Academic literature on the topic 'Nicaragua – History'

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Journal articles on the topic "Nicaragua – History":

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Gismondi, Michael, and Jeremy Mouat. "“La Enojosa Cuestión de Emery”: The Emery Claim in Nicaragua and American Foreign Policy, C. 1880-1910." Americas 65, no. 3 (January 2009): 375–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0075.

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This article will argue that a seemingly trivial dispute between the Nicaraguan government and an American lumber company operating on Nicaragua's Mosquito Coast escalated to become a major source of tension between the U.S. State Department and Nicaragua, as well as a catalyst that drew U.S. banks into Nicaragua. Despite its significance, the convoluted story of this dispute has attracted little scholarly attention. The importance of the Emery claim was widely acknowledged at the time, however. Stories about it appeared in contemporary newspapers and magazines, and it became a topic worthy of discussion by a U.S. Senate hearing. The claim was also connected to José Santos Zelaya's resignation as president of Nicaragua in the autumn of 1909, a gesture that came shortly after he had agreed to settle the Emery claim.
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Snyder, Emily. "“Cuba, Nicaragua, Unidas Vencerán”: Official Collaborations between the Sandinista and Cuban Revolutions." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 609–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.5.

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AbstractThe Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally.
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Baker, Suzanne M., and Ruth Ann Armitage. "Cueva La Conga: First Karst Cave Archaeology in Nicaragua." Latin American Antiquity 24, no. 3 (September 2013): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.24.3.309.

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Cueva la Conga, recorded in June 2006, is the first limestone cave in Nicaragua reported to contain prehistoric rock paintings, culturally modified natural formations called speleothems, and artifacts. Located in northcentral Nicaragua in the Department of Jinotega, Cueva la Conga is the farthest south on the Mesoamerican periphery that a cave of this type has been reported, and it extends our knowledge of ritual cave use, including cave painting and speleothem modification, to include Nicaragua. Radiocarbon analysis of charcoal in five samples of the paint, the first such dating of Nicaraguan rock art, yielded calibrated dates from cal A.D. 680—905 to cal A.D. 1403—1640. The baseline data provided by Cueva la Conga are of great importance for regional rock art analysis and for our growing understanding of regional and Nicaraguan prehistory. More archaeological survey and excavations in the area will be key in establishing a firm cultural context for the rock art and ritual cave use found at Cueva la Conga.
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Millett, Richard L. "Nicaragua." Current History 89, no. 543 (January 1, 1990): 21–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1990.89.543.21.

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Gould, Jeffrey L. "The Enchanted Burro, Bayonets and the Business of Making Sugar: State, Capital, and Labor Relations in the Ingenio San Antonio, 1912-1926." Americas 46, no. 2 (October 1989): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007081.

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Since the 1920s, the San Antonio sugar mill in Chichigalpa, Nicaragua has been that country's largest manufacturing establishment. The ingenio (the sugar mill along with the plantation) employed close to 2,000 workers in 1920, and has since consistently employed far more workers than any other single enterprise. The owners of San Antonio were—and continue to be—the most economically powerful group within the Nicaraguan elite, In contemporary Nicaragua, the above affirmations remain valid: San Antonio is still the largest employer and economically most powerful financial group in the country.Any consideration of the development of Nicaraguan capitalism must take into account the history of the Ingenio San Antonio (ISA). In this article, I will examine the development of relations among labor, management, and the state in San Antonio from the 1890s until 1930 using archival and oral sources. Throughout this period, politics and economics were inseparable for the workers. Particularly after the U.S. Marines occupied Nicaragua in 1912 and bolstered the Conservative regime, the political Liberalism of the San Antonio workers was something of a popular revolutionary
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Snyder, Emily. "Internationalizing the Revolutionary Family." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 50–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857259.

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Abstract This article argues that Cuban ideas about gender, sexuality, and the family shaped Cuban internationalist collaboration with Nicaragua in the 1970s and 1980s. It demonstrates that collaboration sprang from a gendered political discourse, and in turn the dynamics of gendered relationships between Cubans and Nicaraguans affected the internationalist campaigns. First, the essay argues that state discourse expanded the idea of the New Man to include volunteering abroad, and cast female participants as moral agents of internationalism. Second, it analyzes the idea of revolutionary love and how it related to internationalism. Then, the article demonstrates how internationalism created transnational relationships. Finally, it examines the experiences of Nicaraguan students who went to boarding schools on the Isla de la Juventud. Throughout, the article centers the notion of family and shows how internationalist mobility created space for personal experiences, love within revolution, and new family dynamics.
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Colburn, Forrest D. "Embattled Nicaragua." Current History 86, no. 524 (December 1, 1987): 405–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1987.86.524.405.

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Moro, Diana. "Rubén Darío en el debate sobre la literatura nacional nicaragüense." (an)ecdótica 5, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.anec.2021.5.1.19784.

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The debate on literature in Nicaragua, at various moments in the country’s history, is elaborated on the figure, aesthetics, and work of Rubén Darío. Not only the birth and death of the poet on vernacular soil are central aspects in the appropriation made, but above all, the international cultural capital built through his wandering life and cosmopolitanism in his work. The appropriation of his aesthetics, as well as the distancing and debates about his contribution, persist in various moments of Nicaraguan literary history. We will explore some interventions by Nicaraguan intellectuals who are members of the Avant-garde Group, above all, their subsequent critical review and the contribution that Ventana magazine made in the 1960s. Finally, it will be observed that during the revolutionary decade, 1979-1989, the figure of Darío concentrates, at least, two simultaneous appropriations, the “anti-imperialist” and the “half-blood”. Both perspectives coincide in the conviction that, in Nicaragua, there would be no literature without the magisterium of Darío.
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Huete-Pérez, Jorge A., Eduardo Mendoza-Ramírez, and Lucía Páiz-Medina. "Genomic Biorepository of Coastal Marine Species in Estero Padre Ramos and Estero Real, Nicaragua." Encuentro, no. 93 (December 10, 2012): 6–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/encuentro.v0i93.908.

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Nicaragua, located in southern Mesoamerica between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean, has acted as a land bridge for flora and fauna migrating between North and South America during the last 3 million years. Because of Nicaragua’s location and history, it is rich in terrestrial and aquatic biodiversity. To study this biodiversity and preserve it for the future, Nicaragua’s Molecular Biology Center at the University of Central America (CBM-UCA) created the Genomic Biorepository Project. The Project collects and catalogs coastal marine biodiversity in the Estero Real and Padre Ramos estuaries, located in Nicaragua’s northern Pacific region.The biorepository holds more than three thousand tissue and genomic specimens, comprising 1,049 samples (714 specimens from Estero Padre Ramos and 335 from Estero Real) belonging to 100 species and 54 families, genomic extracts in triplicates for every sample collected and environmental sandy sediments representing 60 different sites. Changes in the biological composition of the region were documentedas compared to previous sampling. Of the 1,049 samples obtained from the two estuaries, 30 new residents were recorded in Estero Real, and 19 in Estero Padre Ramos. The Cytochrome Oxidase I (COI) gene was sequenced for a number of species, including 19 fish species, and published to public databases (BOLD SYSTEMS). The records contained in the genomic biorepository here described lay the foundation for the most complete marine biodiversity database in Nicaragua and is made available to national and international specialists, facilitating knowledge of Nicaraguan biodiversity.
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Colburn, Forrest D. "Nicaragua under Siege." Current History 84, no. 500 (March 1, 1985): 105–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.1985.84.500.105.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nicaragua – History":

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Underwood, Jan. "Revolution, connectedness and kinwork : women's poetry in Nicaragua." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61970.

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Schott, Cory L. "Frontiers and Fandangos: Reforming Colonial Nicaragua." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/333351.

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New ideas about trade, society, and the nature of government pulsed throughout the Atlantic World during the eighteenth century. This dissertation explores the relationship between political reforms and life along a colonial frontier. To do so, this project analyzes the effects of new laws imposed by the Spanish monarchy in Central America during the eighteenth century. The policies implemented during this time offered unequal prospects to social groups (e.g., Indians, merchants, soldiers, and farmers), state and non-state institutions (e.g., the Church, town councils, merchant guilds, and regional governments), and individuals to reconfigure traditional local power arrangements. This process, however, produced new conflicts between individuals, communities, and institutions as they attempted to expand and defend their traditional roles in society. I argue Nicaragua's relative isolation from the rest of the Spanish world allowed for the already complex and unwieldy process to become even more difficult. Thus, the majority of the reforms introduced over the eighteenth century remained poorly implemented. Even in areas where royal officials achieved noticeable progress and success, such as the creation of a tobacco monopoly, the new legal regime created new, often unforeseen, problems. In the first part of my dissertation, I examine how vague (and sometimes contradictory) decrees from Spain provided opportunities for new expressions of local power. In the first chapter, I examine the effect that new laws limiting the power of the Church had on local officials and members of the clergy. For example, new ordinance concerning the regulation of private gatherings and dances provoked a major conflict between two pillars of local rule: the bishop and the governor. In the second chapter, I analyze how new laws and decrees contributed to the expansion of an already flourishing black market. New economic ideas, such as ones that established royal monopolies, led to a significant increase in the remittances sent to Spain from Central America; however these same economic policies also eroded local economies and pushed some individuals to participate in illicit trade. The second half of this study analyzes the colonial experiences of indigenous peoples in two very different areas of Central America. In the third chapter, I examine western Nicaragua, where Spanish rule was its strongest and indigenous communities struggled to defend themselves from increasingly onerous demands for labor and tribute. In the fourth chapter, I shift the view to eastern and central Nicaragua and Honduras, where Spain's presence was tenuous or non-existent. There, local indigenous groups capitalized on Spanish fears of a British presence in eastern Central America to extract major concessions and preserve their autonomy while individuals sold their services to the competing empires. This dissertation draws on extensive work with sources, many hitherto untapped, at archives in Spain, Guatemala, the United States, and Nicaragua to demonstrate that residents of Spanish Central America—Spanish, American born Spaniards, natives, mulattos, and mestizos alike—contributed to new understandings of imperial goals that proved that some reforms could be flexible and amendable to local conditions. The legal battles, Church records, military reports, and pleas to the king also highlight shifting ideas about the political, economic, and social organization of society. Beyond its contribution to the limited studies that focus on Nicaragua during the colonial period, my dissertation adds to the broader, comparative fields of colonial studies, economic history, the study of borderlands and frontiers, and the Atlantic World.
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Dugal, Zoe. "The illegitimacy of the state and the revolution in Nicaragua /." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32907.

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The focus of this paper will be revolutions as a Third World phenomena. It will try to analyse what are the conditions and challenges faced by Third World states; and what are the functions that those states perform, or fail to perform. In other words, what are the conditions likely to lead to a revolution within Third World nation-states?
Of course, every Third World state possesses its particular circumstances and, therefore, different factors will influence the occurrence of a revolution in each case. It would be presumptuous of me to attempt to address all of these issues which have been raised. My task is indeed more modest. Since it is very unlikely to elaborate a single theory that will fit all cases, this paper will rather consider a theoretical framework and assess its applicability and its explanatory potential of one Third World revolution, the Nicaraguan revolution.
What this paper will also do is to examine what happens when a successful revolution has taken place. How is the new regime constructed? How is the power of the revolutionary government employed? Can we assess the relative success of a revolution?
The use of a single case study, Nicaragua, can be explained by the richness of this particular example. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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Velázquez, José Luis. "Nicaragua: Outcomes of revolution, 1979-1990." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298766.

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In Marxist and Dependence theories, revolution has been prescribed as a panacea for developing countries' social evils. However, there is little work dedicated to evaluation of the results of those events that permit the validation of theory. Therefore, the aim of this dissertation is to assess the outcomes of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979-1990) and test this assumption. The assessment was made according to Edward Muller's theoretical framework. It is centered in the idea that revolutions destroy social capital. Their successes depend on the skill of revolutionary leadership in distinguishing obsolete from other forms of valuable social capital. The latter has to be fostered as the base of the revolution's future development. The indicators used were: (1) The extent at which the revolutionary leadership keeps its promises and delivers public goods; (2) The evaluation of power, strength, and centralization of the revolutionary state vs. the ancient regime; (3) The performance of the revolutionary economy; (4) The extension of the policies of land distribution, and; (5) The effects of the revolutionary policies in income distribution, inequality, and the creation of new opportunities for the citizenry. The conclusions were: (1) The Sandinista leadership did not deliver the promises of mixed economy, political pluralism and on alignment; (2) The revolutionary state was: strongest, more centralized and powerful than the Somoza regime; (3) The economic performance was poor, and unable to meet the needs of the people; (4) The policies of land reform were effective in distributing land, but failed in the creation of a new social class of farmers. It became a counterinsurgency land reform directed to create an available political clientele for the ruling party; (5) The contradiction between macroeconomics and distributive microeconomics policies, canceled out the effect of the latter, inducing a process of income concentration; (6) The insertion of the Nicaraguan crisis in the East-West confrontation accentuated dependence; (7) The empirical evidence supports Moller and Weede's theoretical assertion (1995) in the sense that the Sandinista leadership was not able to discriminate between obsolete social capital from valuable social capital, that existed embedded in pre-revolutionary institutional structure. Its attempt to subordinate civil society and substitute it with a spurious civil society ended with the destruction of valuable social capital needed for growth and development.
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Mande, Anupama. "Subaltern perspectives on a revolutionary state : the Sandinista-Miskitu conflict in Nicaragua, 1979-1990 /." The Ohio State University, 1999. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488191667182051.

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Sweeney, Patrick N. "William Walker in Nicaragua : a critical review in light of dependency literature : a Master of Arts thesis /." Digital Commons @ Butler University, 1986. http://digitalcommons.butler.edu/grtheses/41.

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William Walker's expedition should be a fertile source of examples of such incipient dependency. This is because that expedition was grounded in the political desires of Manifest Destiny and the pragmatic economics of a cross-isthmus connection between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans during the crucial years just before the U.S. Civil war. Walker's actions caused a war in Central America, brought the United States and England to the brink of war, effected a significant economic relationship, and influenced diplomatic relations between Nicaragua and the U.S. for years afterward. Because of these various actions and reactions, this episode in inter-American relations provides instances of many of the basic elements of the putative dependency relationships alluded to above. There were governments seeking economic advantage, businessmen seeking profitable investments, trade treaties negotiated, and military force used. It was a brief and intense period when economic interests were ultimately controlled by policy decisions.
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Riley, Keith. ""I Have My Mind!:" U.S.-Sandinista Solidarities, Revolutionary Romanticism, and the Imagined Nicaragua, 1979-1990." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/386879.

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History
M.A.
This paper examines activists in the United States that supported the socialist Nicaraguan government of the Sandinista National Liberation Front and opposed efforts by the Reagan Administration to militarily undermine Nicaragua’s new government during the 1980s. Such scholarship examines the rise of a leftist political coalition organized around supporting Nicaragua’s government and this solidarity movement’s eventual demise after the Sandinistas lost their country’s 1990 Presidential election. The work ultimately asks how did U.S. leftists and progressives of the late 1970s and 1980s perceive Nicaragua’s new government and how did these perceptions affect the ways in which these activists rallied to support the Sandinistas in the face of the Contra War? In answering this question, this paper consults a variety of primary sources including articles from socialist newspapers, the meeting minutes and notes of solidarity organizations, and oral histories with former activists. “I Have My Mind!” also consults cultural sources such as the protest and art benefit flyers and the lyrics to punk rock songs of the period to make its claims. This Masters Thesis argues that U.S. Americans’ solidarity with the Sandinistas relied upon a romanticization of Nicaraguan revolutionary reforms representative of movement participants’ own political aspirations.
Temple University--Theses
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Espinoza, Torrez Eliana Maria. "La Rivoluzione in Nicaragua: il ruolo delle donne Sandiniste." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2021.

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The Nicaraguan Revolution was a decades-long process meant to liberate the small Central American country from both U.S. imperialism and the repressive Somoza dictatorship. The massive participation of women in the this revolution was unprecedented in the history of the Western hemisphere, but the official history of the country has little focused on experiences and contribute of these women, that fought and collaborated in the revolution. The aim of this dissertation is to analyse women’s actively participation in the guerrilla’s movement and during the revolution. Based on the film-documentary “Las Sandinistas” a qualitative research was conducted, in order to describe the most relevant social-political events presented in the film and how women’s participation in the revolution led them to overcoming barriers as to lead combat and social reforms.
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Arguello, Vargas Tatiana. "Culture and Arts in Post Revolutionary Nicaragua: The Chamorro Years (1990-1996)." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1281638909.

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Ellersick, Linda J. "Expanding Fair Trade to Garment Production in Ciudad Sandino, Nicaragua." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1236817596.

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Books on the topic "Nicaragua – History":

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Geyer, Alejandro Bolaños. Nicaragua. Masaya, Nicaragua: [s.n.], 2004.

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Herrera, Carmen Collado. Nicaragua. México, D.F: Instituto de Investigaciones Dr. José María Luis Mora, 1989.

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Tellez, Rolando Ernesto. History of Nicaragua: Historia de Nicaragua (edición bilingüe). Managua: International Güegüense Books, 2014.

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Staten, Clifford L. The history of Nicaragua. Santa Barbara, Calif: Greenwood, 2010.

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Staten, Clifford L. The history of Nicaragua. Santa Barbara, Calif: Greenwood, 2010.

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Catholic Institute for International Relations., ed. Nicaragua. London: CIIR, 1987.

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Pinero, Maïté. Nicaragua libre. Paris: Messidor, 1985.

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Lacayo, Rossana. Granada, Nicaragua. Madrid: Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional, 1998.

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Argüello, Alejandro Montiel. Nicaragua colonial. Managua, Nicaragua: Banco Central de Nicaragua, 2000.

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Argüello, Héctor Sánchez. Perfil de Nicaragua. San José, Costa Rica: Ediciones Liebre y/o H. Sánchez Argüello, 1988.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nicaragua – History":

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Castillo, P. "Biological control in Nicaragua." In Biological control in Latin America and the Caribbean: its rich history and bright future, 336–44. Wallingford: CABI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789242430.0336.

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Quesada, James. "A Brief History of Violence in Nicaragua." In Higher Education, State Repression, and Neoliberal Reform in Nicaragua, 171–88. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003198925-14.

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Schulman, Sarah. "Adrienne rich transformed by nicaraguan visit." In My American History, 72–73. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon;: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315121765-15.

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Bulmer-Thomas, Victor. "Nicaragua." In The Cambridge History of Latin America, 697–703. Cambridge University Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521395250.105.

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White, Russell. "History of the Canal." In The Nicaragua Grand Canal, 7–12. Practical Action Publishing Ltd, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3362/9781909014121.002.

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Bulmer-Thomas, Victor. "Nicaragua since 1930." In The Cambridge History of Latin America, 317–66. Cambridge University Press, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521245180.008.

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"Central America in revolution: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras,." In A History of the World, 718–30. Routledge, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203641767-84.

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Portero, José Manuel Ágreda. "Spanish Internationalists in the Sandinista Revolution." In Toward a Global History of Latin America's Revolutionary Left, 253–80. University Press of Florida, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401698.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the history of Spanish solidarity with Nicaragua during the second half of the 1980s. It starts from the hypothesis that in transnational movements of solidarity there is a transfer of activists. The so-called internationalist actors assume a deeper role of belonging to the group that is receiving solidarity. Through an examination of the Ambrosio Mogorrón Committee (1986–1990), made up of Spaniards who settled in Nicaragua during the 1980s, and their role supporting the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), this chapter explores the different roles solidarity activists can play depending on the relation they establish within a transnational network of solidarity.
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Booth, John A. "The Revolution in Nicaragua: Through a Frontier of History." In Revolution and Counterrevolution in Central America and the Caribbean, 301–30. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429304675-8.

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Lee, David Johnson. "Repetition, Alliance, and Protest in Contemporary Nicaragua." In The Ends of Modernization, 172–88. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501756214.003.0008.

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This chapter situates the return of the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional to power in the 2000s within Latin America's “pink tide” and the longer history of international development and intervention. It recounts Nicaragua's relations with the United States, and the rise of the current Ortega regime and the subsequent unraveling of its support. The chapter also elaborates on the most frequently noted vulnerabilities of the pink tide governments before the wave of protests and election losses that overtook them in the 2010s: governments' overreliance on resource extraction. It highlights how it led to pollution, corruption, and inequality which helped spark popular discontent. Nicaragua's precarious neoliberal present brought about a new process of alliance formation that recapitulated many of the aspirations of the early days of modernization while pushing Nicaragua's history once again to the brink of catastrophe.

Conference papers on the topic "Nicaragua – History":

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Frieman, Ben, Bradley Squires, Thomas Monecke, and Frank Powell. "UNRAVELING THE STRUCTURAL HISTORY OF OROGENIC GOLD DEPOSITS IN THE CORONA DE ORO GOLD BELT, NORTHWESTERN NICARAGUA." In GSA Connects 2022 meeting in Denver, Colorado. Geological Society of America, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2022am-383511.

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Reports on the topic "Nicaragua – History":

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Afro-descendant Peoples’ Territories in Biodiversity Hotspots across Latin America and the Caribbean: Barriers to Inclusion in Conservation Policies. Rights and Resources Initiative, February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53892/ftmk5991.

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Afro-descendant Peoples are an integral part of the history and the economic, political, and social processes of nation-building and development in Latin America and the Caribbean. In fact, national censuses estimate that 21 percent of the region’s total population—just over 134 million people—are Afro-descendants. Yet, despite significant legislative progress at the international and national levels recognizing cultural and ethnic diversity and the rights of Afro-descendant Peoples, social and economic conditions are still drastically unequal and there are large information and recognition gaps that affect their rights. This study seeks to raise awareness of the territorial presence of Afro-descendant Peoples in 16 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean*. The aim is to progressively identify the presence, titled and untitled lands, and territories of Afro-descendant Peoples and to advocate for the recognition of their collective tenure rights. Although Afro-descendant Peoples in the region have been fighting for a place in international climate and conservation debates, not having defined boundaries for their ancestral lands has been an obstacle to adequately establishing how important their territories are for protecting biodiversity and dealing with complex challenges such as ecosystem degradation, loss of food systems, and other environmental problems. *The 16 countries studied are: Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Suriname, and Venezuela.
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Territorialidad de Pueblos Afrodescendientes de América Latina y el Caribe en hotspots de biodiversidad: Desafíos para su integración en políticas de conservación. Rights and Resources Initiative, February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53892/begv3447.

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Abstract:
Los Pueblos Afrodescendientes son parte integrante de la historia y de los procesos económicos, políticos y sociales de construcción nacional y desarrollo de América Latina y el Caribe. De hecho, los censos nacionales estiman que el 21% de la población total de la región—algo más de 134 millones de personas—son Afrodescendientes. Sin embargo, a pesar de los importantes avances legislativos a nivel internacional y nacional que reconocen la diversidad cultural y étnica y los derechos de los Pueblos Afrodescendientes, las condiciones sociales y económicas siguen siendo drásticamente desiguales y existen grandes brechas de información y reconocimiento que afectan a sus derechos. Este estudio busca dar a conocer la presencia territorial de los Pueblos Afrodescendientes en 16 países de América Latina y el Caribe.* El objetivo fue identificar progresivamente la presencia, tierras tituladas y no tituladas, y territorios de los Pueblos Afrodescendientes y abogar por el reconocimiento de sus derechos colectivos de tenencia. Aunque los Pueblos Afrodescendientes de la región han estado luchando por un lugar en los debates internacionales sobre el clima y la conservación, el hecho de no tener definidos los límites de sus tierras ancestrales ha sido un obstáculo para establecer adecuadamente la importancia de sus territorios para proteger la biodiversidad y hacer frente a retos complejos como la degradación de los ecosistemas, la pérdida de los sistemas alimentarios y otros problemas medioambientales. *Los 16 países estudiados son: Belice, Brasil, Bolivia, Colombia, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, México, Nicaragua, Panamá, Paraguay, Perú, Surinam y Venezuela.

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