To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Nigeria Civil War, 1967-1970.
Journal articles on the topic 'Nigeria Civil War, 1967-1970'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Nigeria Civil War, 1967-1970.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Mazov, Sergey. "USSR Military Assistance to the Federal Government During the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2023): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640027032-3.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing on newly available documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) the author closely examines Soviet-Nigerian military and technical cooperation during the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). He focuses on the following issues: the extent of Soviet assistance to the war efforts by the Federal Military Government (FMG) of Nigeria, how Soviet weapons were used in combat operations, what effect military aid had on Soviet-Nigerian relations. On 30th May 1967, the southeastern provinces of Nigeria attempted to secede as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. This caused the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). The head of the FMG general Yakubu Gowon had to apply the USSR for military assistance. The USSR did not recognize the break-away region. The author argues that there were three Soviet-Nigerian arms deals in 1967–1969. The quantity of military hardware and small arms supplied to the FMG remains a guarded secret, and the author had to rely on the declassified CIA intelligence and other published sources. Soviet military personnel in Nigeria, mostly pilots and aviation specialists, strictly adhered to the rule: do not commit acts that might have involved the Soviet Union in the Nigerian conflict. During the war, Soviet-Nigerian relations rose from virtually zero to a fairly high level. However, military assistance did not turn Nigeria into a Soviet ally. Nigerian foreign policy did not change fundamentally, it was still dominated by the Western vector.
2
Astuti, Anjar Dwi. "A PORTRAYAL OF NIGERIAN AFTER CIVIL WAR IN CHINUA ACHEBE’S CIVIL PEACE (1971)." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v3i2.875.
Full textAbstract:
African literature has strong relation with colonialism, not only because they had ever been colonized but also because of civil war. Civil Peace (1971), a short story written by Chinua Achebe, tells about how Nigerian survive and have to struggle to live after Nigerian Civil War. It is about the effects of the war on the people, and the “civil peace” that followed. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Nigerian-Biafran War, 6 July 1967–15 January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted annexation of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Knowing the relation between the story and the Nigerian Civil War, it is assured that there is a history depicted in Civil Peace. In this article, the writer portrays the history and the phenomenon of colonization in Nigeria by using new historical and postcolonial criticism approaches.Keywords: history, colonization, civil war
3
Osadola, Oluwaseun Samuel, and Serifat Bolanle Asiyanbi. "The Nigeria War of Unity 1967-1970: Strategies and Diplomacy." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 2, no. 3 (September 10, 2022): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v2i3.740.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the aim and strategies of the Nigerian Civil War 1967-1970 and, emphasizes the diplomatic positions and war strategies adopted by the two sides (Federal Government and Biafra secessionist) involved. It agrees that series of researches have been carried out as regards the Nigerian Civil War but only a few viewed it on the ground of diplomatic maneuvering and strategy. The various literatures laid more emphasis on the causes, dimensions and effects of the war without a thorough analogy on the use of tact and strategy in the context of the war. The study also examines the use of propaganda, military tact, media, peace talks and summits in the context of the Nigerian civil war. This study is divided into two parts; the use of strategies by the Nigerian government and the Biafra people, as well as the peace talks and summits that took place during the war. Both primary and secondary sources of data are employed in this research.
4
Okpevra, Uwomano. "Historicising Foreign Powers’ Intervention in the Nigeria–Biafra War (1967-1970)." IAFOR Journal of Arts & Humanities 10, no. 1 (August 16, 2023): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ijah.10.1.05.
Full textAbstract:
The fratricidal war between Nigeria and Biafra ended some over five decades ago. But the lessons learned are not yet forgotten. This article attempts to historicise the role of foreign powers in the Nigeria–Biafra war of 1967-1970. Most scholars erroneously refer to the war as the Nigerian civil war, but historically it was a war fought by two “independent” countries – The Republic of Nigeria and Republic of Biafra, for There was a Country, as Achebe puts it (2012). Over the years the raison d’etre of foreign powers’ intervention in the war has not been properly contextualized. This work, then, sets out to historicise and deconstruct the determinant factors and the role played by foreign intervention in the war. The article employs both primary and secondary data to achieve its objective and reveal the national interests and foreign policy objectives – as expressed in economic, strategic and political objectives – that were factors in the foreign powers’ intervention. The fallout from the 1963 and 1964 general elections is a relevant initial cause of the Nigeria-Biafra war. The article intends to analyse and interpret the political thought processes that generated foreign intervention, and suggests that, should there be another implosion that leads to a repeat of 1967-1970, the foreign powers that politicians usually rely on for aid and assistance can be expected to respond in line with certain patterns of economic, strategic or political interest, to the detriment, needless to say, of the Nigerian people.
5
Lodge, Tom. "Conflict resolution in Nigeria after the 1967–1970 civil war." African Studies 77, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2018.1432125.
Full text
6
Chukwumah, Ignatius, and Cassandra Ifeoma Nebeife. "Persecution in Igbo-Nigerian Civil-War Narratives." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902001.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Sociopolitical phenomena such as corruption, political instability, (domestic) violence, cultural fragmentation, and the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) have been central themes of Nigerian narratives. Important as these are, they tend to touch on the periphery of the major issue at stake, which is the vector of persecution underlying the Nigerian tradition in general and in modern Igbo Nigerian narratives in particular, novels and short stories written in English which capture, wholly or in part, the Igbo cosmology and experience in their discursive formations. The present study of such modern Igbo Nigerian narratives as Okpewho’s The Last Duty (1976), Iyayi’s Heroes (1986), Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun (2007), and other novels and short stories applies René Girard’s theory of the pharmakos (Greek for scapegoat) to this background of persecution, particularly as it subtends the condition of the Igbo in postcolonial Nigeria in the early years of independence.
7
Ediagbonya Michael. "A Critical Assessment of Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and Nigeria Relations during the Period of Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 2, no. 4 (November 5, 2022): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v2i4.792.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines Nigeria and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Relations during the Nigerian Civil War. It discusses the role of USA, Britain and France in the Nigerian Civil war. It analyzes the timely intervention of USSR which supplied military weapons and technical personnel to Nigeria when Britain and USA declined. The researcher obtains data from primary and secondary sources. Oral interviews serve as primary sources. Books, journals, articles, newspapers, projects, theses dissertations were used as secondary sources. It was found that the relationship between Nigeria- USSR in the Pre-civil war period was Lukewarm, non-chalant and sad. It was found that France openly supported the Republic of Biafra while Britain and USA refused Nigeria’s request for weapons to execute the war. It was demonstrated that Nigeria needed weapons to stop the Biafran forces from succeeding and initially relied on Britain and USA to supply the weapons but they were not willing to provide the military assistance. Hence, the federal Government directed their attention to USSR for assistance which the Soviets gradually accepted. In conclusion, it was found that the continuous corporate existence of Nigeria as a sovereign state owns much to the timely assistance provided by USSR during the Nigeria’s trying period.
8
IDRIS, RIDWAN TOSHO. "VILLAIN AND HERO OF THE WARS: BRIGADIER-GENERAL BENJAMIN ADEKUNLE AND THE NIGERIA CIVIL WAR, 1967-1970." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/2202.70.0160.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines the role that Brigadier General Benjamin Adekunle, otherwise referred to as the Black Scorpion or Benjy played during the Nigerian Civil War. Brigadier-General Adekunle served as the Commander of Garrison, the 3rd Marine Commando Division of the Nigeria Army. The study is set to achieve two main objectives. The first is to put into historical perspective, Benjamin Adekunle’s birth, childhood, and military career; the second is to analyze the two sides of Benjy during the civil war, and third, his portrayal as both a hero and villain during the civil war. The study relied on secondary sources of data from textbooks, peer-reviewed journals, internet documents, newspapers and individual commentaries on Benjamin Adekunle. The study reveals that Adekunle was described as a villain because he explored some unconventional and brutal war strategies against Biafrans, who were hitherto Nigerians and so by extension, his fellow countrymen. As a hero,he had an unrepentant strategy to rescue Nigeria from disintegration. The study recommends that while winning is the ultimate goal of any war, officers must be humane and reduce collateral damage in the course of duty.
9
Mazov, Sergey V. "“We Are from Biafra”. Igbo Students in the USSR during the Civil War in Nigeria, 1967-1970." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 822–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-822-834.
Full textAbstract:
Drawing on the Russian archival documents the article examines the Soviet policy towards Igbo students who studied in the USSR during the civil war in Nigeria (1967-1970). They sided the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, Eastern Nigeria, seceded from Nigeria in May 1967. The USSR supported the territorial integrity of Nigeria, provided military and other assistance for the Federal Government in its confrontation with Biafra. However, the Soviet authorities took neutrality in the conflict between Nigerian Embassy in Moscow and Igbo students. They did not expel students at the requests of the Embassy as accomplices of the separatists investigating each case carefully, did not hinder the activity of the Biafrian fellowship. Since the dissemination of Biafrian propagandists production was banned in the USSR, they tried to reach the Soviet audience through appeals from Igbo students who studied in the USSR. The appeals did not include the main issues of Biafrian propaganda to the West: accusations of the Federal Government of the Igbo genocide by Nazi methods and the portrayal of the civil war as a religious conflict - a jihad of the Muslim North against the Igbo as the largest and most organized Christian community in Nigeria. The dominant thesis was about the nature of the civil war as a struggle of the socialist East, Biafra, against the feudal-capitalist North, the central government. The students appealed the Soviet officials to recognize publicly the legitimacy of the Biafrians aspirations for self-determination, to stop supplying arms to the Federal Government and to mediate in a peaceful settlement. There were no responses to the appeals, and they were not made public. Based on archival documents, the author established that the Soviet leadership reasonably feared that Biafra would become the fiefdom of the main geopolitical rivals - the United States and Great Britain. To prevent this USSR entered into an alliance with the federals. The calculation was to enhance the Soviet influence throughout Nigeria, albeit with a reactionary government, rather than support the progressive breakaway Eastern Nigeria (Biafra) and receive nothing.
10
Holubishko, I., and A. Lavrova. "NIGERIAN ENGLISH POETRY ON THE 1967–1970 CIVIL WAR." International Humanitarian University Herald. Philology, no. 54 (2022): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/2409-1154.2022.54.33.
Full text
11
Cletus O. Obasi, Rebecca Ginikanwa Nnamani, and Jaclyn Odinka. "The role of Igbo women in peace building during the Nigerian civil war: 1967 – 1970." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Updates 5, no. 2 (May 30, 2023): 017–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53430/ijmru.2023.5.2.0054.
Full textAbstract:
The salient roles of Igbo women during the Nigeria Civil War were a catalyst in the survival of many dying and suffering children, and the broken and frustrated Biafra soldiers. The roles too were important in the internal security of Igboland in the absence of the men who were on the war front to defend the fatherland. The devastation caused by the war affected the culture and traditional institutions of the Igbo, which in effect, posed a double challenge to the women. Igbo women were not only victims of the war, they were challenged too with roles of acting as heads of their various families and bridge builders in communal and inter-communal relations. The women amid uncertainties embarked individually and communally on peace-building processes. A spectrum of interventions embarked by the women to bring the end to the war spread across the area of health, business, international relations and food security through their salient actions, which enhanced and promoted human security and created positive peace in the land. This paper examines these roles played by Igbo women during the war and how their efforts helped bring about peace and hope during, and after the war period. Looking back and the devastation of that time, the Igbo women today would abhor any wars in Nigeria. We employ the conflict transformation theory in this narrative and conclude that Igbo women are creative peace-builders.
12
Mazov, Sergei V. "The Peacekeeping Role of the Organization of African Unity During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-372-392.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines the peacekeeping activities of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in resolving the Nigerian crisis. On May 30, 1967 the eastern part of Nigeria, the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, tried to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war that lasted from July 6, 1967 to January 15, 1970. Biafra’s army was defeated and capitulated. The reference to the history of the OAU peacekeeping experience is relevant, because it can be applied to the settlement of contemporary crises and conflicts in Africa. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliance on sources. The aim of the article is to clarify the nature and methods of the OAU’s peacekeeping activities, to identify internal and external factors that hindered the achievement of peace, and to assess the effectiveness of the organization’s peacekeeping efforts. The article uses for the first time information and analytical memos of Soviet diplomats found in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) on the OAU’s activities to stop the civil war in Nigeria. The author concludes that the Nigerian crisis was a unique international conflict for the Cold War period. The motives of the external actors were primarily determined by geopolitical aspirations and national interests, rather than bloc solidarity. The author identifies factors that negatively affected the OAU’s potential as a peacemaker: a split among African countries (four of which recognized Biafra’s independence) and competition from Great Britain, which vigorously promoted its own peacekeeping agenda. The OAU’s decisions were not binding on member states; it had no effective mechanism for implementing them, and it had no armed forces of its own that could be used to disengage the warring parties. The OAU succeeded in diplomatically securing overwhelming African support for Nigeria’s territorial integrity, though its mediation efforts failed to achieve peace. The Biafra leadership was not going to capitulate while there was still room for resistance and the federal government was not inclined to question the country’s territorial integrity. The results of the OAU’s peacekeeping can be assessed as positive: it prevented the legitimization of separatist Biafra, which could have had a domino effect with disastrous consequences for the entire African continent.
13
Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "“Hell was let loose on the country”: The Social History of Military Technology in the Republic of Biafra." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (July 2, 2018): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.41.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:The problem of armed crime in late twentieth-century Nigeria was closely connected to the events of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra reveal how violent crime emerged as part of the military confrontation between Biafra and Nigeria. The wide availability of firearms, the Biafran state’s diminishing ability to enforce the law, and the gradual collapse of Biafra’s economy under the pressure of a Nigerian blockade made Biafran soldiers and civilians reliant on their weapons to obtain food and fuel, make claims to property, and settle disputes with one another. Criminal legal records illustrate how military technologies shape interactions and relationships in the places where they are deployed, and how those dynamics can endure after the war comes to an end. This speaks to larger theoretical questions about the symbolic and functional meanings of guns during and after wartime.
14
Griffin, Christopher. "French military policy in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970." Small Wars & Insurgencies 26, no. 1 (December 12, 2014): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2014.959766.
Full text
15
Posibi, A. Preye. "Aftermath of the Nigerian civil war (1967-1970): The struggle for peaceful coexistence between parties in post-war Nigeria." Asia and Africa Today, no. 6 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015266-4.
Full text
16
Makosso, Alphonse Dorien. "Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie as a Hierophant of the Biafran Civil War: A New Historicist Approach to Half of A Yellow Sun." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 4 (April 10, 2022): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2022.v10i04.002.
Full textAbstract:
Almost half a century after it breaking out, the Biafra Civil war (1967-1970) has been and remains the focus of an abundant literary fresco collected under the caption of ‘Biafra literature’. It seems to beat the record of topicality of the Nigerian writers of the second and third generation who, as historians or hierophants of their Nation-building cause, keep alive and evoke in their works powerful memories of the Nigerian past which still haunt the lives of their contemporaries. The gist of this paper is to analyze the contextualization of Biafra by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, one of the Nigerian feminist leading figures, in her second published novel, Half of A Yellow Sun. Drawing from the New Historicism which helps not only to describe the past, but rather to bring back to memory a retrospective and coherent succession of selected facts to investigate the past, this study shows that in African literature, a political commitment grows out of a historical experience as the basis for the creation of a work of art. The exploration of the novel under consideration buttresses well this thought for Adichie re-visits socio-political and economic situation in Nigeria before that civil war, and onwards. The analysis of these historical features and the authoress’ rhetoric as well, clearly reveals Adichie’s political and ideological commitment to denounce the dramatic impact of the civil war on individuals in her homeland. Half of A Yellow Sun is really a chronicle of a Civil war the drawbacks of which continue to shape life in Nigeria.
17
Essien, Essien Oku, Adegboyega Daniel Eniola, Eyesiere Aniefon Essien, and Babatunde AbdulRaheem Lawal. "An Inductive Evaluation of the Power of Radio Information: A Retrospective Study of the 1967-1970 Nigerian Civil War." East African Journal of Information Technology 6, no. 1 (September 18, 2023): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajit.6.1.1438.
Full textAbstract:
This study evaluated the efficacy of the messages that were aired over the radio during the 1967-1970 Nigerian civil war. It further aimed to investigate whether modern radio broadcasts have the potential to be used in the same manner and to the same degree of success as their historical analogues in the service of the cause of sustainable development. Hence, the study employed the inoculation theory and Hugh Rank’s model of persuasion in its theoretical framework. The research was conducted using an inductive methodology, and the interview inventory served as the primary research instrument. The sampling method used is convenient sampling, and the collated information was examined based on central themes and then discussed. The results of the research provide novel information on the function of radio in the broadcast of safety information during the civil war, as well as its use for the mobilisation of military forces at that time. The fact that there is so little academic material about media communication and radio engagement during the civil war in Nigeria presented the current research with a challenge that was empirical in nature. This shortage also played a key part in amplifying the essence of the study, which is aimed at bridging the existing vacuum within the academic discourse. According to the study, listening to radio broadcasts during the Civil War saved the lives of most people. It became clear from the study that radio broadcasts throughout the Civil War provided a deliberate, well-thought-out, and very compelling framework for the distressed population that was designed to defuse rather than escalate tensions. The study further found that the radio is a helpful companion because it can reach many people regardless of where they live; this suggests that the radio could be used to disseminate strategic information that would inspire people to comply with sustainable development goals
18
Awuzie, Solomon. "Grief, resurrection, and the Nigerian Civil War in Isidore Diala’s The Lure of Ash." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 58, no. 2 (June 21, 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tl.v58i2.6793.
Full textAbstract:
As part of the third generation of Nigerian poetry, Isidore Diala’s The Lure of Ash focuses on the Nigerian Civil War experience of 1967–1970, the grief associated with it, and the resurrection of the Biafran agitation. Being a collection that is derived from the rural world of the Igbo cosmology, Diala’s The Lure of Ash portrays the Nigerian Civil War in a sensuous and emotive tone. It accounts for the poet’s belief in the regeneration of the lives of the dead Biafran soldiers. The symbols of fire and ash are significant for interpreting the poet-speaker’s grief in the collection. The collection also succeeds in painting a picture of the Nigerian Civil War experience where the bitter memory of the war resonates, while representing poetry as the healer of the pain and wounds of the war.
19
Osakwe, Chukwuma C. C., and Lawrence Okechukwu Udeagbala. "Naval Military Operations in Bonny during the Nigerian Civil War 1967-1970." Advances in Historical Studies 04, no. 03 (2015): 232–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ahs.2015.43018.
Full text
20
Dodo-Williams, Toyin, and Enrico Milano. "Half of a Yellow Sun or the Quest for (and Repression of) New Boundaries in Post-Colonial Nigeria: An International Law Analysis." Pólemos 12, no. 2 (September 25, 2018): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2018-0016.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Half of a Yellow Sun is a novel written by the Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. The title of the book takes its reference from the flag of the former, short-lived, Republic of Biafra, which consisted of a horizontal tricolour of red, black, and green, with a golden rising sun over a golden bar. The author unfolds to the reader the impact and the ugliness of the Biafran war of independence as it meanders through the lives of the interdependent main characters: Ugwu, Olanna, Kainene, Odenigbo and Richard. The events that climaxed into the civil war gradually tore apart the day-to-day routine serenity of the main characters, requiring continuous adjustment in the lives of each character to the reality of war. The harrowing experience of the war drastically changed their lives. The present contribution draws inspiration from thes novel to engage with the construction and definition of social, political and legal boundaries in post-colonial Nigeria, focussing in particular on the relevance and impact of international law norms and principles in the events that unfolded between 1967 and 1970.
21
Shchepacheva, I. "The problem of identification in Ch. N. Adichie’s “Half of a Yellow Sun”." Philology and Culture, no. 2 (June 25, 2024): 248–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2782-4756-2024-76-2-248-253.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the novel “Half of a Yellow Sun” (2006) by the African-American writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. The writer shows different components of the identification process in the modern multicultural world. The main historical event of the novel is the Civil War of 1967-1970, which took place due to political and ethnic struggle. It was caused by numerous attempts by the southeastern provinces of Nigeria to secede and form the Republic of Biafra. The novel shows how the interethnic conflict between the Hausa and Igbo peoples, and later the war, influence not only the fate of the characters, but also the peculiarities of their identification process. This process is represented by three components: ethnic, national and gender. Kainene and Odenigbo, whose ethnicity is formed and recognized with the emergence of a new republic, feel, first, not as Nigerians, but as Igbos. Therefore, they take an active part in the Civil War. British interest in the war is shown through the characters of Susan and Richard who demonstrate typical colonial attitudes towards Africans. However, Richard’s interest in African culture contributes to the process of realizing the ethnic identity of Ugwu who chooses a member of the African community for his role model. Olanna, representing a new generation of Nigerian women, destroys the traditional forms of gender relations in Nigerian reality.
22
Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra civil war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936704.
Full text
23
Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "A Nation on Paper: Making a State in the Republic of Biafra." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 868–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000316.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhat role did law play in articulating sovereignty and citizenship in postcolonial Africa? Using legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra, this article analyzes the relationship between law and national identity in an extreme context—that of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Ideas about order, discipline, and legal process were at the heart of Biafra's sense of itself as a nation, and they served as the rhetorical justification for its secession from Nigeria. But they were not only rhetoric. In the turmoil of the ensuing civil war, Biafra's courts became the center of its national culture, and law became its most important administrative implement. In court, Biafrans argued over what behaviors were permissible in wartime, and judges used law to draw the boundaries of the new country's national identity. That law played this role in Biafra shows something broader about African politics: law, bureaucracy, and paperwork meant more to state-making than declensionist views of postcolonial Africa usually allow. Biafra failed as a political project, but it has important implications for the study of law in postcolonial Africa, and for the nation-state form in general.
24
DIOP, Samba. "Nollywood: Indigenous Culture, Interculturality, and the Transplantation of American Popular Culture onto Postcolonial Nigerian Film and Screen." Communication, Society and Media 3, no. 1 (December 12, 2019): p12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/csm.v3n1p12.
Full textAbstract:
Nigeria, the Giant of Africa, has three big tribes: Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa. It was a British colony which was amalgamated in 1914. The country became independent in 1962 and was right away bedeviled by military coups d’états and a bloody civil war (1967-1970). In 1999, the country experienced democratic dispensation. In the 1990s, the Nollywood nascent movie industry—following in the footpath of Hollywood and Bollywood—flourished. The movie industry grew thanks to four factors: Rapid urbanization; the hand-held video camera; the advent of satellite TV; and, the overseas migrations of Nigerians. Local languages are used in these films; however, English is the most prominent, along with Nigerian pidgin broken English. Many themes are treated in these films: tradition and customs, religion, witchcraft and sorcery, satire, urban and rural lives, wealth acquisition, consumerism, etc. I discuss the ways in which American popular culture is adopted in Nigeria and recreated on screen. Nigeria and USA share Federalism, the superlative mode, and gigantism (houses, cars, people, etc.), and many Nigerians attend American universities. In the final analysis, the arguments exposed in this paper highlight the multitude of ways in which Nigerians navigate the treacherous waters of modernity and globalization.
25
Bird, S. Elizabeth, and Fraser Ottanelli. "The History and Legacy of the Asaba, Nigeria, Massacres." African Studies Review 54, no. 3 (December 2011): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0048.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:In early October 1967, four months into the Nigerian Civil War, federal troops massacred hundreds in Asaba, a town in southeast Nigeria on the west bank of the Niger. While ethnically Igbo, Asaba was not part of Igbo-dominated Biafra. Through the reconstruction of this event, the article fills a significant gap in the historical record and contributes to the discussion on the impact of traumatic memory at the local and national levels. It also suggests that the Asaba massacres speak to larger issues of potential reconciliation that extend beyond Asaba and Nigeria.
26
Posibi, Alore Preye, and Anna Canale. "Historical Analysis of the Position of African Countries in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 12, no. 2 (2020): 302–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2020.210.
Full text
27
Garba, Abdullahi, Shettima Bukar Kullima, and Garba Ibrahim. "Activities of Borno Traditional Political and Religious Leaders in the Nigerian Civil War, 1967–1970." War & Society 41, no. 2 (March 7, 2022): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07292473.2022.2046351.
Full text
28
Farquharson, James. "Black America Cares: The response of African Americans to the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970." Journal and proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales 153, no. 2 (December 2020): 210–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5962/p.361930.
Full text
29
Omotosho, Segun, and Oluseun Fatai Lawal. "A Thematic Treatment of Violence in Jeremiah Essien’s In the Shadow of Death and Adewale Ademoyega’s Why We Struck." Pedagogi: Jurnal Ilmu Pendidikan 24, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/pedagogi.v24i1.1870.
Full textAbstract:
The geographical entity called Nigeria was borne out of the amalgamation of the Northern, Southern Protectorates and the Lagos colony by Frederick Lord Lugard in 1914. Three major groups – Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba were given prominence over other tribes tagged as minorities. The dissenting views of the populace and extreme flamboyance of the First Republic political class and riot in the then Western Region led to the first military coup d’état in Nigeria on January 15, 1966, a counter coup on July 29, 1966, of all which culminated into a full-blown Civil War which was waged for 30 months between July 1967 and January 1970. Against this background, this paper attempts to put forward the thematic preoccupations of torture, imprisonment and murder in Essien’s In the Shadow of Death and Ademoyega’s Why We Struck. These themes form the kernel of punishment which was meted out to the coup conspirators of January 15, 1966 and undue sufferings of some minority groups in the Biafran enclave. Both books are memoirs written in the first person narrative technique as the writers lived as participants prior to, during and after the Biafran War.
30
Joshua, Segun, Daniel Gberevbie, and Kester Onor. "Building Security through Insecurity: The Nigerian Military and Counter-Violence Campaigns in the Fourth Republic." Armed Forces & Society 47, no. 1 (July 21, 2020): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x20934005.
Full textAbstract:
Since independence on October 1, 1960, Nigeria has been a victim, at one time or the other, of intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic, religious, and communal conflicts which have undermined the human security of her citizens. Nigeria’s corporate existence had also been threatened by 3 years (1967–1970) civil war which impacted negatively on the well-being of its people. In addition, the inability of the Nigerian Police to cope with the magnitude of the surge of violence in recent years has brought about the idea of involving the military, a core component of traditional security apparatus to deal with internal insecurity. This article is anchored on human security paradigm with reliance on secondary data to analyze the operations of the Nigerian Military in counterviolence campaigns between 1999 and 2017. This article points out that the involvement of the military in internal security has worsened the problem of insecurity due to the military’s unprofessional approach and, at times, deliberate targeting the civilian populace which it is supposed to protect. It, therefore, recommends among others, the need for the Federal Government of Nigeria to urgently review the role of the armed forces in addressing internal security situations in a way that will bring about respect for the rule of engagement in internal security operations and adherence to global best practices.
31
Raji, A. F., and T. S. Abejide. "Oil and Biafra : An Assessment of Shell-Bp’s Dilemma during the Nigerian Civil War , 1967 - 1970." Kuwait Chapter of Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review 2, no. 11 (July 2013): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0001256.
Full text
32
Haruna, Abdullahi. "THE WRITER AS THE CONSCIENCE OF HIS SOCIETY: A STUDY OF FESTUS IYAYI’S HEROES." International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 331–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.8108.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses the role of the creative writer as the conscience of his society using Festus Iyayi as an exam-ple. The study focuses on the themes and narrative technique of Iyayi's Heroes to present the author as a literary artist who exposes the corruption and other forms of social evil perpetrated against the common man and the soci-ety generally. Studies show that Iyayi’s Heroes is one of the literary works written on the Nigerian civil war fought between 1967 and 1970. Iyayi’s novel, however, is said to be different from other literary works on the war on account of its neutral perspective on the crisis. This is what informs the choice of the novel for this study. In the novel, Iyayi projects himself as the conscience of society highlighting the deceit, corruption, class-consciousness, insensitivity and avarice to which the common man and the society are subjected by the ruling class using the façade of fighting a civil war. The outcome of this study establishes Iyayi as a conscientious patriot who uses the genre of the novel to highlight the wrongs of Nigerian society with a prescription for social reform.
33
Adeyeri, James Olusegun. "Ethnic Propaganda, Hate Speech, and Mass Violence in Igbo-Hausa/Fulani Relations in Postcolonial Nigeria." Thinker 89, no. 4 (November 6, 2021): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/thethinker.v89i4.692.
Full textAbstract:
Opinions are divided on the conduct and nature of the 1967–70 Nigerian civil war, occasioned partly by the Igbo secession and declaration of the Republic of Biafra. Some believe that the Nigerian government adopted a genocidal war strategy characterised by mass violence against civilians, aggressive blockade of the eastern region, artificial famine, and hateful/threatening utterances by many military commanders, accompanied by about one million civilian casualties. On the other hand, some are of the view that the actions of some Nigerian military officers and men were not in consonant with the position of the Nigerian government during the war, but were influenced by their animosity towards the Igbo. In post-civil war Nigeria, Igbo-Hausa/Fulani relations and political discourses are increasingly tense and indicative of a fearful resurgence of mass violence due to prevalent lies, propaganda, and misrepresentations –verbally, on paper, and online/on social media – particularly among the youths on both sides. This paper argues that the historical crisis-ridden relations between the Igbo and the Hausa/Fulani, the attendant 1966 mass killings of Igbos in the north, the nature of the war strategies of the federal government during the civil war, and the currently mounting tension are all direct results of contending ethnic propaganda including hate speech, lies, and name-calling in a bid to gain political and strategic advantages over other ethnic groups. Thus, this paper is a historical inquiry into the role of propaganda and hate speech in socio-political interactions, discourses, and incitements of mass violence among the heterogeneous Nigerian population, particularly the Igbo and the Hausa/Fulani. The paper proposes legislative, constitutional, and active citizenship advocacies to address the menace. The article utilises primary and secondary sources to analyse and interpret the subject-matter of the paper.
34
DALY, SAMUEL FURY CHILDS. "THE SURVIVAL CON: FRAUD AND FORGERY IN THE REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA, 1967–70." Journal of African History 58, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000347.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractOver the course of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–70), many people in the secessionist Republic of Biafra resorted to forgery, confidence scams, and other forms of fraud to survive the dire conditions created by Nigeria's blockade. Forgery of passes and other documents, fraudulent commercial transactions, and elaborate schemes involving impersonation and racketeering became common in Biafra, intensifying as the Biafran government's ability to enforce the law diminished. Using long-neglected legal records from Biafra's courts and tribunals, this study traces the process by which deception emerged as a practice of survival in wartime Biafra – a process with important implications for the growth of fraud (known as ‘419’ after the relevant section of the Nigerian criminal code) in reintegrated postwar Nigeria.
35
David, Stephen. "Lack of Return in Nigeria-Biafra Civil War Literature." Matatu 50, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001007.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhen the Nigeria-Biafra civil war ended in July 1970, the Commander in Chief of the Federal Army, General Yakubu Gowon, declared that there was “no victor no vanquished” and, consequently, drew an iron curtain on a painful historical moment. This closure foreclosed further engagements with the events of the war in a manner that imposed a “code of silence” on its historiography. However, in the face of this silence and the silencing of public remembrances, private remembrances have continued to bloom. And in recent times, these remembrance(s) have fertilized a virulent demand for secession. I argue that literary accounts of the conflict question its ‘closure’ through what I call ‘lack of return.’ Relying on Van der Merwe and Gobodo-Madikizela’s conception of narratives as spaces of healing, I engage in a close reading of one fictional account—Saro-Wiwa’s Sozaboy—and two memoirs—Achebe’s There Was a Country and Chukwurah’s The Last Train to Biafra—to examine how narratives of Biafra call attention to the persistent freshness of the wounds and trauma of the war by creating stories that lack denouement. I find that in these texts, the silencing of ordnance doesn’t herald a return home—whether spatially or mentally. Consequently, these stories could be read as palimpsests that reveal a need for spaces of narrative engagements, abreaction, and healing.
36
Ali, Hannatu, and Sadiq Inuwa. "Post- Civil War Developments in Nigeria: Issues, Challenges and the Establishment of NATSINTA Army Barracks, Katsina, 1970-2020." NIU Journal of Humanities 9, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 137–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujhu.v9i1.1835.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines the post-Nigerian Civil War developments that led to the establishment of Natsinta Army Barracks, Katsina. Prior to 1966, the total strength of the Nigerian Army was merely 10,000. However, at the end of the war, the figure had risen to 250,000. This posed a serious challenge because the available barracks could not contain more than 10% of the personnel. In view of this, the Nigerian Army instructed the soldiers to leave the East because the region was saturated with artificial barracks. On the May 1, 1970 the 82-battalion arrived Katsina from Uli-Ahiala. They were accommodated at Sabongida, Gidan Kwakwa, Kayalwa, GRA and some hotels, as well as rented apartments in the city. By 1977, the project for a permanent barracks was completed at Natsinta Village. The barracks housed the 82 battalion and in 1996 the 35 battalion replaced them. The scope of the paper is 1970-2020 because it was in 1970 that 82 battalion arrived Katsina. The year 2020 is the terminal end of the paper because it was in that year that residential quarters for the personnel of 17 brigade was constructed in the barracks. The paper argues that the establishment of the barrack was a landmark in the history of modern Katsina metropolis. Natsinta had impacts on the socio-economic and security aspect of Katsina. Primary and secondary sources of historical research were used in writing this paper. Keywords: Natsinta, Sabongida, Katsina, Army Barracks, Battalion, Civil war.
37
Onwuliri, Edmund Chukwuma. "The Biafra Story in Film: An Appraisal of Biyi Bandele’s <i>Half of a Yellow Sun</i>." International Journal of Current Research in the Humanities 27, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 370–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijcrh.v27i1.23.
Full textAbstract:
Diverse scholarly and artistic expressions in book form and documentary films have been employed to document the story of the Nigerian Civil War by persons who were actively or peripherally involved in the events surrounding it. Attempts at telling the story have been coloured by different factors like military, political, ethno religious and egocentric considerations. This study examined the war's account through Biyi Bandele’s Half of a Yellow Sun, a filmic adaptation of Chimamanda Adichie’s novel with the same title. Using qualitative content analysis method and grounded on the Trauma and Cinema Theory, the study examined the film’s representation of historical facts and how such perspectives may have been received. The film's reception by the Nigerian cinema audience and government through the cinema regulatory authority were examined. The study concluded that the suppression of critical historical facts in the film through censorship represents the unwillingness of the government to allow for citizen conversation, which the film could provoke and which may lead to proper closure and possibly lay to rest, the ghost of the fratricidal war that almost ripped the country apart between July 1967 and January 1970.
38
Smith, Daniel Jordan. "Legacies of Biafra: Marriage, ‘Home People’ and Reproduction Among the Igbo of Nigeria." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.30.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article examines the ways in which the legacies and collective memories of Biafra, the secessionist state established at the time of Nigeria's civil war from 1967 to1970, shape contemporary Igbo practices and experiences of marriage, rural–urban ties and reproduction. The importance of appropriate and permanent marriage and the perceived necessity of dependable affinal relations for contemporary Igbos are analysed in relation to recollections of marriage during the war. The intense identification of migrant Igbos with place of origin and the importance of ‘home’ and ‘home people’ are situated in the context of the legacy of Biafra. The importance of kinship relationships for access to patron–client networks is linked to the Igbo perception of marginalization in the wake of Biafra. Igbo ideas about the significance of reproduction and the vital importance of ‘having people’ are reinforced through collective memories of Biafra. Igbo people's conceptions of Nigerian politics, their understandings of the social and economic importance of kinship and community in contemporary Nigeria, and even their reproductive decisions can be better explained by taking into account the legacies of Biafra.
39
Ekefre, Edidiong. "Hosting Biafran Child Refugees: the Inter-African Refugee and International Humanitarian Network System During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967 and Beyond." Journal of Migration History 9, no. 3 (October 24, 2023): 269–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-09030002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Nigerian civil war (1967–1970) was one of the post-independence conflicts in Africa that called for the separation of children from their mothers for treatment and rehabilitation outside their home country. Using archival data, the article investigates the workability of the inter-African Refugee Network System and international humanitarian organisations in the evacuation of Biafran children for recuperation and rehabilitation. The article argues that it was through a collaborative network involving the Catholic Church, the World Council of Churches and the International Committee of the Red Cross, that thousands of Biafran children were transported to other African countries such as Gabon, the Ivory Coast and the Island of Sao Tomé for treatment. It concludes that such a collaboration goes a long way to prove that Africans do not just feed the Global North with refugees but can host their own refugees, though not without the help of international humanitarian organisations.
40
Osimen, Goddy Uwa, Festus Ayodeji Akintoye, and Isaac Adi. "Repositioning Nigeria Towards Sustainable National Integration Through National Orientation Agency." African Journal of Stability and Development (AJSD) 14, no. 1 (October 31, 2022): 206–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53982/ajsd.2022.1401_2.09-j.
Full textAbstract:
Threats of disunity keep ravaging Nigeria’s independence since 1960. The need for disintegration from the nation grows over time especially from the south-eastern and southsouthern regions of the country, and this eventually resulted in Nigeria’s civil war of 1967-1970. Hostilities promoted by ethnic tensions are also higher than ever before. Insurgency which started in the north-eastern region since 2009 has continued to claim several lives and properties till date. Herdsmen and farmers conflicts have also continue to escalate in the north-central region of the country. While, cattle rustling and armed banditry keeps growing in the northwestern region. Attacks and bombardments of oil facilities have been employed by aggrieved militants in the Niger Delta Region to get at the country. Religious intolerance has also continued to result in confrontations that often claim several lives across the northern region of the country. The thrust of this paper is hinged on these threats that have been confronting Nigeria’s national unity. The paper appraises efforts of the National Orientation Agency (NOA) in the task of promoting national integration in Nigeria. Descriptive analysis was adopted in this paper and data were sourced through secondary means from journal articles, magazines, newspapers, bulletins, lecture notes, diaries, and the internet. The paper revealed some of the impediments to national integration in Nigeria to include but not limited to: politics of identity, corruption among the political elites, power struggle and allocation of resources to the federating unions, religious intolerance, and internal conflicts as well as overcentralisation of power. Recommendations were then made towards repositioning the country’s sustainable national unity.
41
Ingwe, Richard, Joseph K. Ukwayi, and Edward U. Utam. "Federal Revenue Sharing, Marginalisation and Sub-National Inter-Regional Inequality in Human Capital Development in South-Eastern and Southern Nigeria." Quaestiones Geographicae 32, no. 2 (June 1, 2013): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/quageo-2013-0013.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Regional development planning/management responds to needs for preventing inequality among regions within nations characterised by multi-culturality and variation among regions, through the planning/management of appropriate programmes and policies. This paper examines inequality in the development of two of Nigeria’s states in the geographical South-East and the political South-South. Among other issues, historical conflicts among various ethno-cultural groups constituting Nigeria and culminating in violence (e.g. the 1967-1970 civil war fought against the programme of Ibo (a socio-cultural group) seceding from Nigeria’s federation to found Biafra) are reviewed. Despite Nigeria’s tragic civil war, inequality persists. We examine inequality resulting from systematic implementation of policies/programmes of Nigeria’s federal government institutions that marginalise Cross River State. Using the methods of comparative analysis and a descriptive case study, we show the consequences of marginalisation policies implemented by the federal government alone or in collaboration with (i.e. in support of) Akwa Ibom State for the development of human capital in Cross River State. The specific acts of marginalisation referred to here include: the ceding of the Bakassi Peninsula - a part of Cross River State - to the Republic of Cameroon in 2005, and more recently (2009) another ceding of 76 oil wells, hitherto the property of Cross River State, to Akwa Ibom State. We argue that, strengthened by marginalising/polarising policies (higher revenue allocation based on derivation principle of oil production), Akwa Ibom’s ongoing implementation of free education policy promises to facilitate its achievement of millennium development goals in basic education by 2015, beyond which it might reach disproportionately higher levels of tertiary educational attainment by 2024 and after. By contrast, the contrived dwindling of oil revenue accruing to Cross River State deprives it of funding for competitive human capital development programme(s). We recommend that Cross River State employs serious monitoring of marginalising schemes against its people considering recent traumatising experience, and plan/implement human capital development programmes aimed to improve its competitiveness under the context of intra-regional inequality.
42
Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.
43
Horn, Karen. "The Scottish Catholic Mission Stations in Bauchi Province, Nigeria: 1957-1970." Journal of Religion in Africa 40, no. 2 (2010): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006610x499877.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn 1963 the Archbishop of St Andrews and Edinburgh, Gordon Joseph Gray, asked for volunteers to staff a mission station in the Bauchi province in the north of Nigeria. By the end of 1969 the Bauchi experiment was deemed a success; however, the process of establishing the mission was littered with complications. Not only had this station been abandoned by the Society of African Missions since 1957, it was also firmly located in an Islam-dominated area where Catholic priests had to compete not only with Muslims but also with American Protestant missionaries and indigenous religions. To make matters worse, the years between 1963 and 1970 included two coups and a civil war during which religion became the focus of much of the violence. This article looks at the correspondence between Archbishop Gray and the volunteers in Bauchi in order to provide insight into how the missionaries experienced their task of establishing a Scottish Catholic presence an area others considered too hostile.
44
Ediagbonya Michael and Duyile William Abiodun. "An Appraisal of the Invasion of Midwest State By the Biafran Secessionists Government and Liberation During the Period of Nigerian Civil War August 9-September 20, 1967." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 5, no. 2 (June 8, 2023): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v5i2.896.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the invasion of Midwest state by the Biafran Secessionists Government in August 9, 1967. The occupation of the state by the rebels also came to focus. The consequence of the invasion and liberation of the state by the federal troops were demonstrated. Data for the study was obtained through oral interview as primary sources and the secondary sources like books, newspapers, articles, journals, theses, projects and dissertation were also used. It was found that August 9 on which the people of the Midwest celebrate the yearly anniversary of the creation of their state was the day rebel troops invaded the state. It was demonstrated that while the state was invaded by the rebels on August 9, 1967, September 20, 1967, the people regained freedom. It was also found that Ojukwu’s conquest and occupation of the Midwest was a miscalculated strategy to prolong the war and annex Southern Nigeria. In conclusion, the economy of the state was badly affected by the disruption of trade and movement of the population in search of safety.
45
Anurioha, Ihuoma Ogechi. "Women Participation in Conflict: The Case of the Biafran War." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. II (2024): 2276–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.802162.
Full textAbstract:
In order to investigate the type and scope of Biafran women’s involvement in the Nigerian Civil War from 1967 to 1970, this case study looks into their various responsibilities by using academic research on women’s participation in the conflict as a lens. Through historical narratives, archive materials, and empirically documented interview of a government official who is Biafran, results show that, in contrast to stereotypes of women as passive during conflict, Biafran women had essential and active roles. They served even when deliberate malnutrition (“weapons of war”) was applied against them, severely impairing their capacity to provide for their families. Some women ventured into hostile terrain on perilous missions to procure provisions and sustenance. Furthermore, Biafran women fought alongside men on the front lines, a novel finding that refutes the belief that they only play supportive, non-combat roles. The research also reveals a rise in political involvement due to community organizing activities spearheaded by women such as Madam Agafa. Nevertheless, there are gaps in our understanding of the unique contributions made by Biafran women to conflict resolution and peace-building. This case study highlights the gendered stereotypes that emphasize women’s passivity during the war. It draws attention to Biafran women’s profound and significant role during this independence movement in various military, political, social, and economic spheres. They made significant sacrifices like males and participated voluntarily and forcefully. The research aims to encourage more women to participate in Nigerian decision-making and post-conflict reconciliation socially, economically and politically.
46
Anthony, Douglas. "‘Islam Does Not Belong to Them’: Ethnic and Religious Identities Among Male Igbo Converts in Hausaland." Africa 70, no. 3 (August 2000): 422–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.3.422.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractBefore the civil war, conversion to Islam for Igbo men resident in the predominantly Hausa city of Kano in northern Nigeria usually meant becoming Hausa. More recent converts, however, have retained their Igbo identity and created an organisation, the Igbo Muslim Community. Three case studies from the first group detail the process and criteria of becoming Hausa, including immersion in Hausa economic and social networks; three case studies from the second group demonstrate that, while Hausa-centred networks remain important, converts have worked to construct new, Igbo-centred support structures. The watershed in the changing relationship between religious and ethnic affiliation for Igbo converts is the end of the war in 1970 and resultant changes in Igbo perceptions of Muslims, and changes in Igbo community structures.
47
Bakare, Najimdeen. "Edward Azar’s Protracted Social Conflict Theory and Drivers of Self-Determination: the Case of Nigeria." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 14 (December 29, 2021): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2021.1.18.
Full textAbstract:
Soon after attaining independence on October 1, 1960, the newly created nation-state – Nigeria had to wrestle with post-independent political realities. These combined with the legacies of colonial rule, and the prevalence of ethno-religious politics, led the country into civil war in 1967. Since 1960, Nigeria has experimented with different forms of government and achieved some degree of economic growth but is still plagued by the agitation of self-determination in the form of secessionist campaigns, be it the Biafra or the Oduduwa and Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND). To place the discussion in perspective, the paper reviews the existing literature on the subject and also discusses Edward Azar’s protracted social conflict (PSC) theory as the theoretical base. Upon laying the theoretical foundation, the paper situates and evaluates the agitation for self-determination in Nigeria in the light of PSC. Lastly, the paper concludes that instead of seeking self-determination or territorial disintegration, the polity of Nigeria should historically revert to the practice of congenial and connected regionalism.
48
Falola, Toyin, and Matthew Heaton. "The Works of A.E. Afigbo on Nigeria: an Historiographical Essay." History in Africa 33 (2006): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0012.
Full textAbstract:
Nigeria in the post-independence years has seen its share of hardship. Politically dominated by military dictatorships, economically dominated by the ravages of underdevelopment, and culturally dominated by internal ethnic tensions and external stereotyping, Nigeria certainly seems to have suffered from an overabundance of problems and a dearth of solutions in the last forty plus years. This period, full of scholarly debate on these issues, also closely parallels the academic career of A.E. Afigbo. Afigbo, who graduated with a Ph.D. in History from the University of Ibadan in 1964, was the first History doctorate produced on Nigerian soil. He is both a product and a victim of the Nigerian nation, and his scholarly writings deeply reflect these contradictions. From that point in 1964—the era of hope and anguish—to the present day—the era of anguish without hope—he has been among the vanguard of scholars in Nigerian history and African studies. He wanted to write about the past, but the present pressured him severely. Starting as a “Nigerian,” he became a “Biafran” during the Nigerian Civil War (1967-70), and again a “Nigerian” thereafter. These transitions provide some kind of “political charter” to some of his writings.It has been a remarkable career. He has authored or co-authored eight books, edited four more, and published well over a hundred journal articles. Afigbo has earned numerous prizes for his scholarship, has served on the editorial board of many acclaimed scholarly journals, including the Journal of African History and History in Africa, and has been inducted into many prestigious societies, including the Nigerian Academy of Letters. Nigeria has also honored him with its highest academic award, the National Order of Merit.
49
Ugwu, Justus Chidi, and Obiageli C. Nnnamani. "Framing and Group Polarisation in Hate Speeches in Nigeria." Indonesian Journal of English Language Studies (IJELS) 9, no. 2 (September 12, 2023): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.24071/ijels.v9i2.6191.
Full textAbstract:
Since the Nigerian Civil War in 1970, there has been a mutual suspicion among its three major ethnic groups, Hausa (in the North), Igbo (East) and Yoruba (West). This is not only manifest in their socio-political life but has also generated strife and hate speech, typified by context-sensitive strategies. This paper highlights the key group-motivated strategies of framing and polarisation utilized in the hate speeches raised by different groups in the Nigerian political discourse. The 2017 Kaduna declaration by a northern union (Arewa Youths), threatening to evict the Igbo living in the northern region, and response texts from other unions to the declaration constitute the data. These were subjected to content analysis with insights from van Dijk’s Ideological Representation and Halliday and Matthiessen’s Transitivity Theory. The findings reveal a self-preservationist frame, which is polarised in the Self/Other pattern.
50
Denisova, Tatyana S., and Sergey V. Kostelyanets. "International Aspects of Separatism in Contemporary Biafra." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 747–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-747-757.
Full textAbstract:
In the 21st century, the world at large and Africa in particular have encountered the rise of separatism, which has become one of the major challenges to stability. In Africa, over 20 countries face separatist movements, some of which demand full secession, while the rest - greater autonomy within the existing state. Most of Africas secessionist projects remain insignificant in scope and ineffectual, largely due to the absence or weakness of external support for separatists and to the commitment of the international community to preserve, with rare exceptions, the territorial integrity of states. The paper analyzes the reasons for the revival of the movement for the secession of Biafra decades after the end of the civil war between the central government of Nigeria and the separatists and looks into the international aspects that could fuel the conflict and exacerbate the military-political situation in West Africa, which is already turbulent due to the activities of Boko Haram terrorist group, other Islamist groupings in the Sahel, Cameroonian separatists of Ambazonia, etc. The present paper attempts to fill the gap in Russian Africanist literature on the current situation in Biafra, which is especially urgent due to the growing threat of separatism in Africa. Employing the historical approach, the authors analyze the nature of external involvement in the 1967-1970 Nigerian conflict, as well as methods of contemporary Biafran separatists, who seek international support. The paper concludes that due to various internal circumstances, as well as the practical lack of external material assistance, the establishment of a new Republic of Biafra will remain a utopian project for at least a decade, although separatist sentiments is likely to spread and hinder the achievement of internal political stability in West Africa, which is ridden with an increasing number of hot spots.