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Ubiebi, Kingsley, and Ikechukwu Stanley Ogbonna. "Restructuring NDDC: Pathway to Development in the Niger Delta Region." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 21, no. 4 (2021): 269–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v21i4.16.
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Niger Delta comprises of the South-South states, Ondo state from the South west, Imo and Abia States from the South East region of Nigeria. Despite the huge mineral resources that the region generates and the driving force to the national economy, the region remains in abject poverty, youth unemployment, poor infrastructure and high level insecurity. This paper investigates the role of NDDC, successes and challenges in the development of Niger Delta region. The Marxist instrumentalist theory was adopted as the theoretical framework of analysis. Documentary method was adopted as the method of data collection and content analysis was employed as the method of analysis. The paper found out that the federal government has created several interventionist bodies which include the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB) (1958), the Oil Minerals Producing and Development Commission (OMPADEC) (1992), the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) (2000) and the most recent, Ministry of Niger Delta (2008). In spite of this various interventionist bodies, the region is still far underdeveloped with little or nothing on ground compared to what is being exploited from the region. As an oil producing region, it ought to enjoy massive infrastructural development, job creation, empowerment programs and peaceful society, among others. However, this paper is of the view that a lot still needs to be done, as the region is retrogressing speedily instead of progressing in regards to the core indices of development. This paper also found out that corruption has eaten deep into the affair of NDDC. There is also a report of a cabal who hijacks contracts and sells it to contractors that end up doing low standard jobs not in line with the bill of quantities or not doing at all. The paper recommends total restructuring of Ministry of Niger Delta and NDDC in area of staff posting and review of organogram of the board. There should be a think-tank team of individuals with reputable character both from government and representatives of the people, towards listing out the needs of the people according to preference. A review of projects done and the ones ongoing across the Niger Delta oil producing states with the contractors involved to see if it is in line with the bill of quantities, any contractor found wanting should face the full wrath of the law.
 Keywords: Restructuring, Development, Niger Delta, Corruption, Oil Politics
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Daxecker, Ursula, and Brandon C. Prins. "Financing rebellion." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 2 (2017): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343316683436.
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A prominent explanation of the resource–conflict relationship suggests that natural resources finance rebellion by permitting rebel leaders the opportunity to purchase weapons, fighters, and local support. The bunkering of oil in the Niger Delta by quasi-criminal syndicates is an example of how the black-market selling of stolen oil may help finance anti-state groups. More systematic assessments have also shown that the risk and duration of conflict increases in the proximity of oil and diamond deposits. Yet despite the emphasis on rebel resource extraction in these arguments, empirical assessments rely almost exclusively on latent resource availability rather than actual resource extraction. Focusing on maritime piracy, this article argues that piracy is a funding strategy neglected in current research. Anecdotal evidence connects piracy in the Greater Gulf of Aden to arms trafficking, the drug trade, and human slavery. The revenue from attacks may find its way to Al-Shabaab. In Nigeria, increasing attacks against oil transports may signal an effort by insurgents to use the profits from piracy as an additional revenue stream to fund their campaign against the Nigerian government. The article hypothesizes that piracy incidents, that is, actual acts of looting, increase the intensity of civil conflict. Using inferential statistics and predictive assessments, our evidence from conflicts in coastal African and Southeast Asian states from 1993 to 2010 shows that maritime piracy increases conflict intensity, and that the inclusion of dynamic factors helps improve the predictive performance of empirical models of conflict events in in-sample and out-of-sample forecasts.
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Bonnecase, Vincent. "Democracy and Adjustment in Niger: A Conflict of Rationales." International Review of Social History 66, S29 (2021): 181–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859021000183.
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AbstractIn the early 1990s, Niger saw growing anger towards the military regime in power, not only because of police violence, but also due to its economic and social policies, particularly its first structural adjustment programme. After several months of revolts, the regime fell, giving way to a democratic government in 1991. Under pressure from international financial institutions, the new government quickly embarked on the same economic and social path as the previous one and adopted an adjustment policy, resistance to which had played a fundamental role in its accession to power. The government faced increasing street protests, and was overthrown by the army in January 1996, with most of the population not mobilizing to protect the democratic institutions. This article examines the conflicts of rationales that marked these few years, and shows how, by whom, and to what extent these rationales were opposed in practical terms. It also offers a social history of the adjustments by looking at how they were received by the people. By so doing, it looks back at a moment that has profoundly marked Niger's recent history: in this country, as in others, the adjustments have reconfigured rivalries, produced violence, and left an indelible mark on the political imaginary up to the present day.
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Schritt, Jannik, and Nikolaus Schareika. "Crude Moves: Oil, Power, and Politics in Niger." Africa Spectrum 53, no. 2 (2018): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971805300204.
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In this article, we analyse the political and social process through which Niger has emerged as a new oil state since 2008. Instead of viewing the situation as a clear-cut resource-curse scenario, we see oil as an important, but by no means determining factor in the country's current political workings. Analysing the main features and narratives of the Nigerien political game in this time of incipient oil production, we first of all observe how various political actors, including the government, political parties, civil society, and wealthy businesspeople, transform oil into a political resource by developing particular notions, images, and meanings of it, including scenarios of a resource curse or resource blessing. We thus argue that in the formative moment of Niger becoming a new oil state, oil appears as an idiom within which Niger's current political and social processes are framed.
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Pérouse de Montclos, Marc-Antoine. "The politics and crisis of the Petroleum Industry Bill in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 3 (2014): 403–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1400024x.
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ABSTRACTThe Nigerian Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB), which is currently being discussed in Parliament, aims at reforming the oil industry. But it also reveals the guiding forces of local politics. The PIB exposes the limitations of the state's ambitions, desire and capacity for reform, and it is strong evidence for the regional divisions and social tensions catalysing resistance against the government of President Goodluck Jonathan, which is accused of ethnic bias in favour of the oil-producing areas of the Niger Delta.
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Nakano, Koichi. "The Politics of Administrative Reform in Japan, 1993-1998: Toward a More Accountable Government?" Asian Survey 38, no. 3 (1998): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645429.
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Nakano, Koichi. "The Politics of Administrative Reform in Japan, 1993-1998: Toward a More Accountable Government?" Asian Survey 38, no. 3 (1998): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1998.38.3.01p03404.
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Rai, Shirin M. "Deliberative Democracy and the Politics of Redistribution: The Case of the Indian Panchayats." Hypatia 22, no. 4 (2007): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2007.tb01320.x.
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By examining evidence from India, where quotas for women in local government were introduced in 1993, this article argues that institutional reform can disturb hegemonic discourses sufficiently to open a window of opportunity where deliberative democratic norms take root and where, in addition to the politics of recognition, the politics of redistribution also operates.
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McKay, David. "A Testing Time for the US Political System - Nigel Bowles: The Government and Politics of the United States, London, Macmillan, 1993, 414 pp., £42.50. - Iwan W. Morgan: Beyond the Liberal Consensus: A Political History of the United States Since 1965, London, Hurst, 1994, hardback £30.00, paperback £11.95. - Gillian Peele, Christopher J. Bailey, Bruce Cain and B. Guy Peters (eds): Developments in American Politics 2, Macmillan, 1994, 416 pp., hardback £40.00, paperback £12.99." Government and Opposition 30, no. 4 (1995): 554–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00144.x.
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Pierce, Steven. "Looking Like a State: Colonialism and the Discourse of Corruption in Northern Nigeria." Comparative Studies in Society and History 48, no. 4 (2006): 887–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417506000338.
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In the international press Nigeria is represented almost exclusively as a state in crisis. Recurrent military coups, ethnic and religious sectionalism, a civil war, a series of bloody riots and local unrest (of which the Niger delta situation is the best-known example), economic turmoil, and the re-imposition of the Islamic criminal code in many northern states have all been used to paint a picture of chaos and collapse. Journalists and government officials alike tend to find the roots of Nigeria's problems in intractable ethnic conflict, the collapse of oil prices in 1983, structural adjustment mandated by the International Monetary Fund in 1986, and hatred between Muslims and Christians. The trouble with Nigeria is also understood to illustrate the trouble with Africa. With 25 percent of the population of sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria appears as representative of Africa. Potentially wealthy from its oil revenue, it symbolizes Africa's promise denied.
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Welch, Claude E. "The Ogoni and Self-Determination: Increasing Violence in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (1995): 635–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021479.
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The execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa, noted advocate of rights for the Ogoni people of the Niger delta, who was hanged with eight of his colleagues in Port Harcourt on 10 November 1995, drew universal condemnation from governments, human rights organisations, and literary figures. Following the trial of these Ogoni activists, the Nigerian régime headed by General Sani Abacha decided that the verdict of the appointed tribunal should be endorsed and implemented without delay, despite an international campaign for clemency. In the view of many, Nigerians and non-Nigerians alike, an independent judicial court would not have found the accused guilty of the murder in May 1994 of the four prominent Ogoni who had been killed during a riotous rally. For the military administration, however, the claims for self-determination made by Saro-Wiwa had run counter to national policy, nOt least by having highlighted long-standing tensions between the country's ethnic mosaic and its political centralisation.
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MacLeod, Jeffrey. "Nova Scotia Politics: Clientelism and John Savage." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 3 (2006): 553–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906060276.
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Abstract. This paper is a test of clientelism as an explanatory framework for the challenges faced by the Nova Scotia Liberal government led by Dr. John Savage, 1993–1997. Clientelism, as an explanatory theoretical framework, is a useful tool for interpreting the political events that drove Premier Savage from office only four years after leading his party to a significant majority in the Nova Scotia legislature. The hypothesis presented is that Nova Scotia's political culture supports an environment in which clientelism flourishes. Since the clientelistic dyadic relationship and networks are deeply rooted in the cultural mores of Nova Scotia, they cannot be easily challenged and dismantled by any single political actor or government. Therefore, the Savage government's attempt to capsize this long-established cultural practice is advanced as the prime reason for its failure to endure as a viable administration.Résumé. Cette communication est un test de clientélisme qui tente d'expliquer le cadre dans lequel s'inscrivent les défis auxquels a été confronté le gouvernement libéral de Nouvelle-Écosse mené par le Dr John Savage de 1993 à 1997. Le clientélisme, en tant que cadre théorique explicatif, est un outil utile qui permet d'interpréter les événements politiques qui ont fait perdre son poste de Premier Ministre au Dr Savage quatre ans seulement après qu'il ait mené son parti vers une majorité significative à l'assemblée législative de Nouvelle-Écosse. En fin de compte, l'hypothèse est que la culture politique de Nouvelle-Écosse favorise un environnement dans lequel le clientélisme est florissant. Du fait que la relation dyadique clientéliste et les réseaux sont profondément ancrés dans les traditions culturelles de Nouvelle-Écosse, il est peu probable qu'un acteur unique ou un simple gouvernement puisse facilement les mettre au défi et les démanteler. En conséquence, nous suggérons que la tentative du gouvernement Savage de renverser cette pratique culturelle de longue date est la raison principale pour laquelle ce gouvernement n'a pas réussi à survivre en tant qu'administration.
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Lee, Raymond L. M. "The Transformation of Race Relations in Malaysia: From Ethnic Discourse to National Imagery, 1993-2003." African and Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (2004): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209041641804.
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Abstract Malaysians are under no illusion that they have shed their racial identities to embrace a single national identity. Yet the multiculturalism practiced in contemporary Malaysia seems to be compatible with a patriotic nationalism espoused by the government. This compatibility has the appearance of multiculturalism surviving the ordeal of postcolonial racial politics. The turbulence of racial politics seems to have been surpassed by a revitalized nationalism that does not blatantly erase racial heritage. The question of race relations in Malaysia is therefore a question of how multiculturalism and nationalism are successfully presented as icons of integration, overshadowing the more gritty issues of racial politics. These issues are not denied, but have become less transparent as national identity is developed in an arena of new images.
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Gupta, Kuhika. "A Discussion of Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones' The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 2 (2016): 498–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716000281.
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In a number of important articles and books—most notably Agendas and Instability in American Politics (1993), The Politics of Attention: How Government Prioritizes Problems (2005)—Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones have pioneered a distinctive approach to the study of agenda setting that has shaped research in both the U.S. politics and comparative politics subfields. The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America further expands on the theme of the political determinants, and implications, of “the organization and prioritization of information.” And so we have invited a number of political scientists from a range of subfields to comment on the book and on the research agenda more generally.
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Knight, Kathleen. "A Discussion of Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones' The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 2 (2016): 500–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716000293.
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In a number of important articles and books—most notably Agendas and Instability in American Politics (1993), The Politics of Attention: How Government Prioritizes Problems (2005)—Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones have pioneered a distinctive approach to the study of agenda setting that has shaped research in both the U.S. politics and comparative politics subfields. The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America further expands on the theme of the political determinants, and implications, of “the organization and prioritization of information.” And so we have invited a number of political scientists from a range of subfields to comment on the book and on the research agenda more generally.
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Patashnik, Eric. "A Discussion of Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones' The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 2 (2016): 502–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271600030x.
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In a number of important articles and books—most notably Agendas and Instability in American Politics (1993), The Politics of Attention: How Government Prioritizes Problems (2005)—Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones have pioneered a distinctive approach to the study of agenda setting that has shaped research in both the U.S. politics and comparative politics subfields. The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America further expands on the theme of the political determinants, and implications, of “the organization and prioritization of information.” And so we have invited a number of political scientists from a range of subfields to comment on the book and on the research agenda more generally.
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Robinson, Scott E. "A Discussion of Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones' The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America." Perspectives on Politics 14, no. 2 (2016): 505–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592716000311.
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In a number of important articles and books—most notably Agendas and Instability in American Politics (1993), The Politics of Attention: How Government Prioritizes Problems (2005)—Frank R. Baumgartner and Bryan D. Jones have pioneered a distinctive approach to the study of agenda setting that has shaped research in both the U.S. politics and comparative politics subfields. The Politics of Information: Problem Definition and the Course of Public Policy in America further expands on the theme of the political determinants, and implications, of “the organization and prioritization of information.” And so we have invited a number of political scientists from a range of subfields to comment on the book and on the research agenda more generally.
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Sampedro, Víctor. "The Media Politics of Social Protest." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, no. 2 (1997): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.2.7u8q238714jj3203.
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The relationship between political agenda building and media agenda building is examined with reference to mobilization of the Spanish antimilitary movement between 1976-1993. Three models of media-state relations are discussed in terms of possible media outcomes of social protest. These models are used to examine political and media agenda building in relation to movement challenges. An analysis of the coverage of the antimilitary movement by three national dailies demonstrates that political opportunity structures shape media opportunity structures. There are, however, small windows of opportunity when the causal effect works in the other direction. Media structures can help a movement open, reset, and sometimes block official policies. Media opportunities, however, do not remain favorable in the long run because government elites can bureaucratize and trivialize movement challenges, thereby reducing their newsworthiness. Institutionalized media abide by journalistic rules that tend to validate the political class and, in the long run, dilute social protest.
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Tymowski, Andrzej W. "Interview with Karol Modzelewski, 1991." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 4 (2019): 806–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419874384.
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This is an edited version of an interview conducted in 1991 and first published in New Politics 4, no. 2 (1993): 155–72. The editors of EEPS publish this version after the recent death of Karol Modzelewski, 1937–2019. In the 1991 interview, Modzelewski reflected on the difference between Solidarność 1980–1981 as a mass social movement and the very much changed Solidarność that in 1989 formed the first non-Communist government in the Soviet bloc. His comments have a premonitory relevance for Polish politics today.
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Love, James P. "A window on the politics of the government printing office electronic information access enhancement act of 1993." Journal of Government Information 21, no. 1 (1994): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/1352-0237(94)90036-1.
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Munk Christiansen, Peter. "Peter Self, Government by the Market? The Politics of Public Choice, Houndmills etc.: MacMillan, 1993, 303 s., £ 11.99." Politica 27, no. 2 (1995): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/politica.v27i2.67935.
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Mandle, Jay R. "Reconsidering the Grenada revolution." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 69, no. 1-2 (1995): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002648.
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[First paragraph]Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory: An Assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada. BRIAN MEEKS. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1993. ix + 210 pp. (Paper n.p.)The Grenada Invasion: Politics, Law, and Foreign Policy Decisionmaking. ROBERT J. BECK. Boulder: Westview, 1993. xiv + 263 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95)The Gorrión Tree: Cuba and the Grenada Revolution. JOHN WALTON COTMAN. New York: Peter Lang, 1993. xvi + 272 pp. (Cloth US$ 48.95)These three books might be thought of as a second generation of studies concerned with the rise, rule, and destruction of the People's Revolutionary Government (PRG) in Grenada. The circumstances surrounding the accession to power in 1979 of the government led by Maurice Bishop, the nature of its rule, and its violent demise in 1983 resulted in the appearance during the mid-1980s of an extensive literature on the Grenada Revolution. Some of these works were scholarly, others polemical. But what they all had in common was the desire to examine, either critically or otherwise, something which was unique in the historical experience of the English-speaking Caribbean. Never, before the rule of the New JEWEL Movement (NJM) in Grenada, had a Leninist party come to power; never had a violent coup initiated a new political regime; never had a Caribbean government so explicitly rejected U.S. hegemony in the area; and never, before October 1983, had a government experienced quite so dramatic a crisis as that in Grenada, one which resulted in the killing of the Prime Minister and numerous others of his supporters.
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Buskens, Léon. "RECENT DEBATES ON FAMILY LAW REFORM IN MOROCCO: ISLAMIC LAW AS POLITICS IN AN EMERGING PUBLIC SPHERE." Islamic Law and Society 10, no. 1 (2003): 70–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685190360560924.
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AbstractIn 1957-1958 Moroccan family law was codified in the Mudawwana, a text known for its close adherence to the classical Maliki tradition. Since the early 1980s the debate about reform has become more intense and widespread. The relatively limited reform of the Mudawwana in 1993 was closely linked to the beginnings of a process of cautious democratization. Since then the discussions have become more vehement, especially since the coming to power of a new government in 1998 consisting of former opposition parties. A year later this government presented a plan for extensive family law reforms. The plan has provoked considerable public debate over key concepts such as democracy, development, human rights, civil society, and ijtihād. Upon closer inspection, larger issues are at stake: Who may speak out in public and participate in politics? This new turn in the discussions is related to the emergence of a public sphere.
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Hayao, Kenji. "Ending the LDP Hegemony: Party Cooperation in Japan. By Ray Christensen. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000. 228p. $52.00 cloth, $27.95 paper." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (2001): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401552016.
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The Japanese party system has been in flux in recent years. In 1993, two groups defected from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and joined with the opposition to form a broadly based coalition government. A year later, the LDP regained power by creating a coalition government with its ideological opponent, the Japan Socialist Party (JSP). Both events shocked virtually everyone at the time. The LDP had been in power for so long-almost 40 years-that it seemed almost inconceivable that it could lose power. For just as long, the JSP had been the main opposition. By the 2000 election, a dozen parties had come and gone, the JSP's strength dropped to a very small fraction of what it was a decade earlier, and the LDP had to turn to various coalition partners to maintain its control of government. All this is quite puzzling to even close watchers of Japanese politics, because party politics, especially the role of opposition parties, has been a relatively understudied area. For those who want to make sense of how these events came to pass, Ray Christensen's Ending the LDP Hegemony will be very helpful.
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Kaspin, Deborah. "The Politics of Ethnicity in Malawi's Democratic Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (1995): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021455.
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While the western media were directing their gaze towards South Africa's political restructuring, another democratic transition was taking place to the north that was no less remarkable and no more imaginable a few years ago. Since Malawi obtained independence in 1964, it had been governed by Dr Hastings Banda (as he was then known) and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) under a system of absolute rule which the country's élites refused to reform or relinquish. In March 1992 the Catholic bishops issued a formal protest against President H. Kamuzu Banda's political high-handedness, initiating a popular movement for democratic reform and anti-régime demonstrations by university students and staff, as well as factory workers.1 When additional pressure was exerted by the international community, holding foreign aid hostage to democratisation, the Government finally yielded, holding a referendum for multi-party democracy in June 1993 that led to presidential and parliamentary elections in May 1994. Banda and the MCP were ousted, Bakili Muluzi and the United Democratic Front (UDF) were elected, and Malawians of all parties revelled in the freedom to be openly, aggressively political.
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KATO, JUNKO, and YUTO KANNON. "Coalition Governments, Party Switching, and the Rise and Decline of Parties: Changing Japanese Party Politics since 1993." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 3 (2008): 341–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109908003174.
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AbstractSince 1993, coalition governments have replaced the 38-year-long, one-party dominance of the Liberal Democratic Party (the LDP) in Japan. Except for one year, from 1993 to 1994, the LDP has remained a key party in successive governing coalitions, but the dynamics of party competition has been completely transformed since the period of the LDP's dominance. Although the LDP has survived to form a variety of coalitions ranging from a minority to an over-sized majority, since 1998 the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) has continued to counter the LDP governments. The transformation of party systems in Japan accompanies the party switching of legislators and the mergers, breakups, extinctions, and formations of parties. In this regard, the Japanese case provides an interesting example to show how parties attempt to change the dynamics of policy competition by switching and reorganizing. Parties also attempt to shift their policy positions to attract public support and to gain a competitive edge in government formation. Using expert survey data about the policy positions of parties, this study explicates the dynamics involved in the reorganization of parties and the formation of governments.
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Datz, Giselle. "The Inextricable Link between Sovereign Debt and Pensions in Argentina, 1993–2010." Latin American Politics and Society 54, no. 1 (2012): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2012.00144.x.
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AbstractEstablished with the reform of 1993, Argentina’s private pension funds became crucial sources of credit for the national government. They purchased large amounts of sovereign bonds defaulted on in 2001 and hence were key to the success of the debt restructuring of 2005. The private pillar was always vulnerable to political maneuvering; the nationalization of private pension funds in 2008 was only the last stage in an iterated process of state intervention, a function of public debt dynamics. This article argues that the financial pressures associated with Argentina’s sovereign debt burden systematically shortened the temporality of pension policy decisions, taking those away from long-term concerns about the stability of the social security system and toward the immediacy of debt-financing imperatives. Therefore, the politics of pension reform reversal in Argentina were determined by the increasingly strong and inextricable link between debt and pensions.
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Inglot, Tomasz. "The politics of social policy reform in post-communist Poland: Government responses to the social insurance crisis during 1989–1993." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 28, no. 3 (1995): 361–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0967-067x(95)00018-p.
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Walker, Christine. "Funding Melbourne?s hospitals:Some historical moments." Australian Health Review 21, no. 1 (1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah980029.
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In 1993 the Victorian Government introduced casemix funding as part of itsrestructure of the public hospital system. Casemix funding provides a new basis forgovernment funding according to outcomes. At the same time, restructure of hospitalsallows for a reconsideration of who is eligible to use them. Historical research intothe growth of the public hospital system in Melbourne shows that attempts to reformthe hospital system are as old as the system itself. This paper argues that the views ofhospitals in funding crises and the solutions that are recommended have more to dowith the politics of the day than the economics of running hospitals.
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Cheng, Yinghong. "“Is Peking Man Still Our Ancestor?”—Genetics, Anthropology, and the Politics of Racial Nationalism in China." Journal of Asian Studies 76, no. 3 (2017): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911817000493.
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In 1993, in response to the international Human Genome Project pioneered by the United States, the Chinese government began to sponsor national projects in conjunction with the international effort. The result of this scientific endeavor confirmed international geneticists’ conclusions regarding a very recent “African origin” of all modern humans, or Homo sapiens. This scientific development confronted the longstanding nationalist belief that the “Chinese” had lived in “China” as an independent human group since Homo erectus, represented by the 700,000-year-old Peking Man. By examining the still pervasive political uses of a presumed prehistoric ancestor of the people as well as the controversy sparked by the scientific challenge that has provoked public discussions, this article identifies a potent racial discourse in contemporary Chinese nationalism and connects it to a broader international context.
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Bell, Stephen. "Book reviews : GOVERNMENT BY THE MARKET? THE POLITICS OF PUBLIC CHOICE Peter Self London, Macmillan, 1993, xiv, 303 pp., $29.95 (paperback)." Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology 32, no. 1 (1996): 104–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078339603200111.
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Parry, Geraint. "The Interweaving of Foreign and Domestic Policy‐Making." Government and Opposition 28, no. 2 (1993): 143–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01274.x.
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These Words Spoken By President Clinton At His Inauguration on 20 January 1993 can usefully serve as a leitmotif for the present issue of the journal Government and Opposition. The issue is itself the outcome of a conference organized by the journal and the Department of Government of the University of Manchester. The theme was the ‘Influences of Domestic and International Factors on Processes of Policy-Making’. However, this title does not quite catch the interactive quality of the phenomenon which the group was seeking to examine. Increasingly, it has been contended, policies at the domestic level whether in what we once called the first, second or third worlds are being profoundly influenced by international or ‘global’ considerations. But it is also the case that international agreements are being accommodated to the sensitivities of the domestic politics of the partners.
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McFaul, Michael. "State Power, Institutional Change, and the Politics of Privatization in Russia." World Politics 47, no. 2 (1995): 210–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100016087.
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This article reviews recent events in Russia and demonstrates that future progress in developing private property rights will require not only sound economic policies but also more robust state institutions capable of carrying out economic transformation. In January 1992 Russia's first postcommunist government launched a comprehensive economic program to transform the Soviet command system into a market economy. Privatization constituted one of the key components of this program. Two years later, however, privatization in Russia had failed to create real private property rights. By the summer of 1993 insiders had acquired majority shares in two-thirds of Russia's privatized and privatizing firms, state subsidies accounted for 22 percent of Russia's GNP, little if any restructuring had taken place within enterprises, and few market institutions had been created. Progress toward creating private property rights in Russia was impeded by the particular constellation of political institutions in place after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The set of political institutions comprising the first postcommunist Russian state was not capable of either dismantling Soviet institutions governing property rights or creating or supporting new market-based economic institutions regarding private property.
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Lent, John A. "The Uphill Climb of Thai Cartooning." Asian Journal of Social Science 25, no. 1 (1997): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/030382497x00068.
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AbstractThis article is a synthesis of data the author gathered through interviews, observation, textual analysis and secondary literature searches, most of which were conducted in August 1993. Comic art in Thailand is treated from macro and micro perspectives, beginning with a brief history of, and contemporary insights about, the politics and economics of cartooning. Because political cartoonists have figured prominently in the country's often turbulent times, they are discussed in sections that highlight their professional concerns and their relationship with the government. The background and current status of the comic book industry is also presented, ending with a case study of the largest comics publisher in Thailand, Bun Lour Sarn.
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Inoguchi, Takashi. "Japanese Politics in Transition: A Theoretical Review." Government and Opposition 28, no. 4 (1993): 443–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1993.tb01380.x.
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THE END OF ONE-PARTY DOMINANCE BY THE LIBERAL Democratic Party of Japan came as abruptly as the fall of the Berlin wall four years before. It started with the debate on electoral system change, ostensibly as an attempt to curb corruption. The LDP has been plagued by a series of large-scale corruption scandals since the Recruit scandal of 1989. The latest concerned former vice-president Shin Kanemaru's alleged violation of the political money regulation law and the income tax law in 1992–93. The Prime Minister, Kiichi Miyazawa, accepting a fair degree of compromise with opposition parties, wanted to pass a bill to change the current electoral system. The LDP initially wanted to change from the system of choosing a few persons in each district by one vote to the Anglo-American type system of selecting one person in each district by one vote. The opposition wanted to change to the continental European system of proportional representation. A compromise was made by the LDP's proposal to combine the latter two systems. Then two dissenting groups emerged suddenly in the LDP. One took the exit option by forming new political parties. The other took the voice option by backing away from the Miyazawa compromise plan. Miyazawa was humiliated by his failure to have the bill enacted and a motion of no confidence was passed. He then called for a general election, which took place on 18 July 1993. The outcome did not give a majority to the LDP and subsequently a non-LDP coalition was formed to produce a non-LDP government for the first time since the foundation of the LDP in 1955
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Stankovic-Pejnovic, Vesna. "Past and future of multiculturalism in Southeast Europe." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 463–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003463s.
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Multiculturalism is a logical extension of the politics of equal respect and the politics of recognition but it is not an inheritance of modern liberal state. In the area of Southeast Europe multiculturalism is known through centuries. By the collapse of Yugoslavia, new countries prioritized the strengthening the central state and creation one nation state, deleted memory of multiculturalism of past. When 1993 European Union, through Copenhagen criterion, stipulates condition for accession (respect and protection national minorities), countries of Southeast Europe faced with the implementation of multicultural standards based on assumption that policy of recognition and promotion ethno-cultural diversity can enlarge human freedom, strengthen human rights and democracy. Unlike west federal models, cultural autonomy exclude territorial autonomy, but include institutional autonomy, local government and right to use mother tongue. Models of the multicultural policy are numerous and dependable on political, social and cultural circumstances, but countries of Southeast Europe must accept multicultural future.
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Aba-Namay, Rashed. "The New Saudi Representative Assembly." Islamic Law and Society 5, no. 2 (1998): 235–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568519982599490.
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AbstractSince its founding, the Saudi government has never claimed the right to legislate; rather, it claims to “regulate” the sharīʿah by supplementing it without contradicting it. This understanding of lawmaking may help to explain the absence of a distinct legislative body in Saudi Arabia to the present day. For this reason, the Consultative Council that was introduced by the 1992 Saudi constitutional reform and established in late 1993 is of considerable interest because of its potential to transform Saudi law and politics. In this essay I analyze the new Consultative Council and consider its implications for the Saudi constitutional structure. My goals are (1) to analyze and assess the King's vision of the Consultative Council and its future role; (2) to explore the nature of the Consultative Council and the role that it may play in Saudi politics and society; and (3) to encourage scholars to pay greater attention to this important yet neglected institution.
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Ciekawy, Diane. "Constitutional and Legal Reform in the Postcolony of Kenya." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, no. 1 (1997): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502455.
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The central government of Kenya is well known for its use of the legal system, state structures, and the KANU (Kenya African National Union) party apparatus to threaten and thwart those who criticize its undemocratic practices and human rights violations. There are numerous and detailed accounts of attacks on the news media, the denial of permits for opposition public speaking events, the disruption of opposition party meetings, and the arrest and incarceration of reformist political and religious leaders. It is common for the central government to criminalize political activity by charging critics with sedition or holding an illegal meeting, and to use police violence to break up both licensed and unlicensed political events. Government officials and institutions played a major role in inciting and organizing violence in the Rift Valley from 1991 to 1993 that led to the deaths of over 1,500 people. The return to multiparty politics in 1991, after a lapse of 26 years when KANU reigned supreme, has done little to change these practices. Repression of the freedom of assembly, the freedom of association, and the freedom of expression is the modus operandi of the Kenyan nation-state.
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Nworgu, K. O. "The press and Nigeria's isolationist foreign policy (1993-1998)." Revista Brasileira de Gestão Ambiental e Sustentabilidade 8, no. 19 (2021): 1009–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21438/rbgas(2021)081926.
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Gen. Sani Abacha took over from Chief Ernest Shonekan's interim government which was formed when Gen Ibrahim Babangida "stepped aside". On assumption of office, Abacha was faced with the imminent disintegration of the country caused by the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election, widely believed to have been won by the late businessman, Chief M. K. O. Abiola. Also, threatening the administration was the activities of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) both at home and abroad. The main objective of this study was to find out how the press covered Nigeria's foreign policy within 1993-1998. The study involved content analysis, historical and case study designs. The instrument for data collection included content analysis of newspaper contents library material related to the subject matter. The sampling technique used for the study is the purposive sampling, involving all the newspaper stories, features, opinion articles on the subject matter. The population included all newspaper stories published on Abacha’s regime within the period of 1993-1998. A total sampling size of 56 news stories, articles and features were selected purposively through the constructed weeks based on two days interval. Four national newspapers, namely, The Guardian, This Day, the Vanguard and the Post Express were used. From the findings of the study we concluded that press reports on the examined foreign policy did not make much impact on the outcome of these foreign policy issues since the military regime in power never wanted opposition or criticisms. Therefore, the regime went ahead to Isolate itself from main stream international politics and the press was helpless due to the fear of being gagged or proscribed as was the practice of the Abacha's administration. However, the press assumed a patriotic posture in her support for the regime's approach to Bakassi Peninsula dispute between Nigeria and Cameroun. Also the issue of peace keeping in the sub-region got the strong approval of the Nigerian press, even when a cross section of Nigerian citizens were skeptical about the regime interventionist policy in Sierra Leone and Liberia.
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SOLT, FREDERICK. "Civics or Structure? Revisiting the Origins of Democratic Quality in the Italian Regions." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 1 (2003): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123403000383.
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What determines the responsiveness and effectiveness of democratic governments in meeting their citizens’ needs? Based on his 1993 study of the twenty Italian regions, Robert Putnam argued that ‘civic community’, a self-reinforcing syndrome of social engagement and political participation, is the explanation. A re-examination of Putnam’s data reveals little evidence of such a syndrome, but confirms that where more citizens participate in politics outside of networks of clientelistic exchange, more effective democratic government results. To discern the causes of variation in this self-motivated political participation, I test Putnam’s measures of social engagement against aspects of Italian socio-economic structure. Economic development and the historical distribution of land, not social engagement, are found to be powerful predictors of self-motivated political participation and in turn democratic quality.
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Amuwo, Ade Kunle. "Between Intellectual Responsibility and Political Commodification of Knowledge: Nigeria's Academic Political Scientists under the Babangida Military Junta, 1985–1993." African Studies Review 45, no. 2 (2002): 93–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600031449.
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Abstract:The academic political scientists—mainly professors—who were hired by the Babangida military government in Nigeria between 1985 and 1993, ostensibly to theorize and articulate a new political culture and morality through the political transition program (PTP), have been objects, both then and ever since, of serious criticism concerning their role and contribution to a program that promised much but delivered little or nothing. The major criticism is that the political scientists, despite an initial commitment to help the military fashion a new political order, lost their “science” by providing an intellectual cover for the general's schemes and enriched the “political,” including the politics of corruption and self-enrichment. We examine this critique and show that these individuals, by choosing to remain in office—if not in power—even after witnessing so many broken promises by the regime, tarnished their intellectual integrity and moral credibility. Appointed to serve as an instrument of legitimization for the regime, they contained, constricted, and shrank the political and intellectual space rather than facilitating intellectual and democratic empowerment.
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Shaw, Julia. "Ayodhya's sacred landscape: ritual memory, politics and archaeological ‘fact’." Antiquity 74, no. 285 (2000): 693–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00060087.
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Great astonishment has been expressed at the recent vitality of the Hindu religion at Ajudhia [sic], and it was to test the extent of this chiefly that … this statement has been prepared. As the information it contains may be permanently useful, I have considered it well to give it a place here. This information is as correct as it can now be made and that is all that I can say CARNEGY(1870: appendix A)After the destruction of Ayodhya's Babri mosque in 1992 by supporters of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), the statement above seems laden with premonition of the events to come (Rao 1994). More importantly, Carnegy’s comments highlight that the mosque’s destruction was not simply the result of 20th-century politics. The events surrounding and following the outbreak of violence in 1992 have resulted in more ‘spilt ink’ than Carnegy could ever have imagined. This literature can be divided into two main categories; firstly, the initial documentation submitted to the government by a group of VHP aligned historians, which presented the ‘archaeological proof’ that the Babri mosque had occupied the site of a Hindu temple dating to the 10th and 11th century AD (VHP1990; New Delhi Historical Forum 1992). This was believed to have marked the birthplace of the Hindu god Rama (hence the name Rama Janmabhumi — literally ‘birthplace of Rama’), and been demolished at the orders of the Mughal emperor Babur during the 16th century. As a response, a second group of ‘progressive’ Indian historians began a counter-argument, based on the same ‘archaeological proof’ that no such temple had ever existed (Gopal et al. 1992; Mandal 1993). The second category is a growing body of literature which has filled many pages of international publications (Rao 1994; Navlakha 1994). Especially following the World Archaeology Congress (WAC) in Delhi (1994), and subsequently in Brač, Croatia (1998), this has been preoccupied with finding an acceptable route through the battlefield which arises as a result of the problematic, but recurrent, marriage between archaeology, folklore and politics (Kitchen 1998; Hassan 1995).
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Unnithan, Maya. "Girasias and the Politics of Difference in Rajasthan: ‘Caste’, Kinship and Gender in a Marginalised Society." Sociological Review 41, no. 1_suppl (1993): 92–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-954x.1993.tb03402.x.
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Anthropologists have often contrasted ‘caste’ and ‘tribe’ as forms of social organisation based on opposite principles (eg ‘castes' are based on hierarchy, ‘tribal’ society is undifferentiated and egalitarian). The concept of ‘caste’ is both an imposed one, a product of colonial governmental and academic exercises, and one which has political realities. However, whilst such national and regional formulations of caste are important, they do not always reflect the social categories which are central to the organisation of people's lives at the local level. The Girasias (generally held to be a ‘tribe’ by others) live in Rajasthan in proximity to the Rajputs (generally held to be a ‘caste’; Girasias themselves claim to be a branch of the Rajput caste). On many points the way in which a group categorises itself does not correspond with the way in which it is categorised by members of other groups. In practice the Girasias share many social, economic and religious institutions with the other ‘caste’ communities in the region as also with the ‘tribal Bhils. This does not mean that these groups are indistinguishable, but ‘Rajput’ and ‘Bhil’ stereotypes were used within the Girasia group to express differences, identifications and evaluations. However the tribe/caste distinction and the corresponding division of labour between anthropologists and sociologists in India is thereby called into question. To the Girasias, patrilineal kinship and territory play a central role in their sense of ‘caste’ identity, unlike other communities (the Rajputs and Bhils are exceptions) for whom caste is a more dispersed, agnatic and affinal group. Descent is crucial. Although their kinship ideology emphasises a sense of separation rather than hierarchy, Girasia kin divisions present members with equal opportunities to be unequal. Lineal kinship provides the paradigm for talking about all relationships whether or not based on actual biological ties. Equally, gender provides an idiom for the construction of difference. Descent groups are differentiated according to the evaluation of groups from which they have been able to obtain wives. Both Girasias and outsiders use the attire and the behaviour of women and perceived gender roles to distinguish between themselves. Despite the local complexity of Girasia kinship and gender relations which cannot be expressed in the language of caste and tribe, outsiders (other castes, classes, government officials, academics) continue to regard the Girasias as tribal as a result of the politics of caste and gender at the local, regional and national levels.
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Casassas, David, and Irkus Larrinaga. "Pettit, Philip (1993). The Common Mind: An Essay on Psychology, Society and Politics. (1997). Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government. (2001). A Theory of Freedom: From the Psychology to the Politics of Agency." Papers. Revista de Sociologia 80 (April 1, 2006): 291. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/papers/v80n0.1833.
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Stašulāne, Anita. "ESOTERICISM AND POLITICS: THEOSOPHY." Via Latgalica, no. 2 (December 31, 2009): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2009.2.1604.
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Interference of esotericism and politics became apparent especially in the 19th century when the early socialists expected the coming of the Age of Spirit, and narratives about secret wisdom being kept in mysterious sacred places became all the more popular. Thus, the idea of the Age of Enlightenment underwent transformation: the world will be saved not by ordinary knowledge but by some special secret wisdom. In this context, Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891) developed the doctrine of Theosophy the ideas of which were overtaken by the next-generation theosophists including also the Russian painter Nicholas Roerich (1874–1947) and his spouse Helena Roerich (1879–1955) who developed a new form of Theosophy. The aim of this article is to analyse the interference between Theosophy and politics paying special attention to its historical roots, which, in the context of Roerich groups, are to be sought in the political activities of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of the movement. The following materials have been used in the analysis: first, writings of the founders of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics; second, the latest studies in the history of Theosophy made in the available archives after the collapse of the soviet regime; third, materials obtained from the interviews of a field research (2006–2008). The author has made use of an interdisciplinary approach combining anthropological methods with the method of systematic analysis. The historical roots of the political activity of contemporary theosophists stretch into the political aspirations of Nicholas Roerich, the founder of Agni Yoga or Teaching of Living Ethics. Opening of the USSR secret archives and publication of several formerly inaccessible diaries and letters of theosophists offer an opportunity to study the “spiritual geopolitics” of the Roerichs. Setting off to his Central Asian expeditions (1925–1928; 1934–1935), Nicholas Roerich strived to implement the Great Plan, i.e. to found a New State that would stretch from Tibet to South Siberia comprising the territories governed by China, Mongolia, Tibet and the USSR. The new state was conceived as the kingdom of Shambhala on the earth, and in order to form this state, Nicholas Roerich aspired to acquire the support of various political systems. During the Tzarist Empire, the political world outlook of Nicholas Roerich was markedly monarchic. After the Bolshevik coup in Russia, the artist accepted the offer to work under the wing of the new power, but after his emigration to the West Roerich published extremely sharp articles against the Bolsheviks. In 1922, the Roerichs started to support Lenin considering him the messenger of Shambhala. Roerich’s efforts to acquire Bolshevik support culminated in 1926 when the Roerichs arrived in Moscow bringing a message by Mahatmas to the soviet government, a small case with earth for the Lenin Mausoleum from Burhan-Bulat and paintings in which Buddha Maitreya bore strong resemblance to Lenin. The plan of founding the Union of Eastern Republics, with Bolshevik support, failed, since about the year 1930 the soviet authorities changed their position concerning the politics of the Far East. Having ascertained that the Bolsheviks would not provide the anticipated support for the Great Plan, the Roerichs started to seek for contacts in the USA which provided funding for his second expedition (1934–1935). The Roerichs succeeded even in making correspondence (1934–1936) with President Roosevelt who paid much larger attention to Eastern states especially China than other presidents did. Their correspondence ceased when the Security Service of the USA grew suspicious about Roerich’s pro-Japanese disposition. Nicholas Roerich has sought for support to his political ambitions by all political regimes. In 1934, the Russian artist tried to ascertain whether German national socialists would support his efforts in Asia. It may seem that the plans of founding the Union of Oriental Republics have passed away along with Roerich; yet in 1991 his son Svyatoslav Roerich (1904–1993) pointed out once again that the Altai is a very important centre of the great future and Zvenigorod is still a great reality and a magnificent dream. Interference between esotericism and politics is observed also among Latvian theosophists: the soviet regime successfully made use of Roerich’s adherents propagating the communist ideology in the independent Republic of Latvia. In the 1920s and 1930s, the embassy of the USSR in Riga maintained close contacts with Roerich’s adherents in Latvia and made a strong pressure on the Latvian government not to ban the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society who actively propagated the success of soviet culture and economy. On 17 June 1940, the soviet army occupied the Republic of Latvia, and Haralds Lūkins, the son of the founder of the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society, was elected to the first government of the soviet Latvia. Nevertheless, involvement of theosophists in politics was unsuccessful, since after the official annexation of Latvia into the USSR, on 5 August 1940, all societies including the Roerich’s Museum Friend Society were closed. Since the members of the movement continued to meet regularly, in 1949, Haralds Lūkins was arrested as leader of an illegal organization. After the Second World War, theosophists were subjected to political repressions. Arrests of Roerich’s followers (1948–1951) badly impaired the movement. After rehabilitation in 1954, the repressed persons gradually returned from exile and kept on their illegal meetings in small groups. To regain their rights to act openly, Roerich’s followers started to praise Nicholas Roerich as a supporter of the soviet power. With the collapse of the soviet regime, Roerich’s followers in Latvia became legal in 1988 when the Latvian Roerich Society was restored which soon split up according to geopolitical orientation; therefore, presently in Latvia, there are the following organisations: Latvian Roerich Society, Latvian Department of the International Centre of the Roerichs, and Aivars Garda group or the Latvian National Front. A. Garda fused nationalistic ideas with Theosophy offering a special social reorganization – repatriation of the soviet-time immigrants and a social structure of Latvia that would be formed by at least 75% ethnic Latvians. Activity of A. Garda group, which is being criticized by other groups of theosophists, is a continuation of the interference between theosophical and political ideas practised by the Roerichs. Generally it is to be admitted that after the crush of the soviet regime, in theosophist groups, unclear political orientation between the rightists and leftists is observed, characterised by fairly radical ideas.
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Rothwell, Victor. "John Saville. The Politics of Continuity: British Foreign Policy and the Labour Government, 1945-46. New York: Verso. 1993. Pp. 293. $59.95. ISBN 0-86091-456-9." Albion 26, no. 3 (1994): 567–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052657.
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Luker, Trish. "White Mother to a Dark Race." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 3, no. 1 (2010): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v3i1.58.
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Historical accounts of the removal of Aboriginal children from their families and communities in Australia under colonial assimilation policies have proliferated over recent decades. Within the field, white feminist historiography has involved investigations of the function of gender, domestic space and intimate relations in the colonial enterprise. In this, it has often placed the problematic trope of the maternal as 'a central model of historical identity' (Moore 2000, 95). While similar histories exist in other settler-colonial nations, notably the United States and Canada, there has been relatively little comparative research. In White Mother to a Dark Race, Jacobs provides a substantial comparative account of the removal of indigenous children in North America and Australia during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the period when this was a key government policy in both continents. She focuses on the gendered character of the policies and practices and the role of white women as agents of the state in the removal of children. In particular, Jacobs provides a critique of the discourse of maternalism in its various manifestations. In this task, she takes up a point raised in white feminist analysis that a 'disconcerting maternalism persists both in the context of academic theory and the practical politics of forging international alliances' (Jolly 1993, 104).
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HARPER, TOBIAS. "VOLUNTARY SERVICE AND STATE HONOURS IN TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITAIN." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (2015): 641–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1400048x.
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AbstractThe importance of the honours system as an institution in British politics and public life has frequently been underestimated. At the end of the First World War, the British government prioritized voluntary service to the state as an area which the honours system should reward more than others through the newly created Order of the British Empire. However, after the war the Order changed to focus more on civil servants, soldiers, and the broad category of ‘local service’. The latter could include volunteers, but more often did not. Various attempts to democratize honours through reforms from the 1960s focused on rewarding a wider range of service. The most successful of these was John Major's honours reform programme in 1993, which returned volunteer service to the forefront of the public image of honours. While these reforms were not as egalitarian as they seemed, they were successful because they integrated an ideology of crown honours with the other functions of the modern monarchy and opened up the honours system to a wider potential set of recipients. At the same time, they maintained a hierarchical structure that meant that elites who had traditionally enjoyed the exclusivity of high honours continued to do so.
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Murakami, Michael H. "Divisive Primaries: Party Organizations, Ideological Groups, and the Battle over Party Purity." PS: Political Science & Politics 41, no. 04 (2008): 918–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909650838127x.
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Of the many vital functions that political parties serve in American democracy, selecting candidates for public office is near the top of the list. Giovanni Sartori (1976) cites this purpose as their chief defining element—claiming that, at a minimum, a party is a “political group that presents at elections, and is capable of placing through elections, candidates for public office” (64). Moreover, understanding how parties vet, groom, select, and promote candidates is central to empirically evaluating the strength of political party organizations, the quality of elected policymakers, and ultimately the effectiveness of government. For scholars of American politics, this has led to fruitful lines of research on the processes that the Democratic and Republican Parties use to select their candidates—namely the conventions, primaries, and caucuses that nominate individuals for various federal, state, and local offices. For example, many have investigated the effects of reforms to the presidential nomination process in the early 1970s (Aldrich 1993; Hagen and Mayer 2000; Reiter 1985; Wayne 2000), some arguing that it took power of choosing candidates away from the party organizations and towards other institutions like the press, interest groups, and small ideological factions (Polsby 1983) with potentially negative consequences for governance.
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Arthur, Paul. "The Anglo-Irish Joint Declaration: Towards a Lasting Peace?" Government and Opposition 29, no. 2 (1994): 218–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01252.x.
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‘Cometh The Hour, Cometh The Man’ . . . in This Case two men, in the unlikely figures of the British Prime Minister, John Major, and the Irish Taoiseach, Albert Reynolds. Neither is a charismatic personality and each presides over a government with more than its fair share of problems. Yet with one leap they have agreed on an issue which removes them from the mundane realities of domestic politics and offers them a place in the sun. Already the Irish Council of the European Movement has awarded Mr Reynolds (alongside the SDLP leader, John Hume ) its ‘Man of the Year’ award. Can a Nobel Peace Prize be far behind? The Prime Minister has not been slow to exploit the huge potential in the peace process. He informed the Commons on the day that the Joint Declaration was signed, 15 December 1993, that when he met the Taoiseach at Downing Street ‘two years ago, we both agreed on the need to work together to try to bring about peace in Northern Ireland and in the Republic . . . we both knew that, after 25 years of killing, we had to make it a personal priority both to seek a permanent end to violence and to establish the basis for a comprehensive and lasting political settlement’.