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Journal articles on the topic 'Nigeria/Biafra War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

DALY, SAMUEL FURY CHILDS. "THE SURVIVAL CON: FRAUD AND FORGERY IN THE REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA, 1967–70." Journal of African History 58, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000347.

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AbstractOver the course of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–70), many people in the secessionist Republic of Biafra resorted to forgery, confidence scams, and other forms of fraud to survive the dire conditions created by Nigeria's blockade. Forgery of passes and other documents, fraudulent commercial transactions, and elaborate schemes involving impersonation and racketeering became common in Biafra, intensifying as the Biafran government's ability to enforce the law diminished. Using long-neglected legal records from Biafra's courts and tribunals, this study traces the process by which deception emerged as a practice of survival in wartime Biafra – a process with important implications for the growth of fraud (known as ‘419’ after the relevant section of the Nigerian criminal code) in reintegrated postwar Nigeria.

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Omaka, Arua Oko. "Conquering the Home Front: Radio Biafra in the Nigeria–Biafra War, 1967–1970." War in History 25, no. 4 (May 25, 2017): 555–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516682056.

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Radio, as a modern communication technology, has played a revolutionary role in propaganda wars. Governments and revolutionaries find it indispensable because of its advantage in disseminating messages quickly across national borders. The Biafran government saw the enormous propaganda potential of radio and tactically exploited it. Despite this strategic role, scholars have failed to represent Radio Biafra as an important arm of the Biafran struggle for self-determination. Using archival documents, newspaper articles, and oral interviews, this article explores the role of Radio Biafra in the Nigeria–Biafra War. It argues that Radio Biafra not only sustained the support and loyalty of Biafrans but also created a community spirit that bolstered Biafrans’ confidence in the war.

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3

Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "“Hell was let loose on the country”: The Social History of Military Technology in the Republic of Biafra." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (July 2, 2018): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.41.

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Abstract:The problem of armed crime in late twentieth-century Nigeria was closely connected to the events of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra reveal how violent crime emerged as part of the military confrontation between Biafra and Nigeria. The wide availability of firearms, the Biafran state’s diminishing ability to enforce the law, and the gradual collapse of Biafra’s economy under the pressure of a Nigerian blockade made Biafran soldiers and civilians reliant on their weapons to obtain food and fuel, make claims to property, and settle disputes with one another. Criminal legal records illustrate how military technologies shape interactions and relationships in the places where they are deployed, and how those dynamics can endure after the war comes to an end. This speaks to larger theoretical questions about the symbolic and functional meanings of guns during and after wartime.

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4

Gomba, Obari. "Biafra and Abuse of Power in I.N.C. Aniebo’s Rearguard Actions." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 280–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902003.

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Abstract The Nigerian civil war has left a lasting impact on the politics of Nigeria. It has also provided material for I.N.C. Aniebo’s Rearguard Actions. Given the prior success of his novel The Anonymity of Sacrifice, this collection of short stories expands his creative portfolio on the subject of war. Over and above the predilection of Biafran discourse for blaming others for Biafra’s failure, Aniebo’s depiction of the war calls attention to the failings of Biafra itself. On the strength of Aniebo’s stories, this paper seeks to examine the nature of the abuse of power in Biafra and to show how such abuse helped precipitate the collapse of the breakaway nation-state.

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5

Bello, Taiwo O. "Writing the Nigeria–Biafra War." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 51, no. 2 (May 4, 2017): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2017.1340237.

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6

ANTHONY, DOUGLAS. "‘RESOURCEFUL AND PROGRESSIVE BLACKMEN’: MODERNITY AND RACE IN BIAFRA, 1967–70." Journal of African History 51, no. 1 (March 2010): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000022.

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ABSTRACTPropaganda from Biafra and pro-Biafran rhetoric generated by its supporters drew heavily on ideas of modernity. This continued a pattern of associations rooted in colonial-era policies and ethnic stereotypes, and also represented a deliberate rhetorical strategy aimed at both internal and external audiences. During the second half of the Nigeria–Biafra War, the concept of race assumed an increasingly prominent role in both Biafran and pro-Biafran discourse, in part because of the diminished persuasiveness of Biafran claims about Nigeria's genocidal intentions. Arguments about race dovetailed with established claims about modernity in ways that persist today.

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7

Nwofe, Emmanuel Sunday, and Mark Goodall. "Pro-Biafran Activists and the call for a Referendum: A Sentiment Analysis of ‘Biafraexit’ on Twitter after UK’s vote to leave the European Union." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (July 12, 2017): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/65.

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In a society bonded by a concatenation of diverse ethno-nationalism, the struggle for inclusion and exclusion becomes particularly unavoidable. Common among the findings of researchers of ethnic identities is the potential for conflicts when inequalities and injustices, rooted in ethnicity and religious identities are the basis for allocation of powers and resources. This is more threatening when a particular ethnic group is signposted as a threat to other group and targeted for ill-treatment. In Nigeria, the Igbo ethnic group is characterized as an endangered group and has risen at one point to challenge inequalities, injustices and state-orchestrated violence against the ethnic society that led to Nigeria-Biafra war between 1967 and 1970. Fifty years after the war, the Igbo ethnic society is still grappling to be included in the Nigeria nation-building project. The implication is a deep-rooted grievance among the Igbo ethnic group that the wave of campaigns and social movement for the restoration of Biafra continued to reverberate in recent times. After the UK’s ‘Brexit’ vote, the pro-Biafra activists launched ‘Biafraexit’ on Twitter in the style of ‘Brexit’ for a referendum to exit Nigeria. The purpose of this paper is to examine the major sentiment of the people about the Biafra restoration 50 years after the Biafran war. Through a sentiment analysis of ‘Biafraexit’, ‘free Biafra’ hashtags and the ‘Biafra’ search term on Twitter, the paper examines to what extent the perception of insecurity of lives of the Igbos constitute major concern of proponents of Biafran independent on Twitter? How have the human right abuses of pro-Biafra activists under President Buhari’s rule facilitated feelings of insecurity, religious cleansing and Islamization among pro-Biafra activists? The implications of this for cohesive nation-building are discussed.

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8

OMENKA, NICHOLAS IBEAWUCHI. "BLAMING THE GODS: CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS PROPAGANDA IN THE NIGERIA–BIAFRA WAR." Journal of African History 51, no. 3 (November 2010): 367–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000460.

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ABSTRACTThe consensus among many analysts of the Nigeria–Biafra War is that the conflict cannot be reduced to a mono-causal explanation. The tragedy that befell the West African country from 1966 to 1970 was a combination of many factors, which were political, ethnic, religious, social, and economic in nature. Yet the conflict was unduly cast as a religious war between Christians and Muslims. Utilizing newly available archival materials from within and outside Nigeria, this article endeavours to unravel the underlying forces in the religious war rhetoric of the mainly Christian breakaway region and its Western sympathizers. Among other things, it demonstrates that, while the religious war proposition was good for the relief efforts of the international humanitarian organizations, it inevitably alienated the Nigerian Christians and made them unsympathetic to the Biafran cause.

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9

Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "A Nation on Paper: Making a State in the Republic of Biafra." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 868–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000316.

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AbstractWhat role did law play in articulating sovereignty and citizenship in postcolonial Africa? Using legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra, this article analyzes the relationship between law and national identity in an extreme context—that of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Ideas about order, discipline, and legal process were at the heart of Biafra's sense of itself as a nation, and they served as the rhetorical justification for its secession from Nigeria. But they were not only rhetoric. In the turmoil of the ensuing civil war, Biafra's courts became the center of its national culture, and law became its most important administrative implement. In court, Biafrans argued over what behaviors were permissible in wartime, and judges used law to draw the boundaries of the new country's national identity. That law played this role in Biafra shows something broader about African politics: law, bureaucracy, and paperwork meant more to state-making than declensionist views of postcolonial Africa usually allow. Biafra failed as a political project, but it has important implications for the study of law in postcolonial Africa, and for the nation-state form in general.

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10

Astuti, Anjar Dwi. "A PORTRAYAL OF NIGERIAN AFTER CIVIL WAR IN CHINUA ACHEBE’S CIVIL PEACE (1971)." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v3i2.875.

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African literature has strong relation with colonialism, not only because they had ever been colonized but also because of civil war. Civil Peace (1971), a short story written by Chinua Achebe, tells about how Nigerian survive and have to struggle to live after Nigerian Civil War. It is about the effects of the war on the people, and the “civil peace” that followed. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Nigerian-Biafran War, 6 July 1967–15 January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted annexation of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Knowing the relation between the story and the Nigerian Civil War, it is assured that there is a history depicted in Civil Peace. In this article, the writer portrays the history and the phenomenon of colonization in Nigeria by using new historical and postcolonial criticism approaches.Keywords: history, colonization, civil war

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11

Smith, Daniel Jordan. "Legacies of Biafra: Marriage, ‘Home People’ and Reproduction Among the Igbo of Nigeria." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.30.

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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which the legacies and collective memories of Biafra, the secessionist state established at the time of Nigeria's civil war from 1967 to1970, shape contemporary Igbo practices and experiences of marriage, rural–urban ties and reproduction. The importance of appropriate and permanent marriage and the perceived necessity of dependable affinal relations for contemporary Igbos are analysed in relation to recollections of marriage during the war. The intense identification of migrant Igbos with place of origin and the importance of ‘home’ and ‘home people’ are situated in the context of the legacy of Biafra. The importance of kinship relationships for access to patron–client networks is linked to the Igbo perception of marginalization in the wake of Biafra. Igbo ideas about the significance of reproduction and the vital importance of ‘having people’ are reinforced through collective memories of Biafra. Igbo people's conceptions of Nigerian politics, their understandings of the social and economic importance of kinship and community in contemporary Nigeria, and even their reproductive decisions can be better explained by taking into account the legacies of Biafra.

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12

Rothchild, Donald. "Unofficial mediation and the Nigeria‐Biafra war." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 3, no. 3 (September 1997): 37–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537119708428510.

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13

Ejiogu, EC. "Book review: The Nigeria-Biafra War: Genocide and the Politics of Memory Chima J Korieh (ed.); Remembering Biafra: Narrative, History, and Memory of the Nigeria-Biafra War." Journal of Asian and African Studies 48, no. 3 (May 26, 2013): 387–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909613481950.

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14

David, Stephen. "Lack of Return in Nigeria-Biafra Civil War Literature." Matatu 50, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001007.

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AbstractWhen the Nigeria-Biafra civil war ended in July 1970, the Commander in Chief of the Federal Army, General Yakubu Gowon, declared that there was “no victor no vanquished” and, consequently, drew an iron curtain on a painful historical moment. This closure foreclosed further engagements with the events of the war in a manner that imposed a “code of silence” on its historiography. However, in the face of this silence and the silencing of public remembrances, private remembrances have continued to bloom. And in recent times, these remembrance(s) have fertilized a virulent demand for secession. I argue that literary accounts of the conflict question its ‘closure’ through what I call ‘lack of return.’ Relying on Van der Merwe and Gobodo-Madikizela’s conception of narratives as spaces of healing, I engage in a close reading of one fictional account—Saro-Wiwa’s Sozaboy—and two memoirs—Achebe’s There Was a Country and Chukwurah’s The Last Train to Biafra—to examine how narratives of Biafra call attention to the persistent freshness of the wounds and trauma of the war by creating stories that lack denouement. I find that in these texts, the silencing of ordnance doesn’t herald a return home—whether spatially or mentally. Consequently, these stories could be read as palimpsests that reveal a need for spaces of narrative engagements, abreaction, and healing.

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15

Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra civil war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936704.

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16

Ojo, Olatunji. "The Nigeria-Biafra War: genocide and the politics of memory." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 48, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 381–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2014.948259.

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17

Ibhawoh, Bonny. "Refugees, Evacuees, and Repatriates: Biafran Children, UNHCR, and the Politics of International Humanitarianism in the Nigerian Civil War." African Studies Review 63, no. 3 (September 2020): 568–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.43.

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Abstract:The Nigeria-Biafra war contributed to the rise of post-colonial moral interventionism, ushering in a new form of human rights politics. During the war, relief agencies evacuated 4,000 children from the conflict zones to Gabon and Côte d’Ivoire to protect them from the conflict. This was part of a broader international humanitarian airlift operation that brought relief supplies to the besieged Biafra territory. At the end of the war, most of the children were returned to their homes in Nigeria through an international humanitarian repatriation effort. Ibhawoh examines how state interests and the politics of international humanitarian interventionism manifested in debates about classifying and protecting displaced children, the most vulnerable victims of the conflict.

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18

UCHE, CHIBUIKE. "OIL, BRITISH INTERESTS AND THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR." Journal of African History 49, no. 1 (March 2008): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003393.

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ABSTRACTUsing newly available evidence, mainly from the Public Records Office (now the National Archive) in London, this article attempts to unravel the true extent of the role that British oil interests played in the decision of the British government to insist on a ‘One Nigeria’ solution in the Nigeria/Biafra conflict. While the official position of the British government was that its main interest in the Nigeria conflict was to prevent the break-up of the country along tribal lines, the true position was more complex. Evidence in this paper suggests that British oil interests played a much more important role in the determination of the British attitude to the war than is usually conceded. Specifically, Britain was interested in protecting the investments of Shell-BP in Nigerian oil. Furthermore, Britain was also at the time desperate to keep Nigerian oil flowing in order to mitigate the impact of its domestic oil shortfalls caused by the Middle East Six Day War. Supporting a ‘One Nigeria’ solution was considered its safest bet in order to achieve the above objectives.

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19

Nwaka, Jacinta C. "Reactions of the Governments of Nigeria and Biafra to the Role of the Catholic Church in the Nigeria–Biafra War." War & Society 34, no. 1 (January 26, 2015): 65–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0729247314z.00000000047.

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20

Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce. "‘Organising the unpredictable’: the Nigeria–Biafra war and its impact on the ICRC." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 888 (December 2012): 1409–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000428.

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AbstractThis article analyses how the events of the late 1960s – and in particular the Nigeria–Biafra War – marked a turning point in the history of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The Nigeria-Biafra conflict required the ICRC to set up and coordinate a major relief operation during a civil war in a post-colonial context, posing several new challenges for the organisation. This article shows how the difficulties encountered during the conflict highlighted the need for the Geneva-based organisation to reform the management of its operations, personnel, and communications in order to become more effective and professional. Finally, the article takes the examination of this process within the ICRC as a starting point for a broader discussion of the changing face of the humanitarian sector in the late 1960s.

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Bird, S. Elizabeth, and Fraser Ottanelli. "The History and Legacy of the Asaba, Nigeria, Massacres." African Studies Review 54, no. 3 (December 2011): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0048.

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Abstract:In early October 1967, four months into the Nigerian Civil War, federal troops massacred hundreds in Asaba, a town in southeast Nigeria on the west bank of the Niger. While ethnically Igbo, Asaba was not part of Igbo-dominated Biafra. Through the reconstruction of this event, the article fills a significant gap in the historical record and contributes to the discussion on the impact of traumatic memory at the local and national levels. It also suggests that the Asaba massacres speak to larger issues of potential reconciliation that extend beyond Asaba and Nigeria.

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Amiara, Amiara, Solomon, Dr Paul Uroku Omeje, and Dr Kennth Igbomaka Nwoikie. "Ethnic Politics and the Agitation for Restructuring Nigeria: Implication for National Development and Dialogue Initiative." Archives of Business Research 7, no. 10 (October 22, 2019): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.710.7142.

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The evolution of NIgerian State is shrouded in cultural complexities that are built on linquistc variations and ethno-religious discontents. Asa a product of the British imperialism, the 1914 amaglmation of the northern and southern protectorates saw the emergence of what became an independent NigerianState on October 1, 1960. Thus, the activities of these imperialists led to the birth of Nigeria's naionalism which was couched in ethnic nationalism rather than true pan Nigerianism. This ethnocentrism has advertently deepened Nigeria's problems and led to the evolution of several regime system that manifested into resource control, independent movement and ethnic militants. Scholars and policy-makers alike, have over the last two decades tried several workable political system without actually arriving at any possible solution thereby stoking the flame of ethnic based crises that fraught Nigerian sovereignty. Against this background, the proclamation of the Sovereign State of Biafra was celebrated with attended war that followed therein. Therefore, it is understood that the aftermath of the war still linger and gave birth to Indigenous People of Biafra. While it could be said that the bulk of Nigerian resources are committed to finding solution to the existing political structures, it is obvious that the weighter problems arising from corruption, prebendalism and lack of true federalism that resulted to the evolution of ethnic millitias are still neglected. Therefore, the study identifies corruption, favouritism and nepotism as the majorproblems of ethnic politics in Nigeria while applying thematic, and historical analytical method as a method of analysis

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23

Eze, Victor Chinedu. "Examining Selected Newspapers’ Framing of the Renewed Biafran Agitation in Nigeria (2016 – 2017)." Interações: Sociedade e as novas modernidades, no. 37 (December 30, 2019): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31211/interacoes.n37.2019.a1.

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The renewed Biafran agitation headed by Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) has been in the news since 2016. This is surprising when one considers that the Nigerian-Biafran war was fought over 50 years ago with no victor and no vanquished stance. This research examines how selected newspapers framed the Biafran agitation from January, 2016 to December, 2017 – a period which recorded a spike in the activities of Biafran agitators who called for a referendum to carve out the Republic of Biafra. Framing theory is employed as the theoretical frame work for this research. Four hundred and twenty-one (421) issues of selected newspapers were sampled through purposive and critical case sampling techniques. The data were analysed through qualitative and quantitate content analysis. Findings of this research showed that selected newspapers framed the agitation from politi- cal, economic, separatist, human rights, conflict and hate speech frames. Findings also show that media correspondents were the primary frame source for stories on the renewed Biafran agitation. The print media perceived the agitation mainly from human rights crisis where the agitators are deprived of the free- dom to protest and are dehumanised by the Nigerian security operatives; and questioned the government over human rights abuses.

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24

Chiluwa, Innocent. "A nation divided against itself: Biafra and the conflicting online protest discourses." Discourse & Communication 12, no. 4 (March 14, 2018): 357–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481318757778.

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This research analyses media and online discourses produced by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), a Nigerian separatist/secessionist group that seeks a referendum for the independence of the Igbo ethnic group of Nigeria. The research examines discourse structures, such as language use that clearly or implicitly produces propositions of conflict and war, tribalism and hate-speech. Discursive strategies such as labelling, exaggeration, metaphor and contradiction applied by the group to produce ideological discourses of outrage are also analysed. Moreover, conflicting discourses produced by the Igbo politicians and factions of IPOB and other Biafra campaign groups are analysed in terms of their political implications to the overall self-determination efforts of the Biafra nation. The study concludes that the pragmatic implications of discourses that reflect opposing views, as well as varied ideological perspectives by group members, suggest that Biafra is a nation divided against itself and are a people incapable of the separate nation that they seek.

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25

Delancey, Mark, and Joseph E. Thompson. "American Policy and African Famine: The Nigeria-Biafra War, 1966-1970." International Journal of African Historical Studies 24, no. 1 (1991): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220109.

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26

Watts, Michael, and Joseph E. Thompson. "American Policy and African Famine: The Nigeria-Biafra War, 1966-1970." African Economic History, no. 19 (1990): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601917.

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27

Heerten, Lasse, and A. Dirk Moses. "The Nigeria–Biafra war: postcolonial conflict and the question of genocide." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 169–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936700.

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Dodo-Williams, Toyin, and Enrico Milano. "Half of a Yellow Sun or the Quest for (and Repression of) New Boundaries in Post-Colonial Nigeria: An International Law Analysis." Pólemos 12, no. 2 (September 25, 2018): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2018-0016.

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Abstract Half of a Yellow Sun is a novel written by the Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. The title of the book takes its reference from the flag of the former, short-lived, Republic of Biafra, which consisted of a horizontal tricolour of red, black, and green, with a golden rising sun over a golden bar. The author unfolds to the reader the impact and the ugliness of the Biafran war of independence as it meanders through the lives of the interdependent main characters: Ugwu, Olanna, Kainene, Odenigbo and Richard. The events that climaxed into the civil war gradually tore apart the day-to-day routine serenity of the main characters, requiring continuous adjustment in the lives of each character to the reality of war. The harrowing experience of the war drastically changed their lives. The present contribution draws inspiration from thes novel to engage with the construction and definition of social, political and legal boundaries in post-colonial Nigeria, focussing in particular on the relevance and impact of international law norms and principles in the events that unfolded between 1967 and 1970.

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Bateman, Fiona. "Ireland and the Nigeria-Biafra War: Local Connections to a Distant Conflict." New Hibernia Review 16, no. 1 (2012): 48–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2012.0004.

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30

Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.

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In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.

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Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Freedom C. Onuoha, Bernard U. Nwosu, and Christian Ezeibe. "The political economy of Biafra separatism and post-war Igbo nationalism in Nigeria." African Affairs 119, no. 477 (October 1, 2020): 526–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa025.

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Abstract The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa.

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Omaka, Arua Oko. "Through the Imperial Lens: The Role of Portugal in the Nigeria-Biafra War." Journal of Global South Studies 36, no. 1 (2019): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gss.2019.0009.

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33

Godwin Onuoha. "Shared Histories, Divided Memories: Mediating and Navigating the Tensions in Nigeria–Biafra War Discourses." Africa Today 63, no. 1 (2016): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/africatoday.63.1.0003.

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Anthony, Douglas. "‘Ours is a war of survival’: Biafra, Nigeria and arguments about genocide, 1966–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 205–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936701.

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Okechukwu Agbo, Paulinus, Kingsley Ekene Okoye, Kingsley Uwaegbute, and Christian Onuorah Agbo. "From Nigeria/Biafra War to increasing Ethnic Conflict : The Imperative of Nehemiah's Administrative Strategy?" African Renaissance 18, no. 1 (March 15, 2021): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-5305/2021/18n1a5.

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Ugwueze, Michael I. "Biafra War Documentaries: Explaining Continual Resurgence of Secessionist Agitations in the South-East, Nigeria." Civil Wars 23, no. 2 (April 3, 2021): 207–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2021.1903781.

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Stevenson, Russell W. "The Celestial City: “Mormonism” and American Identity in Post-Independence Nigeria." African Studies Review 63, no. 2 (June 2020): 304–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2019.21.

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Abstract:This article uses the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in post-independence Nigeria to examine the transition from individuated agents of religious exchange to integration into global corporate religiosity. Early Latter-day Saint adherents saw Mormonism as a mechanism by which they could acquire access to monetary resources from a financially stable Western patronage, despite political animosity due to Mormonism's racist policies and sectional tumult during the Nigeria-Biafra war. Drawing on oral and archival records, this article highlights how Mormonism as an American-based faith was able to be "translated" to meet the exigencies of indigenous adherents.

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Anyaduba, Chigbo Arthur, and Benjamin Maiangwa. "Against memory-as-remedy to the traumatic aftermaths of Nigeria-Biafra war past: whither justice?" Social Dynamics 46, no. 2 (May 3, 2020): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02533952.2020.1818442.

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Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce. "Dealing with ‘genocide’: the ICRC and the UN during the Nigeria–Biafra war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936705.

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Korieh, Chima J. "The Nigeria-Biafra War, Oil and the Political Economy of State Induced Development Strategy in Eastern Nigeria, 1967–1995." Social Evolution & History 17, no. 1 (March 2018): 76–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.30884/seh/2018.01.05.

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Benjamin Anyim, Anyim, Marygrace Enekwachi O, Jacinta Onyinyechi Oko, Omole Mayowa Samuel, and Francisca Anyim-Ben. "The implications of Acemoglu and Robinson’s critical junctures and the weight of history on the Nigeria socio-political development." International Journal of Humanities and Innovation (IJHI) 2, no. 2 (June 9, 2019): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33750/ijhi.v2i2.40.

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The study focused on ‘the implications of Acemoglu and Robinson’s critical junctures and the weight of history on the Nigeria socio-political development: a philosophical analysis.’ The study explored the critical periods and moments of the country’s socio-political development by interpreting and interrogating events and establishing the necessary connections of such events as related to the political development of Nigeria. The study also analysed the various critical junctures in Nigeria like the independence, the first military coup, the Nigerian-Biafra civil war, annulment of June 12 1993 general election hence its implications to the critical juncture of Nigeria socio-political development in that the most significant challenge this country has faced in every crucial juncture is the kind of leaders that emerged. They continued and consolidated on the extractive institution created by the previous leaders and have not taken it as their moral responsibility to change the trajectory of the nation. The study concluded thus, building inclusive economic and political institutions at every critical juncture is an economic transformation answer for Nigeria’s socio-political development and human flourishing everywhere in the country and at all time. Finally, the study recommended that ‘inclusive institutions’ are akin and pivotal for the realization of prosperity and human thriving.

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Nwadialor, Kanayo. "Balm in Gilead: religious soothing from the furnace of the Nigeria-Biafra War and Igbo Pentecostal expressions." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 20, no. 1 (July 16, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v20i1.1.

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Omaka, Arua Oko. "Humanitarian Action: The Joint Church Aid and Health Care Intervention in the Nigeria-Biafra War, 1967–1970." Canadian Journal of History 49, no. 3 (December 2014): 423–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.49.3.423.

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Matthew Lecznar. "(Re)Fashioning Biafra: Identity, Authorship, and the Politics of Dress in Half of a Yellow Sun and Other Narratives of the Nigeria-Biafra War." Research in African Literatures 47, no. 4 (2016): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/reseafrilite.47.4.07.

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DALY, SAMUEL FURY CHILDS. "THE BIAFRAN WAR FIFTY YEARS LATER. Writing the Nigeria-Biafra War. Edited by Toyin Falola and Ogechukwu Ezekwem. Rochester, NY: James Currey, 2016. Pp. xx + 491. $90.00 (ISBN: 9781847011442)." Journal of African History 60, no. 01 (March 2019): 155–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853719000252.

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Chimdi Mbara, Georg, and Nirmala Gopal. "Peacebuilding Trajectories in Post-conflict African States : A Re-examination of the "3Rs" in Post Nigeria- Biafra War." African Journal of Peace and Conflict Studies 10, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3665/2021/v10n1a1.

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Onuegbu, Festus C., and Idara Aniefiok Hanson. "The role of U.S. and her multinational private companies in the Nigeria-Biafra war: beyond the threshold of neutrality." OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies 12, no. 1 (August 2, 2016): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/og.v12i1.13.

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Shedrack, Igboke C. "Agitations for Regime Change and Political Restructuring: Implications on National Integration and Development in Nigeria." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 21, no. 3 (May 19, 2021): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v21i3.1.

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The formation of organizations at global, regional and sub-regional levels among nation-states, especially after the World War II in 1945 was to nip n the bud situation that could escalate into war and promote global peace. It was also to promote political, economic and socio-cultural unity and welfare among member states. It was on this premise that the United Nations (UN), organizations of Africa Union (OAU) now AU, Arab League, European Union (EU), etc were formed to promote unity among nation states. The main thrust of this paper was to analyze the implications of agitation by various ethnic groups on national integration and development in Africa. The paper also x-rays the nexus between leadership failure and development in Nigeria. The study was anchore0d on the structural functionalism theory to address agitations and conflict among ethnic groups in Nigeria. This theory recognizes the need for restructuring the political system that will enable each component unit to function effectively for sustainable development. The study relied on much of the data scooped from secondary sources such as textbooks, internet materials, magazines, newspaper, journals etc. The study found out that agitations and conflict among ethnic groups was threat to national integration and development, citing the case of Indigenous people of Biafra popularly known as IPOB, Niger Delta militant, etc. The paper concluded that national integration was the bedrock to peace and national development in Nigeria. It was also recommended that government should desist from the actions and inactions that are threat to national integration and peace. The study recommended that Nigerian government should seriously focus on empowerment and investment in youth, through education, skill acquisition and also implementing policy that will eliminate all forms of agitations. The paper equally recommended adoption of regional government and true Federalism to address the problems of national development. Keywords: Agitations, regime change, political restructuring, integration, and development

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Tembo, Nick Mdika. "Ethnic Conflict and the Politics of Greed Rethinking Chimamanda Adichie's." Matatu 40, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-040001011.

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The African continent today is laced with some of the most intractable conflicts, most of them based on ethnic nationalism. More often than not, this has led to poor governance, unequal distribution of resources, state collapse, high attrition of human resources, economic decline, and inter-ethnic clashes. This essay seeks to examine Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie's through the lens of ethnic conflict. It begins by tracing the history and manifestations of ethnic stereotypes and ethnic cleavage in African imaginaries. The essay then argues that group loyalty in Nigeria led to the creation of 'biafranization' or 'fear of the Igbo factor' in the Hausa–Fulani and the various other ethnic groups that sympathized with them; a fear that crystallized into a thirty-month state-sponsored bulwark campaign aimed at finding a 'final solution' to a 'problem population'. Finally, the essay contends that Adichie's anatomizes the impact of ethnic cleavage on the civilian Igbo population during the Nigeria–Biafra civil war. Adichie, I argue, participates in an ongoing re-invention of how Africans can extinguish the psychology of fear that they are endangered species when they live side by side with people who do not belong to their 'tribe'.

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Gehrmann, Susanne. "FALOLA (Toyin), EZEKWEM (Ogechukwu), dir., Writing the Nigeria-Biafra War. Woodbridge : James Currey, 2016, xix-491 p., ill. –ISBN 978-1-847-01144-2." Études littéraires africaines, no. 44 (2017): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051563ar.

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