Academic literature on the topic 'Nicaragua. Guardia Nacional'

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Journal articles on the topic "Nicaragua. Guardia Nacional"

1

Palmer, Steven. "Carlos Fonseca and the Construction of Sandinismo in Nicaragua." Latin American Research Review 23, no. 1 (1988): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034725.

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Ernesto “Che” Guevara hoy, Augusto Cesar Sandino ayer, marcan con heroismo la indispensable rota guerrillera que habra de conducir a los pueblos victimas del imperialismo a la posesión absoluta de sus propios destinos. Carlos FonsecaSandino, guerrillero proletarioCarlos Fonseca's unequivocal bracketing of Augusto Sandino's political project with that of Latin America's premier Marxist revolutionary would have shocked most readers when it was written in 1972. In this and other seminal essays, one of the three founders of Nicaragua's Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) formally integrated Sandino the historical figure into the ideology of their revolutionary struggle. Sandino had fought a six-year guerrilla war against the U.S. forces occupying Nicaragua between 1927 and 1933. His assassination in 1934 by Anastasio Somoza's henchmen ushered in a forty-five-year dynastic dictatorship by a succession of Somozas. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, until Fonseca died in combat against the Guardia Nacional in 1976, his writings guided the FSLN's resurrecting and reconstructing of the image of Sandino in order to reshape it into the dominant symbol of a powerful revolutionary ideology.
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Cortés Rodríguez, Gerson Fabián, Nini Johanna De La Hoz Gasca, and Lorena Valencia Delgado. "La transformación del Ejército y el conflicto en Nicaragua." Perspectivas en Inteligencia 11, no. 20 (December 12, 2019): 293–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.47961/2145194x.35.

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Se analiza la transformación del Ejército en Nicaragua desde la contextualización del conflicto en este país, a partir del golpe de Estado contra la dictadura de los Somoza, la desarticulación de la Guardia Nacional y el establecimiento del Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional en el poder. Con base en lo anterior, se detalla el proceso de creación del Ejército Popular Sandinista y la conformación de estructuras militares para combatir los ataques de las fuerzas contrarrevolucionarias, conocidas como “Los Contras”. Asimismo, se hace una consideración sobre los Acuerdos de Esquipulas que dieron, como resultado, la democratización de Nicaragua y la desmovilización de los contrarrevolucionarios. Finalmente, se evalúa el papel de las Fuerzas Armadas y las instituciones en el postconflicto, que conllevaron a la situación actual del país, todo esto por medio de un método de estudio de caso con consulta de fuentes secundarias especializadas.
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Rueda, Claudia. "¡A La Huelga! Secondary Students, School Strikes, and the Power of Educational Activism in 1970s Nicaragua." Americas 77, no. 4 (October 2020): 601–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2020.3.

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ABSTRACTThe year 1976 was a violent one in Nicaragua. In an effort to quash the Sandinista guerrillas, the dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle had declared a state of siege, suspending constitutional guarantees, muzzling the press, and unleashing the Guardia Nacional. Despite the dangers of dissent, thousands of students across the country walked off their secondary school campuses that year to protest poor funding, inept teachers, and oppressive administrators. This article examines this series of strikes to uncover the ways in which teenagers managed to organize their schools and communities in spite of the repression that marked the final years of the Somoza regime. Analyzing student documents, Ministry of Education records, and newspaper reports, this article argues that in the context of a decades-long dictatorship, student demands for more democratic schools opened a relatively safe pathway for cross-generational activism that forced concessions from the Somoza regime. By the 1970s, secondary schools had come to reflect the state's authoritarianism and mismanagement, and widespread educational deficiencies brought students and parents together in a joint project to demand better schools. Battles over the quality of education, thus, showcased the power of an organized citizenry and laid the groundwork for the revolutionary mobilizations that were to come.
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Schroeder, Michael, and David C. Brooks. "Caudillismo Masked and Modernized: The Remaking of the Nicaraguan State via the Guardia Nacional, 1925-1936." Middle Atlantic Review of Latin American Studies 2, no. 2 (December 27, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.23870/marlas.169.

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5

Dávila, Bryan. "El cooperativismo en el ideario y acción de Sandino." Revista Humanismo y Cambio Social, March 15, 2024, 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/hcs.v21i21.17666.

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Este ensayo examina la perspectiva y el legado del general Augusto Sandino sobre el cooperativismo en Nicaragua durante el periodo 1933 - 1934. Se basa en una revisión de documentos históricos y testimonios de veteranos sandinistas para entender cómo el héroe de Las Segovias veía el cooperativismo como una alternativa socioeconómica basada en la solidaridad y la equidad. Inspirado por experiencias cooperativas en México, Sandino promovió la creación de asociaciones de obreros y campesinos para fomentar la autosuficiencia alimentaria y mejorar sus condiciones de vida. Su visión trascendía lo local, aspirando a crear una organización centroamericana y una Comuna Universal. Sin embargo, el proyecto fue truncado por la intervención de los Estados Unidos a través de la Guardia Nacional y el somocismo en 1934, cuando asesinan al general de hombres y mujeres libres. Aunque la primera experiencia cooperativa no prosperó inmediatamente, dejó un legado que resurgió con la Revolución Popular Sandinista de 1979, impulsando el cooperativismo y la economía social en Nicaragua, destacando la importancia de la cooperación y la comunidad para una sociedad más justa y equitativa.
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Books on the topic "Nicaragua. Guardia Nacional"

1

Maltez, Nicolás López. Historia de la Guardia Nacional de Nicaragua. Managua: N.A. López Maltez, 2014.

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2

Los mitos de la guardia nacion de Nicaragua. Miami, Fla: Publicaciones y Distribuciones ORBIS, 2004.

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3

Los mitos de la guardia nacion de Nicaragua. Miami, Fla: Publicaciones y Distribuciones ORBIS, 2004.

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4

Pérez, Justiniano. Semper fidelis: El secuestro de la guardia nacional de Nicaragua. Colombia]: J. Pérez, 2004.

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5

Mendoza, Pedro Sampson. Raíces de guerra. Managua]: [5.e], 2015.

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6

Saavedra, Humberto Ortega. A diez años de la rendición total de la guardia somocista. Managua, Nicaragua: Dirección Política Central del EPS, Instituto de Historia de Nicaragua, 1989.

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7

GN versus FSLN: Análisis de un pasado reciente. Managua: Editorial La Prensa, 2008.

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8

El ejército de los Somoza: Auge, caída y secuela de su extinción. Managua: Editarte, 2010.

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9

Pérez, Justiniano. GN versus FSLN: Análisis de un pasado reciente. Managua: Editorial La Prensa, 2008.

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10

Sacasa, Juan Bautista. Cómo y por qué caí del poder. [Managua, Nicaragua]: Editorial Vanguardia, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nicaragua. Guardia Nacional"

1

Holden, Robert H. "Conclusions." In Armies Without Nations, 227–32. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195161205.003.0016.

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Abstract Until 1940, the limits of public violence were shaped with little or no substantive or sustained interference by groups or interests that could be identified as wholly external to Central America. Although some modest Spanish, German, and Chilean military collaboration aided the upward displacement of the agents of public violence into national armed forces, this too was largely an internal process. The exception was Nicaragua, where the United States created the Guardia Nacional in the late 1920s and early 1930s in order to put an end to the country’s chronic public violence. Unavailing in its objective, the U.S. effort in Nicaragua instead spawned a state much like that of its northern neighbors—one that succeeded in concentrating a good deal of public violence in the hands of its own agents, even as they continued to operate within the traditionally permissive limits of that violence. The process of concentration or upward displacement was scarcely a smooth one. Burdened by the legacy of factionalism and personalism, it was subject to frequent disruption and setbacks. Even under the best of political circumstances, the extreme resource limitations of the Central American states invariably undermined their capacity to reliably concentrate and control public violence. As a result, the isthmian states’ armed forces had only become weakly institutionalized by the start of World War II. The war heralded a startling acceleration in the pace and thoroughness of the concentration of the disparate sources of institutional public violence into national armies, air forces, and police forces.
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2

Grossman, Richard. "Chapter 3 “The Blood of the People” The Guardia Nacional’s Fifty-year War against the People of Nicaragua, 1927–1979." In When States Kill, 59–84. University of Texas Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/706477-005.

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