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Journal articles on the topic 'Nicaragua, church history'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2024

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1

Levine, Daniel H., and John M. Kirk. "Politics and the Catholic Church in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 4 (November 1993): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516887.

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2

Levine, Daniel H. "Politics and the Catholic Church in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 4 (November 1, 1993): 722–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-73.4.722.

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3

Dodson, Michael. "Contradiction and Conflict: The Popular Church in Nicaragua." Hispanic American Historical Review 80, no. 2 (May 1, 2000): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-80-2-376.

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4

Pomerleau, Claude, and Philip J. Williams. "The Catholic Church and Politics in Nicaragua and Costa Rica." Hispanic American Historical Review 70, no. 3 (August 1990): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516650.

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5

Pomerleau, Claude. "The Catholic Church and Politics in Nicaragua and Costa Rica." Hispanic American Historical Review 70, no. 3 (August 1, 1990): 511–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-70.3.511a.

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6

Wilson, John-Paul. "Church, State, and Society during the Nicaraguan Revolution." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 10, no. 16 (January 1, 2009): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v10i16.113580.

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The course of the Church's history in Nicaragua had changedfrom an institution led by a martyred Bishop protecting Indianrights before Rome and the Spanish King to one largelyconcerned with protecting its own interests followingNicaragua’s independence to one that had come to terms with itsmission to save souls and to serve its people. However, many ofthose who took the initiative to bring the Church toward a morehumanitarian orientation in modern times had allowedthemselves to become the tool of a revolutionary politicalmovement whose aim was to perpetuate its own power.Ironically, those who truly wished to serve God and His peoplefound themselves oppressed by those who claimed that theywere doing the same. After a long struggle, a free election in1990 brought to power a series of democratic governmentsallowing freedom of the Church to fulfil its mission.

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7

Blanke, Svenja. "Civic Foreign Policy: Human Rights, Faith-Based Groups and U.S.-Salvadoran Relations in the 1970S." Americas 61, no. 2 (October 2004): 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2004.0129.

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El Salvador, the smallest but most densely populated country of Central America, experienced one of Latin America's bloodiest civil wars, accompanied by widespread human rights violations. State repression was especially brutal against opposition groups such as peasant associations, unions, students, and religious people. Twenty-five church people were murdered and many religious workers were persecuted, expelled, or tortured. Several U.S. missionaries were among those murdered or expelled victims. Although the number of religious victims is relatively small in comparison to the tens of thousands of people who were killed in the three civil wars of El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Guatemala, the murders of religious personnel had a profound impact on the religious community in Central America, and particularly in El Salvador. This impact also reached religious groups in the United States. Given the traditional alliance between the Catholic Church and the political and economic elites throughout most of Salvadoran history, the murders of religious leaders by government or government-linked forces symbolized a remarkable shift.

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8

Dent, David W. "Past and Present Trends in Research on Latin American Politics, 1950-1980." Latin American Research Review 21, no. 1 (1986): 139–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100021907.

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It has been almost two decades since trends in research on Latin American politics were measured in any systematic way. The early profile of the state of Latin American research in political science developed by Peter Ranis showed that Mexico, Brazil, and Chile “receive about one-third of all political science research attention.” Less than 1 percent of political science research was devoted to Honduras, El Salvador, Haiti, and Nicaragua. The subjects that received the most attention in the 1960s were interest groups (the military, students, and the church), the history of political institutions, and the nature of political, economic, and social change.

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9

Everingham, Mark, and Edwin Taylor. "Encounters of Moravian Missionaries with Miskitu Autonomy and Land Claims in Nicaragua, 1894 to 1936." Journal of Moravian History 7, no. 1 (2009): 31–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41179860.

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Abstract This article analyzes the responses of Moravian missionaries in Nicaragua when they encountered colonial and national competition over sovereignty and internal strife and challenging conditions in indigenous communities, from the 1890s to the 1930s. The focus is on Moravian missionaries who settled in the northern portion of Miskitu territory, which is located in the Mosquitia on Nicaragua's Caribbean coast. Diaries and notes, as well as official reports and accounts to the Moravian Church, provide a unique historical lens through which to examine how the missionaries navigated indigenous resistance, land claims, foreign competition, and economic booms and busts. Although not acting according to an explicit political agenda, missionaries systematically constructed religious, educational, and medical institutions that overcame Miskitu resistance to Christian conversion and became integral to Miskitu lives and welfare. Despite this, the Miskitu people preserved a tradition of self-government during the period under consideration. A change of religious beliefs did not constitute a fundamental transformation of Miskitu ideas and aspirations about political and cultural autonomy. The consolidation of Moravian influence contributed to the intensity of Miskitu nationalist sentiments and land claims when demands for indigenous autonomy resurged later in the twentieth century. This article examines Moravian perspectives on disunity and anxiety in coastal and savannah communities on the Tawira side of Miskitu geographic and ethnic divisions. Moravian accounts of the foundation of the Tawira community of Tuara elucidate ancestral roots and communal struggles during the ebb and flow of Miskitu autonomy and vulnerability.

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10

Crahan, Margaret E. "Contradiction and Conflict: The Popular Church in Nicaragua. By Debra Sabia. (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1997. Pp. 239. Illustrations. Bibliography. Index. $34.95.)." Americas 55, no. 3 (January 1999): 523–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007670.

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11

Breckenridge, Robert L. "Politics and the Catholic Church in Nicaragua. By John M. Kirk. Gainesville, Fla.: University Press of Florida, 1992. xiv + 247 pp. $34.95." Church History 64, no. 1 (March 1995): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168714.

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12

Levine, Daniel H. "The Catholic Church and Politics in Nicaragua and Costa Rica. By Phillip J. Williams. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. 1989. Pp. xvi, 228. Abbreviations. Maps. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $34.95.)." Americas 47, no. 3 (January 1991): 381–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006817.

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13

Levine, Daniel H. "The Catholic Church and Politics in Nicaragua and Costa Rica. By Phillip J. Williams. (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. 1989. Pp. xvi, 228. Abbreviations. Maps. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $34.95.)." Americas 47, no. 03 (January 1991): 381–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500017053.

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14

Burdick, John. "The Progressive Catholic Church in Latin America: Giving Voice or Listening to Voices? - CONFLICT AND COMPETITION: THE LATIN AMERICAN CHURCH IN A CHANGING ENVIRONMENT Edited by Edward L. Cleary and Hannah Stewart-Gambino. (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner, 1992. Pp. 233. $35.00 cloth, $16.95 paper.) - THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN NICARAGUA. By Manzar Foroohar. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1989. Pp. 262. $39.50 cloth, $12.95 paper.) - BASE CHRISTIAN COMMUNITIES AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN BRAZIL. By W. E. Hewitt (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991. Pp. 150. $24.95.) - KINGDOMS COME: RELIGION AND POLITICS IN BRAZIL. By Rowan Ireland. (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992. Pp. 262. $39.95.) - POPULAR VOICES IN LATIN AMERICAN CATHOLICISM. By Daniel H. Levine (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1992. Pp. 403. $24.95.) - THE PROGRESSIVE CHURCH IN LATIN AMERICA. Edited by Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde. (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1989. Pp. 340. $32.95.) - THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND POLITICS IN NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA. By Philip J. Williams (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1989. Pp. 228. $34.95.)." Latin American Research Review 29, no. 1 (1994): 184–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100035408.

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15

Schattschneider, David A. "The Moravians, the Miskitu, and the Sandinistas on Nicaragua's Atlantic Coast, 1979–1990. By C. Alton Robertson. Bethlehem, Pa.: Board of Communications, Moravian Church in America, 1998. viii + 88 pp. $16.00 cloth." Church History 69, no. 2 (June 2000): 465–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169625.

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16

Orta, Andrew. "ICONOCLASM AND HISTORY: Remembering the Via Crucis in a Nicaraguan comunidad eclesial de base." NEXUS: The Canadian Student Journal of Anthropology 7, no. 1 (January 1, 1990). http://dx.doi.org/10.15173/nexus.v7i1.82.

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This paper is a consideration of religious ritual as historical practice, and of the cultural mediation of the valuation and revaluation of signs in history. Specifically I am concerned with christological imagery as deployed in the performance of a Via Crucis Nicaraguenese, or "Stations of the Cross," conducted by a comunidad eclesial de base (CEB) in Managua, Nicaragua in 1976, and 1977. The 'data' include texts and illustrations employed during the performance, as well as the recollections of participants among whom I conducted a field study in 1984. CEBs are the socio-ecclesiastical units that practice what has come to be known as 'Liberation theology'. They constitute active bases of resistance in many areas of Latin America and are involved in a transformative 'Christian praxis' that emerges at the cusp of a narrativized tradition rooted in Church practice and a developing 'folk-Marxism' informing CEB exegesis. Over and against CEB members' claim to an unmeditated historical analysis of the biblical moment as recovered in the performance of the Via Crucis, my effort in this paper is to point to additional cultural resonances at play in this ritual of resistance.

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