, destroying all union efforts as well as changing demographics and employment conditions among other challenges. We maintain that the survival of a trade union depends primarily on its ability to organize workers. We advance the argument that the industry is not immune to the developments and changes happening in the contemporary world of work and for unions to survive they have to co-evolve. We conclude that the identified challenges can actually be opportunities for the trade unions.
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Ottovordemgentschenfelde, Svenja. "‘Organizational, professional, personal’: An exploratory study of political journalists and their hybrid brand on Twitter." Journalism 18, no. 1 (July 9, 2016): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884916657524.
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Political journalists rely heavily on their occupational status and reputation. This article addresses how political journalists negotiate their standing and enforce their legitimacy on Twitter amidst the online environment that directly challenges them. So far, practice-oriented studies have only looked at journalists in general. Studies have also tended to investigate the content published to journalists’ Twitter feeds, neglecting other aspects of the Twitter profile that can affect the perceived image of journalists. This exploratory study examines the Twitter profile pages of 20 political journalists who work for the top broadsheet newspapers in the United States. It uses the conceptual framework of personal branding to identify patterns and trends of how and where political journalists actively communicate their presence on the platform. This process is delineated by three complementary and co-existing brand identities – the organizational, the professional, and the personal – as well as a digital media skills-based dimension that political journalists use to position their journalistic brand on Twitter. Findings suggest that it could be most appropriate to think of political journalists’ Twitter profiles as digital business cards or digital portfolios, deliberately crafted to differentiate the journalist and establish competitive superiority.
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Magliveras, Konstantinos D., and Gino J. Naldi. "When Politics Prevail Over the Rule of Law: The Demise of the sadc Tribunal." International Human Rights Law Review 10, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 124–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-01001001.
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Abstract The article questions whether the Tribunal of the Southern Africa Development Community (sadc) ought to have entertained human rights cases given that the sadc Treaty does not endow it with such jurisdiction. It then analyses its demise in 2010, which was prompted by several rulings against Zimbabwe, whose policy of expropriating land without compensation was held to violate human rights. The pertinent aspects of these cases are reviewed, and the significance of Zimbabwe’s land reform programme is explained. The article elucidates why sadc leaders were prepared to suspend the Tribunal’s operation. This was a combination of alarm that it could evolve into a quasi-regional human rights court but also solidarity with the then President Mugabe, a hero of Africa’s liberation struggle. Finally, the pronouncements of the Constitutional Court of South Africa and the High Court of Tanzania on the lawfulness of the sadc Tribunal’s suspension are considered.
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Luís, Rita. "Negativity, conflict and resistance: The Portuguese revolutionary process (1974–75) and its international mediations – Spanish newspapers and the Inter Press Service." International Journal of Iberian Studies 33, no. 2-3 (September 1, 2020): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00025_1.
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By considering the Portuguese revolutionary process of 1974–75 as a mediatic event, this article addresses aspects of the internal logic of information flow in the western context, heavily influenced and mediated by the frame of the Cold War. Initiated by a military coup, intended to put an end to 48 years of an authoritarian regime and thirteen years of colonial wars, the revolutionary process lasted about nineteen months and brought about such a change in the country’s social, political and economic structures that the constitution approved in 1976, included the goal of ensuring a transition to socialism. Meanwhile the hegemonic power of the main news agencies was the object of an international debate, with the UNESCO-sponsored MacBride Report (1980) offering proposals for the rebalancing of information. Focusing on this process as a mediatic event highlights the power of news agencies, influential even in contexts of informative restriction (as in the Spanish case) and responsible, to a large extent, for the dominant negativity of the event’s portrayal. This was the origin of increasing tensions between revolutionary political subjects and foreign correspondents, and also of the activation of forms of resistance, such as the agency Inter Press Service (IPS), whose aim to counter the dominant logic inscribes it in the North–South dialogue.
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Braghini, Katya Zuquim. "«Imagined Communities»: Student and Revolutionary Movements in the Headlines of Mass Media Newspapers and Magazines During the Brazilian Dictatorship." Espacio, Tiempo y Educación 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 41–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14516/ete.255.
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Brazilian historiography emphasises student political practice as the main action of those students who were against the authoritarian and conservative regime. To explain the student movement through its political activity or subversion towards the established social patterns became commonplace when discussing the behaviour of much of 1960s youth. Even though such aspects are import, they take little account of other peculiarities of these students’ history. This article explores Anderson’s (2008) hypothesis on «imagined communities» – i.e. when people in a group establish synchronic identification through references given by daily communication – in this context. This highlights the emotional pandemic of the youth coalition of the 1960s, which spread to general political movements. From this perspective, the student movement is understood as an interaction among subjects of a similar age, mobilized by their identification with shared images, mainly on printed documents. This analysis reveals that in Brazil: 1) the students identified with the revolutionary youngsters in the magazines who would later become icons, such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara; 2) The reports and «hearsay» of youth action, recorded in the articles and stimulated and amplified by street demonstrations, schematic readings, impromptu rallies, graffiti and slogans, etc. We discuss synchronicity as an aspect of this period of history that was associated with the sensory stimuli involved in demonstrations, as well as the creation of stereotypes and representations of youth.
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Tsygankov, Andrei P. "The dark double: the American media perception of Russia as a neo-Soviet autocracy, 2008–2014." Politics 37, no. 1 (June 23, 2016): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395715626945.
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This article combines quantitative and textual analysis of editorials in leading American newspapers devoted to Russia’s internal politics from 2008 to 2014. Despite rapprochement under President Dmitry Medvedev, the media image of Russia has been overwhelmingly negative since 2008. Negative media editorial opinions of Russia reflect fears of autocratic political systems that are represented as a dangerous mirror image of the American system. To maintain this binary, aspects of Russian politics that did not fit into the neo-Soviet autocracy narrative were ignored. An original contribution of the article is its identification of key frames used by leading American media outlets to construct a narrative about contemporary Russia as a neo-Soviet autocracy. It demonstrates that this narrative is instrumental in confirming domestic perceptions of American national identity that emphasize its association with freedom at home and leadership of the ‘free world’ abroad. As such, these findings are significant for reaffirming the importance of media framings, associated narratives, and control over them to global governance and soft power.
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Gwekwerere, Tavengwa, Davie E. Mutasa, and Kudakwashe Chitofiri. "Settlers, Rhodesians, and Supremacists: White Authors and the Fast Track Land Reform Program in Post-2000 Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 1 (November 3, 2017): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717739400.
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Texts written by some white Zimbabweans in the post-2000 dispensation are largely shaped by their authors’ endeavor to contest the loss of lands they held prior to the onset of the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP). Written as memoirs, these texts are bound by the tendency to fall back on colonial settler values, Rhodesian identities, and Hegelian supremacist ideas in their narration of aspects of a conflict in which tropes such as truth, justice, patriotism, and belonging were not only evoked but also reframed. This article explores manifestations of this tendency in Eric Harrison’s Jambanja (2006) and Jim Barker’s Paradise Plundered: The Story of a Zimbabwean Farm (2007). The discussion unfolds against the backdrop of the realization that much of the literary-critical scholarship on land reform in post-2000 Zimbabwe focuses on texts written by black Zimbabweans and does not attend to the panoply of ways in which some white-authored texts yearn for colonial structures of power and privilege. This article evinces that the reincarnation of colonial settler values, Rhodesian identities, and Hegelian supremacist ideas undermines the discourse of white entitlement more than it promotes it. Values and identities of the colonial yesteryear on which this discourse is premised are not only anachronistic in the 21st century; they also obey the self-other binary at the heart of the patriotic history pedestal that was instrumental in the Zimbabwean regime’s post-2000 populist deployment of the land grievance to reconstruct itself as the only and indispensable champion of African interests in Zimbabwe.
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Chereni, Admire. "Within the Borders but Not Really in South Africa." African Diaspora 10, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2018): 117–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-01001007.
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Abstract This article explores the relationship between economic and social aspects of differential inclusion in South Africa as well as migrants’ notions and practices of home and belonging. It is based on narratives provided by Zimbabweans in Johannesburg, and considers what this relationship might imply for how we understand circular migration. It finds that, differential inclusion – emanating from migrants’ experiences of deportability, insecure residence, marginal economic practices, uncertain futurity and temporal disruptions, that punctuated their post-arrival everyday life – shapes migrants’ perceptions of home as a concrete site left behind to which migrants strive to return. Conversely, negative evaluations of livelihood opportunities in Zimbabwe fuel an orientation towards an imminent yet continually deferred eventual return.
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Takavarasha, Sam, and John Makumbe. "The Effect of Politics on ICT4D." International Journal of E-Politics 3, no. 3 (July 2012): 40–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jep.2012070103.
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Zimbabwe is the best contemporary example of how politics can affect economic development. Equally as significant, and yet under studied, is the effect of politics on Information and Communication Technologies for development (ICT4D). In this case study of government of Zimbabwe’s five year battle to prevent Econet Wireless from operating a mobile phone network, the authors present the fear for the conviviality of ICTs as a reason why dictatorial states often restrict free use of ICTs and how this can inhibit its role in fostering development. Using a combination of aspects of Thomas Hobbes’ political theory and Sen’s capability approach the authors show how passions like fear for the power of ICTs in private hands and the appetite for proceeds from the telecoms sector fuelled a five year legal battle that was eventually won by Econet. A framework for assessing the motives behind restrictive political action and the concomitant erosion of political freedoms which inhibits free ICT use and investment in the sector is also presented.
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Siregar, Wahidah Zein Br. "Examining factors affecting the failure of Khofifah Indar Parawansa in East Java gubernatorial elections." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 34, no. 1 (January 27, 2021): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v34i12021.23-36.
Full textAbstract:
Statistics consistently show that women in executive political leadership positions are much lower than men at a global level. Institutional, socio-economic, and socio-cultural factors influence this condition. Some studies also identified that media considered as an essential factor for women’s involvement in politics. This paper examines factors contributing to the failure of Khofifah Indar Parawansa in East Java gubernatorial elections and whether or not gender is a matter in affecting the failure. This research analyzed kompas.com on how media reports the process of exploring this issue, how it frames the factors and the result of the 2008 and 2013. Seventy-nine news reports from online newspapers, 27 from the 2008 election and 52 from the 2013 election, were analyzed. Researchers traced these articles using thematic textual analysis to identify factors inhibiting Khofifah’s participation in the elections. The media reported that political, socio-economic, and socio-cultural aspects inhibited her success in the elections. Interestingly, the media emphasizes the political aspect as the most significant factor in her failures. It implies that the media provides balanced and fair information on female candidates.