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1

Baker, Suzanne M., and Ruth Ann Armitage. "Cueva La Conga: First Karst Cave Archaeology in Nicaragua." Latin American Antiquity 24, no. 3 (September 2013): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/1045-6635.24.3.309.

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Cueva la Conga, recorded in June 2006, is the first limestone cave in Nicaragua reported to contain prehistoric rock paintings, culturally modified natural formations called speleothems, and artifacts. Located in northcentral Nicaragua in the Department of Jinotega, Cueva la Conga is the farthest south on the Mesoamerican periphery that a cave of this type has been reported, and it extends our knowledge of ritual cave use, including cave painting and speleothem modification, to include Nicaragua. Radiocarbon analysis of charcoal in five samples of the paint, the first such dating of Nicaraguan rock art, yielded calibrated dates from cal A.D. 680—905 to cal A.D. 1403—1640. The baseline data provided by Cueva la Conga are of great importance for regional rock art analysis and for our growing understanding of regional and Nicaraguan prehistory. More archaeological survey and excavations in the area will be key in establishing a firm cultural context for the rock art and ritual cave use found at Cueva la Conga.
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2

Aguirre González, Medardo, Claudio Candia Campano, and Lilliam Antón López. "A Gravity Model of Trade for Nicaraguan Agricultural Exports." Cuadernos de Economía 37, no. 74 (July 1, 2018): 391–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/cuad.econ.v37n74.55016.

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This research aims to find the determining factors of Nicaraguan agricultural exports. To carry out this study, the author formulated a Gravity Model of Trade (GMT) and then made an estimation using a version of Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) that incorporates a consistent covariance matrix estimator to correct the heteroskedasticity and autocorrelation effects. The data considered observations over twenty years and for twelve countries: eight have signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Nicaragua and four have not. The variables that significantly increased the flow of Nicaraguan agricultural exports are the following: Nicaragua’s trading partners’ population, Nicaragua’s Gross Domestic Product per capita (GDP pc), the Real Exchange Rate (RER), and Nicaragua’s trading partners’ GDP pc; however, the distance variable turned out to be significantly trade-inhibiting. Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) predominantly have significant effects.
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3

White, Melanie. "Afro-Nicaraguan Diasporas of Sexual Violence and Black Women’s Art as a Space for Healing." Caribbean Quarterly 67, no. 4 (October 2, 2021): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00086495.2021.1996028.

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4

Schnirmajer, Ariela Érica. "Rubén Darío, lector de Almafuerte." (an)ecdótica 5, no. 1 (January 29, 2021): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.anec.2021.5.1.19790.

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In 1896, Darío published one of his most important books in Buenos Aires: Los Raros, an article collection about the writers that most interested him. Through them, he revealed his belief system, based on the cultural heroes who, from his point of view, founded the roots of modern tradition. In this article we focus on a “raro” who didn´t enter Los Raros: Pedro Bonifacio Palacios, known by his pseudonym Almafuerte. Despite the distances between Darío’s poetic proposals in his stay in Buenos Aires and Almafuerte’s profile, close to social romanticism and to a “vociferous” tone, the Nicaraguan author considered him a precursor. The investigation unravels the reasons for these postulates in two journalistic articles published in La Nación of Buenos Aires in 1895. We propose that Darío places Almafuerte on the new poetry path. To do this, he leads to the figure of the oxymoron, in which he tries to sharp the edges that distance Almafuerte’s poetics from his, and brings him closer to the defense of art professionalization. Simultaneously, Darío adopts the imprecating tone of the poet from Buenos Aires.
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5

Whisnant, David E. "Ruben Dario as a Focal Cultural Figure in Nicaragua: The Ideological Uses of Cultural Capital." Latin American Research Review 27, no. 3 (1992): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100037213.

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Most of the critical commentary on Nicaraguan poet Rubén Dario has been called forth and shaped by his being a seminal pan-Latin American and an international literary figure. Less known is the fact that for more than a century, Darío has been the focus of a much contested discourse concerning national cultural identity within Nicaragua itself. Comprehending this more limited and focused discourse requires carefully analyzing the changing cultural-political constructions that Darío's fellow Nicaraguans have placed upon his life and work, and especially the role of ideology in those constructs. Such analysis can also offer insight into the role of focal Latin American cultural figures in the negotiation of national cultural identity, especially during periods of dramatic political transformation, crisis, and reconstruction like the Somoza era (1936–1979) and the Sandinista Revolution (1961–1989).
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6

Gould, Jeffrey L. "‘For an Organized Nicaragua’: Somoza and the Labour Movement, 1944–1948." Journal of Latin American Studies 19, no. 2 (November 1987): 353–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00020113.

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The historiography of the Nicaraguan workers' movement suffers from two basic problems: an extreme paucity and dispersion of primary sources and a tendency to compensate with analytic frameworks for what is lacking in substance. The triumph of a revolutionary movement in 1979, genuinely interested in allowing the Nicaraguan people to become ‘dueños de su historia’, has stimulated the search for primary source materials and has awakened the interest of historians in the trajectory of class struggle in Nicaragua. However, if at this moment, we do not confront fundamental methodological problems this new search for the past will offer precious little illumination on the problems of class development and conflict in contemporary Nicaragua.
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7

Ortiz, Roberto José. "Aristocratic Rebellion: Ruben Darío and the Creation of Artistic Freedom in the World-System." Journal of World-Systems Research 21, no. 2 (August 31, 2015): 339–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2015.6.

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The late 19th struggle for artistic freedom in the capitalist world-system put the artist in a contradictory position. This contradiction is particularly relevant for writers of the periphery. Freedom or autonomy to pursue purely intellectual projects required a certain aristocratic defense of the value of art. At the same time, however, artists and intellectuals did confront structural subordination: they belonged, as Pierre Bourdieu explained, to the dominated fractions of the dominant class, subordinated both to the state and the bourgeoisie. The life of Nicaraguan Ruben Darío (1867–1916), probably the most well-known poet in Latin American history, provides a paradigmatic instance of this dilemma. Moreover, it sheds light into a dilemma particular to the peripheral intellectual. Peripheral writers, in the 19th century and still today, are subject to world-systemic hierarchies, even cultural ones. This double subordination is clear in the case of Ruben Darío. He was in a subordinated position not only vis-à-vis the national state and the bourgeoisie. Darío was also in a subordinated position, even if symbolic, in relation to those same intellectuals that Bourdieu celebrated as creators of the autonomy of culture in France. One can account for this complex of hierarchies only through a 'world-systems biography' approach. World-systems biographies clearly examine the dialectic of personal, national and global levels of social life. Moreover, it can uncover the core-periphery dialectic in the realm of artistic production. Thus, this world-systems biography approach is shown to be a useful framework through a brief analysis of Darío's life and work.
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8

Sheets, Payson, Kenneth Hirth, Fred Lange, Fred Stross, Frank Asaro, and Helen Michel. "Obsidian Sources and Elemental Analyses of Artifacts in Southern Mesoamerica and the Northern Intermediate Area." American Antiquity 55, no. 1 (January 1990): 144–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281500.

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Obsidian sources, and the proportions of those sources represented in site collections, are known poorly in the southeast mesoamerican periphery. The Honduran sources of La Esperanza and Güinope are described and “fingerprinted” chemically, and their utilization is explored in selected sites in Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. Although prehistoric Nicaraguans and Costa Ricans used obsidian from sources as far away as Honduras and Guatemala, most of their cutting tools were made from local materials, using informal manufacturing techniques. The analytical results indicate two sources of new types of obsidian have yet to be found; they may lie in western Nicaragua.
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9

CRAVEN, D. "Art in Contemporary Nicaragua." Oxford Art Journal 11, no. 1 (January 1, 1988): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/11.1.51.

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10

Williams, Philip J. "The Catholic Hierarchy in the Nicaraguan Revolution." Journal of Latin American Studies 17, no. 2 (November 1985): 341–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00007926.

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The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.
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11

NYGREN, ANJA. "Violent Conflicts and Threatened Lives: Nicaraguan Experiences of Wartime Displacement and Postwar Distress." Journal of Latin American Studies 35, no. 2 (May 2003): 367–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03006758.

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This article utilises an ethnographic case study from Nicaragua to analyse people's everyday experiences of wartime violence and postwar privation. A great deal of literature dealing with political instability in war-torn countries has approached this issue by examining the societal manifestations of violence, while relatively less attention has been paid to people's everyday experiences of conflict and pain. This study focuses on the several waves of violence, displacement, and distress Nicaraguan people have suffered in recent years, beginning with their traumatic experiences of the civil war in the 1980s to the current postwar era characterised by political instability and socio-economic insecurity.
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12

Schroeder, Michael J. "Horse Thieves to Rebels to Dogs: Political Gang Violence and the State in the Western Segovias, Nicaragua, in the Time of Sandino, 1926–1934." Journal of Latin American Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1996): 383–434. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00013055.

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AbstractThis study of organised political violence in north-central Nicaragua from 1926 to 1934 focuses on the infamous Conservative gang leader Anastacio Hernández and on Sandino's rebels. The contexts of a weak central state and local-regional caudillismo are outlined. It is shown that after the 1926–27 civil war. Hernández and others produced ritualised spectacular violence in the service of their Chamorrista caudillo patrons. The language, practices, and characteristics of organised violence are examined. It is argued that Sandino's rebels appropriated these tools of political struggle, and that changes and continuities in the organisation of violence in Nicaraguan history merit greater attention.
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13

Ewig, Christina. "The Strengths and Limits of the NGO Women's Movement Model: Shaping Nicaragua's Democratic Institutions." Latin American Research Review 34, no. 3 (1999): 75–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100039376.

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AbstractThis article examines the political interactions in Nicaragua between the NGO-based feminist movement and government institutions on the issue of women's health in the mid-1990s. Analysis of the Nicaraguan feminist movement yields insight into the ability of NGO-based movements to influence state policy and into the strengths and limits of using NGOs as an institutional base on which to build a social movement. By defining the mechanisms of state-NGO interactions and analyzing the democratic potential of an NGO-based social movement, this article contributes to understanding of both NGOs and social movements in the context of newly democratic governments.
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14

Bolt, Alan. "Ways of Being an Artist." New Theatre Quarterly 7, no. 26 (May 1991): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00005388.

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By way of coda to our earlier coverage in NTQ of Nicaraguan theatre under the Sandinista government, we include here an interview with Alan Bolt, one of the best-known and most controversial of the playwrights of the revolutionary period. The interview was conducted in September 1989, just a few months before the free elections ended the fragile, insidiously-obstructed Sandinista experiment in socialism with a South American face. While dedicated to the ideals of the Sandinistas, for whom he had fought underground during the Somoza dictatorship, Alan Bolt found himself increasingly opposed to some of those who were putting the revolution into practice, and he chose to work instead with his own theatre group and agricultural collective for a better understanding both of the issues which made revolution necessary, and those which were now prejudicing its success. Bernard Bloom, who introduces this interview with a brief outline of Alan Bolt's career, is a Canadian writer and photographer who lived in Nicaragua during 1987 and 1989. He has lectured extensively about the country, and his photographs have been widely exhibited.
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15

Offen, Karl H. "Narrating Place and Identity, or Mapping Miskitu Land Claims in Northeastern Nicaragua." Human Organization 62, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 382–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.62.4.f9xgq4cu3ff88he0.

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This paper draws from my participation in mapping miskitu community land claims in the spring of 1997 to discuss the relationship between the mapping process and an identity politics of place in northeastern Nicaragua (the moskitia). in community fora that formed the critical element of the mapping process, miskitu community intellectuals passionately narrated miskitu history with recourse to moskitia geography and the places to be mapped. these public narratives resonated with and mobilized community audiences because they combined authoritative Miskitu identity signifiers, such as the Miskitu flag and biblical lessons, with commonplace toponyms and cultural landscapes. in narrating the relationship of miskitu identity to moskitia places, community intellectuals simultaneously critiqued the conventional wisdom of Nicaraguan historiography and transformed the initial aim of the mapping project by shaping the meaning of “community lands” for community members. in this way, the mapping project merged a cultural politics of place with those of identity.
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16

Stahler-Sholk, Richard. "Stabilization, Destabilization, and the Popular Classes in Nicaragua, 1979-1988." Latin American Research Review 25, no. 3 (1990): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100023566.

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The political tensions surrounding economic stabilization in revolutionary Nicaragua between 1979 and 1988 will be examined in this article. A review of the Nicaraguan case reveals that the Sandinista model of a mixed economy (presupposing at least simple reproduction of the capitalist, small producer, and state sectors) with multiclass “national unity” created a series of demands that were increasingly difficult to reconcile with defense priorities and longer-term goals for socioeconomic transformation. After 1981, access to external finance became more restrictive, the payoff horizon for investment projects began to lengthen, and destabilization intensified. Failure to assess these internal and external tensions realistically contributed to inflationary pressures and de facto shifts in income distribution, which at times undermined the consolidation of revolutionary hegemony and required reconsidering alliance strategies.
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17

Montgomery Ramírez, Paul Edward. "The Deer and the Donkey: Indigenous Ritual and Survivance in Nicaragua’s El Güegüense." Latin American Research Review 56, no. 4 (December 7, 2021): 919–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25222/larr.1143.

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This article argues for a decolonial response to elite understandings of the Nicaraguan folk play El Güegüense, highlighting a reading of Indigenous survivance. It examines the work from a perspective that seeks to eliminate the colonial interpretations placed on it by elite writers, thinkers, and nation builders. Through a review of the literature on the play, associated cultural expressions, and personal experiences and understandings, this article evaluates the work as a product of Indigenous culture and mentality rather than a product of mestizaje or other colonial forces. An analysis of the play’s dialogue, imagery, and dances is coupled with an Indigenous Chorotega perspective that demonstrates the spiritual significance of the work, in a discussion that seeks to lift the voices of Indigenous peoples of Pacific, North, and Central Nicaragua.
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Grimm, Christoph, and Anthonyetta Somarriba. "Lebensweise und Aufzucht der Schildwanzen-Art Pachycoris klugii in Nikaragua (Heteroptera: Scutelleridae)." Entomologia Generalis 22, no. 3-4 (April 1, 1998): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1127/entom.gen/22/1998/211.

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19

Selejan, Ileana L. "Actions. Situations. Possible Scenarios." Protest, Vol. 4, no. 2 (2019): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m7.050.art.

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Zigzagging through personal memory and historical episodes of great consequence – the fall of the Berlin wall, the Romanian revolution and the April 2018 protests in Nicaragua – the essay seeks points of connection between the personal and the political, exploring how the two are intimately and inextricably intertwined. The textual approach can be situated in-between historical analysis and auto-biographical fiction; the aim is to enable multi-layered narratives, and contrasting, conflicting temporalities to co-exist. Illustrative of this intent, Romanian artist Călin Man intervenes upon the more well-known documentary photographs referenced in the text, by conflating them with everyday snapshots from the city of Arad taken at different points along the temporal arc described. Keywords: documentary, memory, personal history, photography, revolution, transnationalism
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Schumann, Peter. "The Bread and Puppet Theatre in Nicaragua, 1985." New Theatre Quarterly 5, no. 17 (February 1989): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00015293.

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Peter Schumann's Bread and Puppet Theatre was formed in New York in 1963, and gained an international reputation for its unique combination of larger-than-life puppetry and celebratory pageantry. After leaving New York in 1970, Schumann finally settled on a thirty-acre site in Vermont in 1974, but Bread and Puppet has continued to travel far afield, and in the original Theatre Quarterly. No. 19 (1975). their Californian residency for the ‘anti-bicentennial’ celebration, A Monument for Ishi. was documented, along with practical material on the making of the puppets-and the bread. While Bread and Puppet continue to perform regularly in North America and Europe, much of their recent work, however, has centered on or been performed for Latin America – including the two projects in Nicaragua described in the following feature. In the opening part, Peter Schumann discusses with Rosa Luisa Márquez the company's 1985 production – The Nativity, Crucifixion, and Resurrection of Archbishop Romero – and its place in their work. John Bell then provides an introduction to a later interview describing the production of the Nicaraguan Passion Play in 1987, accompanied by the text of the play itself. Rosa Luisa Márquez, who teaches in the Drama Department of the University of Puerto Rico, and John Bell, who is completing his doctoral studies and teaching theatre history at Columbia University in New York, have also both been personally involved in the work of Bread and Puppet Theatre.
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Jackson, Gale. "Nicaragua." Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 13, no. 1 (1992): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3346943.

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22

WEEGELS, JULIENNE. "‘The Terror and Scourge of the Barrio’: Representations of Youth Crime and Policing on Nicaraguan Television News." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 4 (April 20, 2018): 861–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x18000317.

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AbstractThis paper explores the meanings that youth crime and policing acquire in the context of their mediated representation on the televised news in Nicaragua. In particular, it explores this question by juxtaposing the televised imagery of the apprehended juvenile delinquent with the discursive treatment of his person by both police and reporters on Nicaragua's most watched news shows,Acción 10andCrónica TN8. The police are presented as heroic protagonists who serve and protect the barrio through ‘communitarian policing’ whilst the juvenile delinquent – the ‘pinta’ – is excluded and stigmatised. This turns such youths into socially expendable and ‘tainted, discounted’ outsiders who can be treated as such. In this way, through the news,pintasare targeted for ‘removal’ from the barrio, and their mediated arrests become ‘spectacular performances’ of community. A discrepancy appears, then, between the police's communitarian discourse and its reactionary practice.
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23

Ирхин, Игорь, and Igor Irkhin. "THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL-LEGAL STATUS OF THE REGIONS OF THE CARIBBEAN (ATLANTIC) COAST OF NICARAGUA." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 4, no. 5 (November 26, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/art.2018.5.6.

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24

Gutiérrez Marx, Graciela G. "Invisible Artists, or the Net Without a Fisherman … (My Life in Mail Art)." ARTMargins 1, no. 2–3 (June 2012): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/artm_a_00018.

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Perhaps we can think that mail art derives from Dada and link it to Fluxus, Filliou's proposal of an eternal network, and the highly innovative poetry and experimental art, born at the same time in different countries. GGMarx practiced collective creation, in poor areas of the southern cone of South America. In a broader and ideologically more sensitive context, a folk art appeared, thanks to the popular struggles in Cuba, México, Brazil, Chile, Bolivia, Peru, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Uruguay, Colombia, Ecuador and Argentina. The liberation movements, developed during the seventies, have marked the direction of Latin American mail-art intercourse. But they acquired their real strength in Argentina in 1976, when the Military Terrorist State was implanted and started the time of art = life.
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Doherty, Taylor Marie. "“Contact is Community”: A Conversation with Margaret Randall." Middle Atlantic Review of Latin American Studies 8, no. 1 (June 29, 2024): 147–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.23870/marlas.458.

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Interview with US writer and Latin Americanist Margaret Randall, accompanied by a selection of her poetry and photographs. She shares her thoughts on the interconnection of memory and place; personal contact for building community, connection, and mutuality; translation; risk-taking; art and social change. She also shares previously unpublished photos from her time in Cuba and Nicaragua in the 1980s. Entrevista con la escritora latinoamericanista estadounidense Margaret Randall acompañada de una selección de sus poesías y fotografías. Comparte sus ideas sobre la interconexión de memoria y lugar, el contacto personal para promover comunidad, conexión y mutualidad, la traducción, el riesgo y el arte y el cambio social. También comparte fotografías inéditas de sus estancias en Cuba y Nicaragua en los años ochenta.
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Urbina Sotomayor, Fabiola. "Una mirada a las sociedades unipersonales en pos de su admisibilidad en el ordenamiento jurídico nacional." Revista de Derecho, no. 14 (April 14, 2013): 113–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/derecho.v0i14.1019.

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Cuando se estudian las sociedades capitalistas, una de las figuras que destaca – por su importancia práctica y por su riqueza dogmática- es la figura de la sociedad unipersonal. En la realidad jurídica de Nicaragua, la sola mención de la figura aún es un término ajeno, a pesar de que Nicaragua, en su Código de Comercio (art.270) reconoce la unipersonalidad sobrevenida, de forma claudicante o meramente transitoria, impidiendo la originaria a la manera que hicieron los códigos de su tiempo y anteriores a él. En razón lo antes expuesto es que me he planteado abordar el estudio de este tema a fin de valorar la posible inclusión, amplia, plena, de las sociedades unipersonales -originarias y sobrevenidas- en nuestra legislación. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/derecho.v0i14.1019 Revista de Derecho No.14 2010 pp.113-150
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Moore, Paul. "Scenes from Nicaragua." Hudson Review 39, no. 2 (1986): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3856806.

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Kaiser-Lenoir, Claudia. "Nicaragua: Theatre in a New Society." Theatre Research International 14, no. 2 (1989): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030788330000609x.

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One of the most revealing traits of the Nicaraguan revolution is manifested in the profound changes registered in the realm of culture. If Sandinista ideology focuses not on the fate of an élite but on that of the vast majority of the Nicaraguan people, it follows that for people to become the true subject of politics they have to become the true subject of culture as well. The popular Sandinista victory of July 1979 brought about the immediate establishment of the Ministry of Culture (the first in the country's history). Its goal: to give shape and nourishment to the popular effervescence and creative energies awakened by the long struggle. Work began with the organization of theatre, poetry, music and dance workshops throughout all sectors of the Nicaraguan society (army and police included), with the inauguration of Centres of Popular Culture in all regions, the creation of cultural committees in all grass-roots organizations, the training of ‘cultural promoters’ to work with regional governments, and with the task of rescuing and revitalizing popular cultural traditions.
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Luciak, Ilja. "National Unity and Popular Hegemony: the Dialectics of Sandinista Agrarian Reform Policies, 1979–1986." Journal of Latin American Studies 19, no. 1 (May 1987): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00017168.

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On 11 January 1986, the Sandinista government announced the modification of the 1981 Agrarian Reform Law. The new law institutionalizes significant changes in Sandinista agrarian policy which have yet to be analyzed. The changes introduced suggest that the Nicaraguan agrarian reform was reaching its limits during 1985, after successfully distributing 2,523,388 manzanas of land to 83,322 families. Further, six years into the institutionalization of the Nicaraguan revolution the balance of forces which had emerged required a re-evaluation of policies designed to achieve one of the central goals of the revolution – to radically change the socio-economic conditions of the Nicaraguan peasantry through the implementation of an agrarian reform.
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Kiss, Mátyás. "Kiberműveletek a beavatkozás tilalma mint nemzetközi jogi alapelv tükrében." Állam-és Jogtudomány 64, no. 4 (2023): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.51783/ajt.2023.4.05.

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Az elmúlt években az ellenséges célú, államközi kiberműveletek száma exponenciálisan nőtt. Felmerül a kérdés, hogy a nemzetközi jog által kidolgozott kereteken belül az államok miként reagálnak az őket ért kiberműveletekre. Ha egy kiberművelet nem éri el az erőszak alkalmazásának szintjét, elsősorban az vizsgálandó, hogy a művelet sérti-e például a beavatkozás tilalmát. Elmondható, hogy napjainkig az államok még egyetlen esetben sem folyamodtak ahhoz, hogy erőszak alkalmazásának vagy fegyveres támadásnak minősítsenek egy kiberműveletet, ez is mutatja tehát azt, hogy nagy jelentőségű e norma vizsgálata. A beavatkozás tilalma a nemzetközi jog egyik kulcsnormája. A tilalom az ENSZ Alapokmányában megjelenő erőszaktilalmi normából és a szuverén egyenlőség elvéből vezethető le, megtalálható az Alapokmány kvázi-autentikus értelmezéseiben is. Fontos megemlíteni a Nicaragua-ügyet, amely elméleti és gyakorlati szinten is foglalkozott a kérdéssel, továbbá azt, hogy az elmúlt időszakban jelentősen megnőtt az állami nyilatkozatok, állásfoglalások száma. A Nicaragua-ügy ítéletében körvonalazódtak azok a feltételek, amelyek vizsgálatával eldönthető, hogy az adott művelet sérti-e a beavatkozás tilalmát. A szakirodalom ezeket a feltételeket elfogadja a kiberműveletekre vonatkozóan is. Az állami nyilatkozatokból pedig kimutatható, hogy az állami gyakorlat nemzetközi jogi szakirodalommal azonos álláspontot képvisel. Amennyiben a sértett államot ért kiberművelet nem éri el a fegyveres támadás szintjét, nem lesz lehetősége az önvédelem jogának alkalmazására. Az államok azonban ebben az esetben sem maradnak eszköztelenek. Egyfelől ellenintézkedést foganatosíthatnak, másfelől szükséghelyzetre hivatkozhatnak. A szakirodalom mellett az állami gyakorlat is egységes a kérdésben.
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31

HURD, RYAN. "Integral Archaeology: Process Methodologies for Exploring Prehistoric Rock Art on Ometepe Island, Nicaragua." Anthropology of Consciousness 22, no. 1 (March 2011): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1556-3537.2011.01042.x.

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32

Palmer, Steven. "Carlos Fonseca and the Construction of Sandinismo in Nicaragua." Latin American Research Review 23, no. 1 (1988): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034725.

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Ernesto “Che” Guevara hoy, Augusto Cesar Sandino ayer, marcan con heroismo la indispensable rota guerrillera que habra de conducir a los pueblos victimas del imperialismo a la posesión absoluta de sus propios destinos. Carlos FonsecaSandino, guerrillero proletarioCarlos Fonseca's unequivocal bracketing of Augusto Sandino's political project with that of Latin America's premier Marxist revolutionary would have shocked most readers when it was written in 1972. In this and other seminal essays, one of the three founders of Nicaragua's Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) formally integrated Sandino the historical figure into the ideology of their revolutionary struggle. Sandino had fought a six-year guerrilla war against the U.S. forces occupying Nicaragua between 1927 and 1933. His assassination in 1934 by Anastasio Somoza's henchmen ushered in a forty-five-year dynastic dictatorship by a succession of Somozas. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, until Fonseca died in combat against the Guardia Nacional in 1976, his writings guided the FSLN's resurrecting and reconstructing of the image of Sandino in order to reshape it into the dominant symbol of a powerful revolutionary ideology.
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33

MACLURE, RICHARD, and MELVIN SOTELO. "Children's Rights and the Tenuousness of Local Coalitions: A Case Study in Nicaragua." Journal of Latin American Studies 36, no. 1 (February 2004): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x03007089.

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Since Nicaragua's endorsement of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the legislative passage of its own Code of Childhood and Adolescence, improvements in the welfare of marginalised youth have depended largely on community-based actions that are sponsored by NGOs and civic groups, many of which function in tangent with municipal government authorities and international aid agencies. In this article we review three community initiatives that have aimed at resolving problems associated with youth alienation and violence in a poor, heavily populated district of Managua. While some modest successes have been achieved, these relatively isolated initiatives have had no evident effect on either the magnitude or the systemic nature of youth marginalisation in Managua. In a context in which the central state is severely constrained by fiscal weakness and corporatist traditions, it is questionable whether in fact the organs of civil society do in fact possess the organisational capacity to generate the structural reforms necessary for the advancement of children's rights at community levels. Nevertheless, despite the amorphous nature of much of civil society in Nicaragua, in the long run children's rights legislation may help to foster growing solidarity among disparate civic forces working to improve the bleak livelihoods of many children.
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34

Greitschus, Jennifer. "Tierra de Tempestades: Land of tempests: New art from Guatemala, el Salvador and Nicaragua." Third Text 9, no. 30 (March 1995): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09528829508576531.

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35

GISMONDI, MICHAEL, and JEREMY MOUAT. "Merchants, Mining, and Concessions on Nicaragua's Mosquito Coast: Reassessing the American Presence, 1893–1912." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 4 (November 2002): 845–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x02006570.

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This article reassesses the influence of American business on US foreign policy towards Nicaragua, 1893–1912. It describes three episodes that involved American interests in Nicaragua – the Reyes uprising of 1899, the Emery claim of 1903–1909, and the US & Nicaragua Mining Company claim of 1908–1912 – as evidence for a different interpretation of US policy, one which stresses how the influence and material interests of American ‘men on the spot’ framed the ways in which the State Department came to understand American aims in Nicaragua. Earlier accounts of ‘Dollar Diplomacy’ do not adequately acknowledge the significant political consequences of American merchant activity on the Mosquito Coast.
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36

González-Ros, Ana. "Auditoría de la comunicación integral en emprendimientos femeninos de moda en Nicaragua." VISUAL REVIEW. International Visual Culture Review / Revista Internacional de Cultura Visual 9, Monográfico (December 20, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.37467/revvisual.v9.4115.

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El objetivo es evaluar la comunicación integral de los emprendimientos femeninos de moda en Nicaragua para identificar fortalezas y necesidades comunicativas. Para ello, se aplicó el cuestionario del Modelo de Auditoria de la Comunicación Integral (MACI) a las emprendedoras del sector moda pertenecientes a la Red de Mujeres Empresarias de Nicaragua (REN). Los resultados evidencian fortalezas en la mayoría de las dimensiones comunicativas, fundamentalmente en comportamiento organizacional, difusión de la información, relaciones externas e imagen de la empresa; pero muestran debilidades en aspectos clave comoinfraestructura, formación de grupos de trabajo, y transmisión de información financiera de la empresa.
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37

Andrushko, A. V. "Comparative analysis of the legislation of foreign countries on criminal liability for enforced disappearance." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 1 (July 2, 2022): 308–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.01.56.

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The article analyzes the foreign experience of criminal law counteraction to enforced disappearances on the basis of research of the legislation of 50 countries. A study of the criminal law of approximately 100 countries has shown that criminal law prohibitions on enforced disappearances are currently contained in the legislation of Albania, Angola, Argentina, Armenia, Australia, Austria, Azerbaijan, Belgium, Bolivia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cambodia, Chad, Colombia, Congo, Croatia, the Czech Republic, El Salvador, Finland, France, Gabon, Germany, Guatemala, Honduras, Kyrgyzstan, Lesotho, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Mali, Malta, Mexico, Moldova, Mongolia, Montenegro, Netherlands, Nicaragua, Norway, Northern Macedonia, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, Romania, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Switzerland, Venezuela. It is found that the place of enforced disappearance in the system of the Special Part of foreign criminal laws is defined differently. The article establishes that the vast majority of legislators recognized this act as a crime against international law order. It is noteworthy that many legislators did not single out a separate article on liability for enforced disappearance, but recognized this act as a type of crime against humanity, mentioning it in the relevant “general” article. The article establishes that while formulating the disposition of the relevant criminal law prohibition, most legislators of foreign countries proceeded from the definition of enforced disappearance, given in Art. 2 of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, and from the definition of this act, given in paragraph “i” of Part 2 of Art. 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Attention is drawn to the fact that these international legal acts set different standards for criminalizing enforced disappearances. There is a significant variety of existing approaches not only to criminalization, but also to penalizing enforced disappearances. The article emphasizes that the studied foreign experience may be needed in improving the domestic criminal law prohibition on liability for such encroachment. In particular, the overwhelming majority of legislators attribute enforced disappearances to crimes against international law order rather than to encroachments on personal liberty.
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38

Kalshoven, Frits. "Impartialité et neutralité dans le droit et la pratique humanitaires." Revue Internationale de la Croix-Rouge 71, no. 780 (December 1989): 541–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0035336100008571.

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Le 27 juin 1986, la Cour internationale de Justice (CIJ) rendait un arrêt dans l'affaire des activités militaires et paramilitaires au Nicaragua et contre celui-ci. Cette affaire, qui engageait le Nicaragua contre les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, est digne d'attention à divers titres et il en est de même pour l'arrêt qui a été rendu. Je voudrais mettre en exergue deux de ses caractéristiques: l'affaire a trait à une situation de conflit armé et la Croix-Rouge est mentionnée.S'il est rare que la Cour de La Haye ait à connaître d'une situation réelle de conflit armé, cela est dû au manque d'empressement des Etats à soumettre de telles affaires à sa juridiction. Le fait qu'en l'occurrence la Cour ait pu être saisie du cas résulte davantage d'un accident de procédure que d'une attitude exceptionnellement louable de la part des parties en présence. Comme il paraît improbable que cet exemple soit suivi de beaucoup d'autres, restons-en lâ.
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39

Williams, Philip J. "The Nicaraguan Revolution in Perspective." Latin American Research Review 27, no. 2 (1992): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016861.

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40

Harris, Richard L. "The Nicaraguan Revolution: A Postmortem." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 3 (1993): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100017052.

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41

Orozco, Blanco, Napoleón Vicente, Zúniga González, and Carlos Alberto. "Environmental Bio Economic Impact in Nicaragua." Journal of Agricultural Studies 1, no. 2 (July 21, 2013): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jas.v1i2.4033.

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In this article the Bio economy of power plants connected to the national interconnected system of Nicaragua is analyzed, through the study of environmental effects of greenhouse gases emissions from the use of solid biomass from sugarcane bagasse and oil to generate electricity. In addition, an analysis of Cost - Benefit of investments to the electricity generation using fossil fuel and bagasse is done. The Methodology EX-Ante Carbon-balance Tool (EX-ACT) was used; this methodology was proposed by the United Nations Organization for Food and Agriculture (FAO) to determine the overall greenhouse gases (GHG) emission balance. Additionally, the WinDASI program, also developed by FAO, was used for the Cost - Benefit Analysis of investment in power plants. Furthermore, we performed marginal costing GHG reduction. The results show, that all plants are sources of GHG emissions, however the impact of sugar mills is partially positive by reforestation components and annual crops. However, the component inputs had negative environmental and socially impact. In the case of thermal power generation plants based on petroleum connected to the national grid, they were found to be sources of greenhouse gases. The analysis of the Benefit Cost in their investment indicates that there is a positive financially impact except in ALBANISA power plant and sugar Mills power plants.
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42

Morgan, Robert C., and David Craven. "The New Concept of Art and Popular Culture in Nicaragua Since the Revolution in 1979." Leonardo 24, no. 5 (1991): 629. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1575682.

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43

Broughton, Edward, Danilo Nunez, and Indira Moreno. "Cost-Effectiveness of Improving Health Care to People with HIV in Nicaragua." Nursing Research and Practice 2014 (2014): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/232046.

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Background. A 2010 evaluation found generally poor outcomes among HIV patients on antiretroviral therapy in Nicaragua. We evaluated an intervention to improve HIV nursing services in hospital outpatient departments to improve patient treatment and retention in care. The intervention included improving patient tracking, extending clinic hours, caring for children of HIV+ mothers, ensuring medication availability, promoting self-help groups and family involvement, and coordinating multidisciplinary care.Methods. This pre/postintervention study examined opportunistic infections and clinical status of HIV patients before and after implementation of changes to the system of nursing care. Hospital expenditure data were collected by auditors and hospital teams tracked intervention expenses. Decision tree analysis determined incremental cost-effectiveness from the implementers’ perspective.Results. Opportunistic infections decreased by 24% (95% CI: 14%–34%) and 11.3% of patients improved in CDC clinical stage. Average per-patient costs decreased by $133/patient/year (95% CI: $29–$249). The intervention, compared to business-as-usual strategy, saved money while improving outcomes.Conclusions. Improved efficiency of services can allow more ART-eligible patients to receive therapy. We recommended the intervention be implemented in all HIV service facilities in Nicaragua.
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44

Calabrese, Michael R. "Bandes v. Harlow & Jones, Inc." American Journal of International Law 82, no. 4 (October 1988): 820–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203517.

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The former majority shareholders of Industria Nacional de Clavos y Alambres de Puas, S.A. (INCA), a large Nicaraguan steel company, sought to recover from Harlow & Jones, Inc. (H & J), a U.S. steel company, the purchase price of a shipment of undelivered steel billets. Following the Sandinista revolution, the Nicaraguan Government had “intervened” in INCA and it, too, demanded the funds that H & J interpleaded into the court. The district court rejected the claim of the Sandinista Government and allocated the funds to the benefit of all parties who held shares in the company prior to the intervention. On cross-appeals by the claimants, a panel of the United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit (per Kaufman, J.) affirmed in part and reversed in part, and held: the act of state doctrine does not bar judicial resolution of the dispute over the funds; the actions of the Sandinista Government amounted to a taking without compensation that will not be enforced by the U.S. courts; and the district court’s allocation of pro rata shares for all of the preintervention stockholders, including minority interests, was equitable.
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45

McCafferty, Geoffrey G., and Larry Steinbrenner. "CHRONOLOGICAL IMPLICATIONS FOR GREATER NICOYA FROM THE SANTA ISABEL PROJECT, NICARAGUA." Ancient Mesoamerica 16, no. 1 (January 2005): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536105050066.

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The Santa Isabel Project (Nicaragua) is investigating domestic remains from a supposed Postclassic/Ometepe-period regional center on the shore of Lake Nicaragua. However, a suite of twelve C-14 dates from the site suggests that the occupation predates the currently accepted time range for the Ometepe period by several hundred years, calling into question the periodization and associated cultural processes. This paper reports and contextualizes those dates.
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46

Bell, John. "The Bread and Puppet Theatre in Nicaragua, 1987." New Theatre Quarterly 5, no. 17 (February 1989): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x0001530x.

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PETER SCHUMANN's Bread and Puppet Theatre began 25 years ago as a new way of making modern theatre, and as Schumann sees it, still is. As he recently stated, “there are two aspects to this newness: (1) the proposal for a much bigger, wider space for the arts to exist in than the space that the arts occupy now – a way for painting, music, sculpture, and language to exist together and in response to the questions of the time in which they live; and (2) the puppet theatre aspect: puppet theatre not as a special branch of theatre but as a challenge to theatre, as a concrete proposal for the overcoming of its shortcomings – a liberation from that fixed old schmaltz – a proposal for much bigger form, much more compositional freedom and adventure than an actors' theater can ever come up with.”
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47

CHINCHILLA, NORMA STOLTZ. "REVOLUTIONARY POPULAR FEMINISM IN NICARAGUA:." Gender & Society 4, no. 3 (September 1990): 370–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124390004003007.

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48

Cloke, Jon. "What is the 'Fight Against Corruption' in Nicaragua?" Encuentro, no. 89 (October 5, 2011): 110–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/encuentro.v44i89.554.

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Two hundred years ago in Great Britain, the political system was dominated by electoral power exercised through rotten boroughs, a system characterized by institutionalized corruption - these electoral boroughs were owned by local elites, and voting was restricted to a handful of people. Whilst industrially she was the wonder of the world, the political system in Great Britain was restricted, corruption was the norm, and it seemed impossible to imagine that such an ancient system could be changed. By the time of the Reform Act of 1832 however, Britain had already been going through a process of constitutional change lasting for hundreds of years – it is only now, from our position of 20/20 hindsight, that we choose to interpret all of the events since the signing of the Magna Carta in 1215 as if it were some seamless whole, an inevitable process that would lead to the position of superior moral governance that we appear to think we are in now.
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49

Winters, Nanneke. "Responsibility, Mobility, and Power: Translocal Carework Negotiations of Nicaraguan Families." International Migration Review 48, no. 2 (June 2014): 415–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imre.12062.

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50

Díaz-Briquets, Sergio, and Jorge Pérez-López. "Refugee Remittances: Conceptual Issues and the Cuban and Nicaraguan Experiences." International Migration Review 31, no. 2 (June 1997): 411–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839703100207.

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This article assesses the notion that the determinants of remittances generated by refugee flows, particularly from Communist-inspired systems, are different from those associated with labor migrations. Labor migration, by definition, involves the voluntary departure from the home country in search of better economic options, whereas refugees, including those from communist systems, depart their homelands for a combination of political and economic reasons. These differences have a major bearing on how labor migrants and refugees perceive their relationship with countries of origin. The propensity of labor migrants to dissociate themselves from the home country is considerably less than among refugees whose perceptions are mediated by opposition to the ruling regime and other factors, such as political relations between refugee-sending and refugee-receiving countries and whether or not there has been a regime change or one is expected to occur. The conceptual issues elaborated here are based on the Cuban-American experience, but also reflect an assessment of Nicaraguan emigration during the 1980s.
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