Academic literature on the topic 'Ngonde language'

AbstractSuccessful internal communication in an intercultural environment depends on the organizational culture, business environment, social responsibility, and leaders’ skills. Thus, internal communication and employee adaptation to changing business environments ask what a successful socially responsible internal communication requires. This contribution discusses theoretical foundations of qualitative research, how the organizational culture can define which direction the organization should chose to attain social responsibility, and how internal communication can improve understanding of professional language and be decisive in a working environment. The generated model offers insights into understanding social responsibility and organizational culture to improve internal communication.

AbstractMalawi is a country in South-East Africa with a population of approximately 10 million, over 95% of whom are negro of Bantu origin. The country is divided into 24 administrative districts, each of which provides details of births which are compiled centrally at the Ministry of Health. Using data reported annually by health facilities from 1987-1990, most districts had twinning rates in the range 16 to 24 per 1000 maternities, figures consistent with those of other negro populations in Africa. Two adjoining districts (Rumphi and Mzimba) had rates which were considerably higher, almost 30 per 1000. Although ethnic origin is not recorded in the latest Malawi census, language spoken in the home, which was last recorded in 1966, can be used as a proxy. Rumphi and Mzimba are the only districts with an overwhelming majority of Tumbuka speaking population. These people, who are of both Tumbuka and Ngoni ethnic origin, therefore have an unusually high twinning rate (29.57 per 1000 maternities). The rate for the main ethnic group in Malawi, the Chewa people, was 21.21 per 1000. The district of Thyolo, with a mixed ethnic population, had by far the lowest rate (13.75 per 1000).

AbstractTo intervene against discriminatory in the workplace is tremendously important because discriminatory practices have an enormous economic impact, along with a severe impact on psychological health, which can result in illnesses such as depression and burnout. Such intervention requires a multidimensional approach, including the whole organization and a systematic procedure. The aim of this paper is to offer suggestions on how to reduce discrimination in the workplace in Austria and Taiwan. To reach this aim, a qualitative study was conducted. It showed that education, active positioning of companies, leadership and diligent selection of employees, discussion and analysis, psychological support, governmental policies, and aspects of language and talking gender-wise are the most important steps to decrease or eliminate discrimination in the workplace.

ABSTRAK
 Pemerolehan bahasa pertama seorang anak (first language acquisition) merupakan proses alamiah yang dilakukan seorang anak secara tidak sadar untuk menguasai bahasa ibu (Dardjowidjojo dalam Kepirianto, 2012) Sehingga hal ini menyiratkan bahwa lingkungan mempengaruhi pemerolehan kata pada anak, terutama pada lingkungan tempat tinggal. Indonesia merupakan negara yang memiliki kekayaan bahasa yang mana bahasa sebagai simbol suatu etnis tertentu (RD Kartikasari, 2019) Hal inilah yang menyebabkan masyarakat memiliki dua hingga tiga bahasa keseharian yang berbeda. Maka dari itu, penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengeksplorasi bagaimana pemerolehan fonologi dan pembendaharaan kata pada anak usia 3 tahun di lingkungan masyarakat bilingual. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Dari hasil penelitian dapat disebutkan bahwa lingkungan dapat mempengaruhi pemerolehan bahasa seorang anak. Anak akan meniru dan menyerap kosa kata yang kerap diucapkan oleh masyarakat. Anak usia 3 tahun sudah cukup mampu menyampaikan kalimat berganda dan kosa katanya pun beragam meskipun masih terdapat beberapa fonem yang belum tepat seperti /c/ yang seharusnya /s/, /l/ yang seharusnya /r/ dan terdapat pula beberapa fonem yang hilang dalam sebuah kata seperti [men] yang seharusnya [permen]. Kosa kata bahasa Jawa seperti [ngono] [ben] [nggeh] merupakan kata serapan yang diperoleh sang anak melalui lingkungan sekitarnya.

Abstract Starting in the 1970s, flash fiction developed into an outsized literary practice relative to other Sinophone forms in Singapore. Flash fiction's smallness and brevity cohere with the fast pace of urban Singaporean life and transformation of its cityscape, the compartmentalized relationship between the nation's four official languages, the marginality of literary spaces and challenges to maintaining literature as a profession, and Southeast Asia's relative obscurity as a world literary center (with Singapore as a small but important connective hub). Taking Yeng Pway Ngon's fleeting scene of Speakers' Corner (a flash platform of “gestural politics”) as a point of departure, this article charts a short history of Sinophone flash and its relationship to literary community building in Singapore through integrative readings of representative works by Jun Yinglü, Ai Yu, Wong Meng Voon, Xi Ni Er, and Wu Yeow Chong, recognizing their formal and thematic intersections not as “big ideas in tiny spaces” but as iridescent corners that traverse the state's cultural, political, and geographical out-of-bounds (OB) markers. Rather than privileging professional mastery, their works trace flash fiction's iridescent literariness and worldliness to hyperlocality (the physical and literary “corners” they illuminate), compressed temporality, a participatory culture of authorship, and a spirit of amateurism. This amateurism is derived not from a sense of linguistic underdevelopment or technical lack among these authors, but from their passionate and vulnerable engagement with the flash form, as well as the dissident moral conscience of their thematically and stylistically intersecting critiques of Singapore's sociopolitical OB markers.

Tari Oncer merupakan salah satu kesenian tari tradisional yang terus dijaga dan dilestarikan oleh warga Desa Puyung Kabupaten Lombok Tengah. Nama Tari Oncer diambil berdasarkan gerakan pokok tarian yang menyerupai gerakan ikan Sepat yang sedang berenang atau dalam bahasa Sasak disebut Pepait Ngoncer. Salah satu keunikan tarian ini adalah memiliki komposisi gerak yang berbeda dengan tarian yang ada di daerah tersebut. Selain itu tarian ini juga menggunakan iringan yang berbeda pada setiap gerakannya.Tulisan ini berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan komposisi gerak dan teknik iringan Tari Oncer di Desa Puyung Kabupaten Lombok Tengah. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif. Objek dalam penelitian ini adalah Tari Oncer itu sendiri yang meliputi komposisi gerak dan teknik iringan. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara 1) observasi, 2) wawancara, dan 3) dokumentasi. Analisis data dilakukan dengan 1) reduksi data, 2) penyajian data, dan 3) penarikan kesimpulan. Untuk memeriksa keabsahan data dilakukan dengan teknik validitas data yaitu dengan teknik trianggulasi.Dari hasil penelitian ditemukan bahwa: 1) komposisi gerak tari Oncer, meliputi: ragam gerak, dan pola lantai. 2) teknik iringan gerak tari Oncer terdiri dari a) hitungan ragam gerak tari Oncer; b) iringan musik tari Oncer; dan 3) alat musik tari Oncer.AbstractMusical Accompaniment Technique in Dance Composition Oncer Central Lombok. Oncer dance is one of the traditional dance arts continuously maintained and preserved by Puyung Village, Central Lombok Regency. The name Oncer Dance is taken based on the main dance movements that resemble the movements of the Sepat fish swimming or in the Sasak language; it is called Pepait Ngoncer. One of the uniqueness of this dance is that it has a different movement composition from the dances in the area. In addition, this dance also uses various accompaniments in each of its movements. This paper is based on the research results that aim to describe the composition and accompaniment techniques of the Oncer Dance in Puyung Village, Central Lombok Regency. The approach used in this research is descriptive qualitative. The object of this research is the Oncer Dance itself which includes the composition of the motion and accompaniment technique. Data collection is done by 1) observation, 2) interviews, and 3) documentation. Data analysis was performed by 1) data reduction, 2) data presentation, and 3) concluding the validity of the data for the check; the data validity technique was used, namely the triangulation technique. The study results found that: 1) the composition of the Oncer dance, including various movements and floor patterns. 2) the technique of accompaniment of the Oncer dance consists of a) a count of the variety of Oncer dance movements; b) Oncer dance music accompaniment; and 3) Oncer dance musical instrument.Keywords: Motion Composition, Traditional Dance, Oncer Dance, Accompaniment Techniques

Cette thèse est une étude onomasiologique et sémasiologique de noms de plantes, d'animaux et de champignons dans cinq langues bantu des groupes B80 et H40. Elle débute par une description élémentaire des systèmes phonologiques et morphologiques de ces langues avant d'en faire une étude diachronique. Le dernier chapitre traite des catégorisations populaires des plantes, animaux et champignons. Les usages traditionnels des plantes, des champignons et des animaux sont donnés en annexe, ainsi qu'une vue comparative et la distribution de ces noms sur l'aire bantu.<br>Doctorat en Langues et lettres<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Preface: This grammar is intended to be essentially descriptive in nature. As far as possible I have tried to bring out the "genius", in a Sapirian sense, of the language. I have attempted to present the information in such a way that it will, hopefully, be accessible for others with a variety of interests, both theoretical and otherwise, which may be different to mine. This has meant that I have largely used a fairly traditional system of grammatical description. It has also meant that I have accorded primacy to semantics. Theories concerning linguistic structures vary considerably over time, whereas the semantic/functional categories they are concerned to describe remain relatively constant. Therefore I have, in general, presented information in groupings of related semantic/functional fields. This method of presentation has naturally been tempered by due allowance for the salient morphological categories (e.g. Verbs vs Non-Verbs) expressed in the language. Waray is a prefixing language of northern Australia. It was spoken in the valleys of the Margaret and upper Adelaide Rivers, south-east of Darwin around the present day town of Adelaide River (Amungal). I have gone into some detail on the question of the area occupied by the Waray speaking people for two reasons. Firstly because there has been no other detailed consideration of the issue, and secondly because it is of some relevance in the consideration of land claims. I have also gone into some detail into the background of my teacher Mrs Doris White (Litawi), because this is a grammar of a dying language based essentially on elicitation sessions with her. Therefore I have felt it necessary to give some idea of her linguistic competence. Waray is a member of the Kunwinjkuan language· family and within this family appears to be most closely related to Jawoyn. Waray, as described in this grammar, accords quite closely with the grammars described for other prefixing languages (e.g. Merlan 1983 "Ngalakan Grammar, Texts and Vocabulary", Heath 1984 "Functional Grammar of Nunggubuyu"). It is a strongly agglutinative language, with inflectional tendencies. As in the other Kunwinjkuan languages, the Verbal Complex (VC), which consists of a verb and the Subject and Object prefixes, is capable of constituting a complete predication on its own. The Subject and Object prefixes, the verb stem case frames, the case markers and a system of marking Subject switches by free nominals are the main systems of textual cohesion. Like other prefixing languages Waray falls within the typological category of non-configurational languages. It displays the "free" word order characteristic of this grammatical category and the attendant problems in defining NPs and clauses. It also displays the general lack of well defined subordinating structures characteristic of the prefixing languages. While Waray is generally similar to other prefixing -languages there are some differences of structure or analysis which are of interest. 1. Waray like most of the languages in the area has two series of stops, which I have analysed as being distinctively short and long respectively. As well Waray has a separate class of geminates (these are simply an instance of stop clusters where the same stop phoneme occurs twice). The existence in Waray of separate classes of long stops and geminate clusters is of interest for the general problem of the analysis of the difference between the two stop series found in many languages of the Top End (see 2.1.2.1). The analysis is based on some spectrograms (p32) and close listening to careful Speech. 2. Waray has a noun class system, like most prefixing languages. However unlike most of these languages, the Waray noun class system plays little or no part in textual cohesion. It is extensively lexicalised and appears to be on the way out. This does not appear to be the result of language death phenomena. Jawoyn has a cognate and basically sirnilar noun class system, and the Waray system appears to be a natural development of the proto-Waray-Jawoyn system (see 3.2.1 ). 3. Waray, unlike most prefixing languages, has a subordinate infinitive clause structure, which is generally purposive in function (see 5.4). 4. Waray, unlike most Australian languages, has two copula verbs. They are yang 'to be' and ka-ngi 'to have', which are derived historically from yang 'to go' and ka-ngi 'to take' (see 5.8). There would not now, be more than four or five fluent speakers of Waray. My main teacher, Mrs White and her sister Mrs Fejo, my other teacher, were born and have lived most of their lives in the Humpty Doo area, just to the south-east of Darwin. During the time I worked with them, they were living at Humpty Doo station. I first started work on Waray in 1980, while working as a lecturer at the School of Australian Linguistics in Batchelor. I did some sporadic work on Waray during that year, and during 1981, when I was living in Darwin. The majority of the fieldwork for this grammar was undertaken in two fieldtrips in May - August 1982 and 1983. A considerable portion of the second fieldtrip was spent on anthropological, or ethno-botanical and -zoological matters such as site-mapping, collecting genealogies and identifying plant and animal species. I used the classic elicitation methods, as Waray has not been actively spoken in any significant way for many years. This grammar is therefore subject to the problems inherent in the elicitation methodology, but owing to the difficulty in obtaining text material there was no other alternative. Naturally the writing up of any grammar based on fieldnotes probably poses as many questions as it answers. There are a number of areas in this grammar where further information is required to deal with questions. In general they are mentioned in the text. The only area which requires comment here is intonation. It seems likely that intonation units and contours play a major role in determining information structures. Unfortunately I have little information on this topic, as I did not tape my fieldsessions. This is probably the major area requiring further study. It is my intent to return to Humpty Doo to learn more about Waray so that some of these gaps may be filled.