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Journal articles on the topic 'Nigeria Civil War'
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1
Astuti, Anjar Dwi. "A PORTRAYAL OF NIGERIAN AFTER CIVIL WAR IN CHINUA ACHEBE’S CIVIL PEACE (1971)." Journal of Culture, Arts, Literature, and Linguistics (CaLLs) 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2017): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.30872/calls.v3i2.875.
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African literature has strong relation with colonialism, not only because they had ever been colonized but also because of civil war. Civil Peace (1971), a short story written by Chinua Achebe, tells about how Nigerian survive and have to struggle to live after Nigerian Civil War. It is about the effects of the war on the people, and the “civil peace” that followed. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Nigerian-Biafran War, 6 July 1967–15 January 1970, was a political conflict caused by the attempted annexation of the southeastern provinces of Nigeria as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. The conflict was the result of economic, ethnic, cultural and religious tensions among the various peoples of Nigeria. Knowing the relation between the story and the Nigerian Civil War, it is assured that there is a history depicted in Civil Peace. In this article, the writer portrays the history and the phenomenon of colonization in Nigeria by using new historical and postcolonial criticism approaches.Keywords: history, colonization, civil war
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UCHE, CHIBUIKE. "OIL, BRITISH INTERESTS AND THE NIGERIAN CIVIL WAR." Journal of African History 49, no. 1 (March 2008): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003393.
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ABSTRACTUsing newly available evidence, mainly from the Public Records Office (now the National Archive) in London, this article attempts to unravel the true extent of the role that British oil interests played in the decision of the British government to insist on a ‘One Nigeria’ solution in the Nigeria/Biafra conflict. While the official position of the British government was that its main interest in the Nigeria conflict was to prevent the break-up of the country along tribal lines, the true position was more complex. Evidence in this paper suggests that British oil interests played a much more important role in the determination of the British attitude to the war than is usually conceded. Specifically, Britain was interested in protecting the investments of Shell-BP in Nigerian oil. Furthermore, Britain was also at the time desperate to keep Nigerian oil flowing in order to mitigate the impact of its domestic oil shortfalls caused by the Middle East Six Day War. Supporting a ‘One Nigeria’ solution was considered its safest bet in order to achieve the above objectives.
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Dr Kirti Jha Kulshreshtha and Dr. Chinmay Kulshreshtha. "Once Upon a Time in Biafra: War Time Caucus, Hate Crime and Ethnic Violence in Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun." Creative Launcher 8, no. 2 (April 30, 2023): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2023.8.2.10.
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A study of wartime literature also serves the function of documenting and preserving the stories and key experiences which the victims have witnessed through their forbearance in such events. While hate crime, caste conflicts, communal violence and ethnic violence are indispensable discourses in the study of criminal justice system, a parallel study of hate crime and ethnic violence through the kaleidoscope of contemporary Nigerian literature would be equally influencing. For any civil war, citing one cataclysmic reason is never justifiable. In the late 1960s the political and social climate in a multi- ethnic country like Nigeria was brimming with religious and tribal differences, the immediate reason that triggered the unfortunate civil war in Nigeria was ‘hate speech’ of the political leaders and military commanders. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, a third-generation Nigerian woman writer reminisces this civil war through her novel Half of A Yellow Sun (2006) in which the scarring memoirs of genocide, war time rapes, ransacking of houses and property, mass killings, forced conscription and forced prostitution of young girls are captured with the intent to highlight the menacing minds of war driven humans. It is true that Hate crime is more destructive and dangerous when it finds such secessionist atmosphere as would ignite ethnic violence and deeper still into a full-blown civil war. Through this paper an evaluation and analyses of the hate crime during the Nigeria-Biafra Civil War would come under scrutiny through the literary promontory of Nigerian novel Half of A Yellow Sun.
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Mazov, Sergey. "USSR Military Assistance to the Federal Government During the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2023): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640027032-3.
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Drawing on newly available documents from the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) the author closely examines Soviet-Nigerian military and technical cooperation during the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). He focuses on the following issues: the extent of Soviet assistance to the war efforts by the Federal Military Government (FMG) of Nigeria, how Soviet weapons were used in combat operations, what effect military aid had on Soviet-Nigerian relations. On 30th May 1967, the southeastern provinces of Nigeria attempted to secede as the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra. This caused the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). The head of the FMG general Yakubu Gowon had to apply the USSR for military assistance. The USSR did not recognize the break-away region. The author argues that there were three Soviet-Nigerian arms deals in 1967–1969. The quantity of military hardware and small arms supplied to the FMG remains a guarded secret, and the author had to rely on the declassified CIA intelligence and other published sources. Soviet military personnel in Nigeria, mostly pilots and aviation specialists, strictly adhered to the rule: do not commit acts that might have involved the Soviet Union in the Nigerian conflict. During the war, Soviet-Nigerian relations rose from virtually zero to a fairly high level. However, military assistance did not turn Nigeria into a Soviet ally. Nigerian foreign policy did not change fundamentally, it was still dominated by the Western vector.
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Ediagbonya Michael. "A Critical Assessment of Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics and Nigeria Relations during the Period of Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 2, no. 4 (November 5, 2022): 245–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v2i4.792.
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The paper examines Nigeria and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Relations during the Nigerian Civil War. It discusses the role of USA, Britain and France in the Nigerian Civil war. It analyzes the timely intervention of USSR which supplied military weapons and technical personnel to Nigeria when Britain and USA declined. The researcher obtains data from primary and secondary sources. Oral interviews serve as primary sources. Books, journals, articles, newspapers, projects, theses dissertations were used as secondary sources. It was found that the relationship between Nigeria- USSR in the Pre-civil war period was Lukewarm, non-chalant and sad. It was found that France openly supported the Republic of Biafra while Britain and USA refused Nigeria’s request for weapons to execute the war. It was demonstrated that Nigeria needed weapons to stop the Biafran forces from succeeding and initially relied on Britain and USA to supply the weapons but they were not willing to provide the military assistance. Hence, the federal Government directed their attention to USSR for assistance which the Soviets gradually accepted. In conclusion, it was found that the continuous corporate existence of Nigeria as a sovereign state owns much to the timely assistance provided by USSR during the Nigeria’s trying period.
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Chukwumah, Ignatius, and Cassandra Ifeoma Nebeife. "Persecution in Igbo-Nigerian Civil-War Narratives." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 241–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902001.
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Abstract Sociopolitical phenomena such as corruption, political instability, (domestic) violence, cultural fragmentation, and the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970) have been central themes of Nigerian narratives. Important as these are, they tend to touch on the periphery of the major issue at stake, which is the vector of persecution underlying the Nigerian tradition in general and in modern Igbo Nigerian narratives in particular, novels and short stories written in English which capture, wholly or in part, the Igbo cosmology and experience in their discursive formations. The present study of such modern Igbo Nigerian narratives as Okpewho’s The Last Duty (1976), Iyayi’s Heroes (1986), Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun (2007), and other novels and short stories applies René Girard’s theory of the pharmakos (Greek for scapegoat) to this background of persecution, particularly as it subtends the condition of the Igbo in postcolonial Nigeria in the early years of independence.
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Muhammad, Aisha Mustapha. "Divergent Struggles for Identity and Safeguarding Human Values: A Postcolonial Analysis of Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun." IRA-International Journal of Management & Social Sciences (ISSN 2455-2267) 11, no. 2 (May 22, 2018): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jmss.v11.n2.p1.
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In the novel Adichie uncovers the characters’ struggles based on the loss of Identity and Human values which is basically the result of the Nigerian civil war. The characters strive to bring back what they lost due to the war. Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie was born much later after the Nigerian civil war of 1966-1969. Chimamanda Adichie had the interest to revive history of the war; she used her imaginative talent in bringing what she hadn’t experienced. The novel Half of a Yellow Sun is a literary work which uses the theory of post-colonialism or post-colonial studies, it is a term that is used to analyze and explain the legacy of colonialism through the study of a particular book. Colonialism did not happen during the colonial era only but extended to after independence of the countries that were colonized. The novel Half of a Yellow Sun shows the effect of colonialism after independence of Nigeria. Adichie believes that by bringing back the issue of the war, the growing generation would understand more about the war. According to her in Nigeria the history taught in the primary and secondary schools is not complete, some parts were removed and nobody is allowed to talk about it. So through the novel, she tries to go through history to see what has happened, so that she can make the young generation understand history better. The book opens with a poem by Chinua Achebe about the Nigerian civil war.
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Folayan, Bolu John, Olumide Samuel Ogunjobi, Prosper Zannu, and Taiwo Ajibolu Balofin. "Post-war Civil War Propaganda Techniques and Media Spins in Nigeria and Journalism Practice." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 17 (April 8, 2021): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v17i.8993.
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In public relations and political communication, a spin is a form of propaganda achieved through knowingly presenting a biased interpretation of an event or issues. It is also the act of presenting narratives to influence public opinion about events, people or and ideas. In war time, various forms of spins are employed by antagonists to wear out the opponents and push their brigades to victory. During the Nigerian civil war, quite a number of these spins were dominant – for example GOWON (Go On With One Nigeria); “On Aburi We Stand”, “O Le Ku Ija Ore”. Post-war years presented different spins and fifty years after the war, different spins continue to push emerging narratives (e.g. “marginalization”, “restructuring”). This paper investigates and analyzes the different propaganda techniques and spins in the narratives of the Nigerian civil in the past five years through a content analysis of three national newspapers: The Nigerian Tribune, Daily Trust and Sun Newspapers. Findings confirm that propaganda and spins are not limited to war time, but are actively deployed in peace time. This development places additional challenge on journalists to uphold the canons of balance, truth and fairness in reporting sensitive national issues. The authors extend postulations that propaganda techniques, generally considered to be limited to war situations, are increasingly being used in post-war situations. Specifically, they highlight that journalists are becoming more susceptible to propaganda spins and this could affect the level of their compliance to the ethics of journalism.
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IDRIS, RIDWAN TOSHO. "VILLAIN AND HERO OF THE WARS: BRIGADIER-GENERAL BENJAMIN ADEKUNLE AND THE NIGERIA CIVIL WAR, 1967-1970." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/2202.70.0160.
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The paper examines the role that Brigadier General Benjamin Adekunle, otherwise referred to as the Black Scorpion or Benjy played during the Nigerian Civil War. Brigadier-General Adekunle served as the Commander of Garrison, the 3rd Marine Commando Division of the Nigeria Army. The study is set to achieve two main objectives. The first is to put into historical perspective, Benjamin Adekunle’s birth, childhood, and military career; the second is to analyze the two sides of Benjy during the civil war, and third, his portrayal as both a hero and villain during the civil war. The study relied on secondary sources of data from textbooks, peer-reviewed journals, internet documents, newspapers and individual commentaries on Benjamin Adekunle. The study reveals that Adekunle was described as a villain because he explored some unconventional and brutal war strategies against Biafrans, who were hitherto Nigerians and so by extension, his fellow countrymen. As a hero,he had an unrepentant strategy to rescue Nigeria from disintegration. The study recommends that while winning is the ultimate goal of any war, officers must be humane and reduce collateral damage in the course of duty.
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Makosso, Alphonse Dorien. "Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie as a Hierophant of the Biafran Civil War: A New Historicist Approach to Half of A Yellow Sun." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 4 (April 10, 2022): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2022.v10i04.002.
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Almost half a century after it breaking out, the Biafra Civil war (1967-1970) has been and remains the focus of an abundant literary fresco collected under the caption of ‘Biafra literature’. It seems to beat the record of topicality of the Nigerian writers of the second and third generation who, as historians or hierophants of their Nation-building cause, keep alive and evoke in their works powerful memories of the Nigerian past which still haunt the lives of their contemporaries. The gist of this paper is to analyze the contextualization of Biafra by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie, one of the Nigerian feminist leading figures, in her second published novel, Half of A Yellow Sun. Drawing from the New Historicism which helps not only to describe the past, but rather to bring back to memory a retrospective and coherent succession of selected facts to investigate the past, this study shows that in African literature, a political commitment grows out of a historical experience as the basis for the creation of a work of art. The exploration of the novel under consideration buttresses well this thought for Adichie re-visits socio-political and economic situation in Nigeria before that civil war, and onwards. The analysis of these historical features and the authoress’ rhetoric as well, clearly reveals Adichie’s political and ideological commitment to denounce the dramatic impact of the civil war on individuals in her homeland. Half of A Yellow Sun is really a chronicle of a Civil war the drawbacks of which continue to shape life in Nigeria.
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Okpevra, Uwomano. "Historicising Foreign Powers’ Intervention in the Nigeria–Biafra War (1967-1970)." IAFOR Journal of Arts & Humanities 10, no. 1 (August 16, 2023): 65–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ijah.10.1.05.
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The fratricidal war between Nigeria and Biafra ended some over five decades ago. But the lessons learned are not yet forgotten. This article attempts to historicise the role of foreign powers in the Nigeria–Biafra war of 1967-1970. Most scholars erroneously refer to the war as the Nigerian civil war, but historically it was a war fought by two “independent” countries – The Republic of Nigeria and Republic of Biafra, for There was a Country, as Achebe puts it (2012). Over the years the raison d’etre of foreign powers’ intervention in the war has not been properly contextualized. This work, then, sets out to historicise and deconstruct the determinant factors and the role played by foreign intervention in the war. The article employs both primary and secondary data to achieve its objective and reveal the national interests and foreign policy objectives – as expressed in economic, strategic and political objectives – that were factors in the foreign powers’ intervention. The fallout from the 1963 and 1964 general elections is a relevant initial cause of the Nigeria-Biafra war. The article intends to analyse and interpret the political thought processes that generated foreign intervention, and suggests that, should there be another implosion that leads to a repeat of 1967-1970, the foreign powers that politicians usually rely on for aid and assistance can be expected to respond in line with certain patterns of economic, strategic or political interest, to the detriment, needless to say, of the Nigerian people.
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Anadi, PhD, Sunday K. M. "Politics and Religion vs. Law and Order in Nigeria: Implications for National and Regional Security." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 5, no. 3 (March 1, 2018): 4474–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v5i3.02.
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Since independence in 1960, Nigeria has grappled with the ominous challenge of building a sustainable bridge between its ever increasing populations divided not only along distinct multi-ethnic groups but also between two major diametrically opposed faiths [in content, structure, and tactics]- Christianity and Islam. The study was exploratory in nature, which adopted descriptive adequacy in articulating and examining the underlying alternatives factors that propel national politics and religious violence in Nigeria, thus producing a more comprehensive and total picture of the dynamics of the phenomena under investigation- the understanding of religious violence in Nigeria with minimum distortion. Furthermore, the study adopted a survey method based on the perception of Government officials and Religious leaders regarding religious violence, with a corresponding sample size of 100. The study found that the seeming overwhelming implications of persistent religious violence for Nigeria are three folds; they include; sustained threat to national peace, unity, and security, undermines national political/economic development, as well as socio-cultural and religious harmony and cooperation. In addition, the study found that the present state of religious violence in Nigeria exacerbates bitterness, hatred, and mistrust among the federating units of Nigeria resulting to violent reactions and heightened intra-ethnic and religious clashes, with a volcanic potential to explode into secession by aggrieved groups, internecine civil war, pogroms and/or jihads. Finally, the study recommended that the Nigerian civil society must step up organized and peaceful agitations for fundamental changes in the structure and character of the Nigeria state through a Sovereign National Conference or credible constitution review effort. Also, the Nigerian government and the international community must seize the opportunity of current fragile peace in Nigeria, to implement a number of credible measures aimed at preventing a recurrence of widespread religious conflicts threatening to spill over to a civil war.
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Osadola, Oluwaseun Samuel, and Serifat Bolanle Asiyanbi. "The Nigeria War of Unity 1967-1970: Strategies and Diplomacy." Polit Journal: Scientific Journal of Politics 2, no. 3 (September 10, 2022): 145–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/polit.v2i3.740.
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This study examines the aim and strategies of the Nigerian Civil War 1967-1970 and, emphasizes the diplomatic positions and war strategies adopted by the two sides (Federal Government and Biafra secessionist) involved. It agrees that series of researches have been carried out as regards the Nigerian Civil War but only a few viewed it on the ground of diplomatic maneuvering and strategy. The various literatures laid more emphasis on the causes, dimensions and effects of the war without a thorough analogy on the use of tact and strategy in the context of the war. The study also examines the use of propaganda, military tact, media, peace talks and summits in the context of the Nigerian civil war. This study is divided into two parts; the use of strategies by the Nigerian government and the Biafra people, as well as the peace talks and summits that took place during the war. Both primary and secondary sources of data are employed in this research.
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Adeyeri, James Olusegun. "Ethnic Propaganda, Hate Speech, and Mass Violence in Igbo-Hausa/Fulani Relations in Postcolonial Nigeria." Thinker 89, no. 4 (November 6, 2021): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/thethinker.v89i4.692.
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Opinions are divided on the conduct and nature of the 1967–70 Nigerian civil war, occasioned partly by the Igbo secession and declaration of the Republic of Biafra. Some believe that the Nigerian government adopted a genocidal war strategy characterised by mass violence against civilians, aggressive blockade of the eastern region, artificial famine, and hateful/threatening utterances by many military commanders, accompanied by about one million civilian casualties. On the other hand, some are of the view that the actions of some Nigerian military officers and men were not in consonant with the position of the Nigerian government during the war, but were influenced by their animosity towards the Igbo. In post-civil war Nigeria, Igbo-Hausa/Fulani relations and political discourses are increasingly tense and indicative of a fearful resurgence of mass violence due to prevalent lies, propaganda, and misrepresentations –verbally, on paper, and online/on social media – particularly among the youths on both sides. This paper argues that the historical crisis-ridden relations between the Igbo and the Hausa/Fulani, the attendant 1966 mass killings of Igbos in the north, the nature of the war strategies of the federal government during the civil war, and the currently mounting tension are all direct results of contending ethnic propaganda including hate speech, lies, and name-calling in a bid to gain political and strategic advantages over other ethnic groups. Thus, this paper is a historical inquiry into the role of propaganda and hate speech in socio-political interactions, discourses, and incitements of mass violence among the heterogeneous Nigerian population, particularly the Igbo and the Hausa/Fulani. The paper proposes legislative, constitutional, and active citizenship advocacies to address the menace. The article utilises primary and secondary sources to analyse and interpret the subject-matter of the paper.
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Obuasi, Ifeoma, JOHNKENEDY AZUBUIKE OZOEMENA, and Walter Osondu Ugwuagbo. "The Novelist as a Historian: A Study of the Nigerian/Biafran War Account from the Perspective of Chukwuemeka Ikeh’s Sunset at Dawn." International Journal of Language and Literary Studies 4, no. 1 (March 27, 2022): 154–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36892/ijlls.v4i1.780.
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The novelist is a creator and a creative writer whose foundation is lodged in imaginative thinking. It is in the creative writer’s ability to recreate events, which had either taken place or could take place, through the use of fictive characters, and creative use of language. This study therefore introspects the events of the Nigerian/Biafra civil war from the perspective of the novelist as a historian, in doing this the study examines the events of the civil war from the literary perspectives and accounts of a literary giant Chukwu Emeka Ikeh’s Sunset at Dawn. Data for the study is collected from secondary sources, the text under study and other Nigerian/Biafran war novels, historical books about the civil war, and internet sources. The study adopted the theory of historicism as a frame work. It highlighted the civil war era from the perspective of the writer under study, from the beginning of the conflict to when it became a full-blown war, the killings, starvation, hunger and the end of the war. The study identified some of the remote causes of the war to be the fear of political domination among the three major ethnic groups in Nigeria, deep seated ethnic resentment and acrimony among others. This study recommends that similar situation in future can only be averted through power devolution, all- inclusive leadership style and equitable distribution of the nation’s resources.
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Mazov, Sergey V. "“We Are from Biafra”. Igbo Students in the USSR during the Civil War in Nigeria, 1967-1970." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 822–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-822-834.
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Drawing on the Russian archival documents the article examines the Soviet policy towards Igbo students who studied in the USSR during the civil war in Nigeria (1967-1970). They sided the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, Eastern Nigeria, seceded from Nigeria in May 1967. The USSR supported the territorial integrity of Nigeria, provided military and other assistance for the Federal Government in its confrontation with Biafra. However, the Soviet authorities took neutrality in the conflict between Nigerian Embassy in Moscow and Igbo students. They did not expel students at the requests of the Embassy as accomplices of the separatists investigating each case carefully, did not hinder the activity of the Biafrian fellowship. Since the dissemination of Biafrian propagandists production was banned in the USSR, they tried to reach the Soviet audience through appeals from Igbo students who studied in the USSR. The appeals did not include the main issues of Biafrian propaganda to the West: accusations of the Federal Government of the Igbo genocide by Nazi methods and the portrayal of the civil war as a religious conflict - a jihad of the Muslim North against the Igbo as the largest and most organized Christian community in Nigeria. The dominant thesis was about the nature of the civil war as a struggle of the socialist East, Biafra, against the feudal-capitalist North, the central government. The students appealed the Soviet officials to recognize publicly the legitimacy of the Biafrians aspirations for self-determination, to stop supplying arms to the Federal Government and to mediate in a peaceful settlement. There were no responses to the appeals, and they were not made public. Based on archival documents, the author established that the Soviet leadership reasonably feared that Biafra would become the fiefdom of the main geopolitical rivals - the United States and Great Britain. To prevent this USSR entered into an alliance with the federals. The calculation was to enhance the Soviet influence throughout Nigeria, albeit with a reactionary government, rather than support the progressive breakaway Eastern Nigeria (Biafra) and receive nothing.
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David, Stephen. "Lack of Return in Nigeria-Biafra Civil War Literature." Matatu 50, no. 1 (June 14, 2018): 102–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05001007.
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AbstractWhen the Nigeria-Biafra civil war ended in July 1970, the Commander in Chief of the Federal Army, General Yakubu Gowon, declared that there was “no victor no vanquished” and, consequently, drew an iron curtain on a painful historical moment. This closure foreclosed further engagements with the events of the war in a manner that imposed a “code of silence” on its historiography. However, in the face of this silence and the silencing of public remembrances, private remembrances have continued to bloom. And in recent times, these remembrance(s) have fertilized a virulent demand for secession. I argue that literary accounts of the conflict question its ‘closure’ through what I call ‘lack of return.’ Relying on Van der Merwe and Gobodo-Madikizela’s conception of narratives as spaces of healing, I engage in a close reading of one fictional account—Saro-Wiwa’s Sozaboy—and two memoirs—Achebe’s There Was a Country and Chukwurah’s The Last Train to Biafra—to examine how narratives of Biafra call attention to the persistent freshness of the wounds and trauma of the war by creating stories that lack denouement. I find that in these texts, the silencing of ordnance doesn’t herald a return home—whether spatially or mentally. Consequently, these stories could be read as palimpsests that reveal a need for spaces of narrative engagements, abreaction, and healing.
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Levey, Zach. "Israel, Nigeria and the Biafra civil war, 1967–70." Journal of Genocide Research 16, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2014): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2014.936704.
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Bird, S. Elizabeth, and Fraser Ottanelli. "The History and Legacy of the Asaba, Nigeria, Massacres." African Studies Review 54, no. 3 (December 2011): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0048.
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Abstract:In early October 1967, four months into the Nigerian Civil War, federal troops massacred hundreds in Asaba, a town in southeast Nigeria on the west bank of the Niger. While ethnically Igbo, Asaba was not part of Igbo-dominated Biafra. Through the reconstruction of this event, the article fills a significant gap in the historical record and contributes to the discussion on the impact of traumatic memory at the local and national levels. It also suggests that the Asaba massacres speak to larger issues of potential reconciliation that extend beyond Asaba and Nigeria.
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Onwubiko, Judith N. "The Biafran Self-Determination Question: Challenges and Prospects." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 31, no. 1 (February 2023): 104–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2023.0437.
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The Nigerian civil war and Biafra's failed attempt to secede from Nigeria raised a series of questions about the nature and scope of the right to self-determination in formerly colonised states. The question which this article focuses on is whether the right to self-determination should always amount to a right to secession. Through a critical analysis of Biafran agitations for statehood during the Nigerian civil war and in recent times, this article makes the case for a framework through which self-determination claims can be addressed within existing territorial arrangements. The article argues that, in the case of Biafra, forms of internal self-determination such as autonomy may address the agitations and needs of the people better than secession. Hence, international lawyers, and the international community as a whole, should give more attention to internal forms of self-determination.
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Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "“Hell was let loose on the country”: The Social History of Military Technology in the Republic of Biafra." African Studies Review 61, no. 3 (July 2, 2018): 99–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2018.41.
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Abstract:The problem of armed crime in late twentieth-century Nigeria was closely connected to the events of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra reveal how violent crime emerged as part of the military confrontation between Biafra and Nigeria. The wide availability of firearms, the Biafran state’s diminishing ability to enforce the law, and the gradual collapse of Biafra’s economy under the pressure of a Nigerian blockade made Biafran soldiers and civilians reliant on their weapons to obtain food and fuel, make claims to property, and settle disputes with one another. Criminal legal records illustrate how military technologies shape interactions and relationships in the places where they are deployed, and how those dynamics can endure after the war comes to an end. This speaks to larger theoretical questions about the symbolic and functional meanings of guns during and after wartime.
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OLUSEGUN, Bamidele Solomon. "NIGERIA PUBLIC PROCUREMENT ACT AND THE WAR AGAINST CORRUPTION: IDENTIFYING THE MISSING LINK." Journal of Public Administration, Finance and Law 31 (2024): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/jopafl-2024-31-24.
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Developing countries such as Nigeria have a common enemy of economic, social and political development – corruption. The need to end corruption was one of the major reasons the military gave for forcefully taking over the seat of government in Nigeria. Even when the country returned to civil rule, opposition parties have accused the government in power of mismanagement of public funds and often promised to end corruption if elected into power. It is an incontrovertible truth that one area where corruption exists in Nigeria is Public Procurement. However, in 2007 the Nigerian government enacted the Public Procurement Act (PPA) to battle corruption in its procurement process. Despite this, the nation's procurement process is still characterized by irregularities as evident from the many cases of infractions of the procurement guidelines in some government quarters. This paper undertakes a review of the PPA (2007) vis-à-vis its provisions on anti-corruption in comparison with international best practices to identify any missing link. The study reveals that though the PPA has improved the procurement process in Nigeria, it cannot sufficiently eliminate fraud and corrupt practices because it has some loopholes. These loopholes include, amongst others: non-provision for an automated tendering system, passive roles played by the civil society organizations/ professional bodies in procurement implementation and the absence of an independent administrative review body. The study, therefore, recommends the reform of the PPA which will incorporate the identified missing links to battle corruption in public procurement effectively.
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Gomba, Obari. "Biafra and Abuse of Power in I.N.C. Aniebo’s Rearguard Actions." Matatu 49, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 280–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-04902003.
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Abstract The Nigerian civil war has left a lasting impact on the politics of Nigeria. It has also provided material for I.N.C. Aniebo’s Rearguard Actions. Given the prior success of his novel The Anonymity of Sacrifice, this collection of short stories expands his creative portfolio on the subject of war. Over and above the predilection of Biafran discourse for blaming others for Biafra’s failure, Aniebo’s depiction of the war calls attention to the failings of Biafra itself. On the strength of Aniebo’s stories, this paper seeks to examine the nature of the abuse of power in Biafra and to show how such abuse helped precipitate the collapse of the breakaway nation-state.
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Lodge, Tom. "Conflict resolution in Nigeria after the 1967–1970 civil war." African Studies 77, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2018.1432125.
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EGBE, OLAWARI O. D. J. "RESTRUCTURING ANXIETY: CONTINENTAL, CORPORATE AND EURO-AMERICAN RESPONSES TO RESTRUCTURING AGENDA IN NIGERIA." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 4, no. 1 (March 10, 2019): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/9102.40.010240.
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This paper investigated restructuring anxiety in the African Union, Hemisphere North and their Trans-National Corporations in Nigeria. The paper discovered that ethnic groups and even scholarship on the restructuring debate in Nigeria are silent on the possible actions and inactions of the A.U, Britain, the U.S., France, and their TNCs (especially the Royal/Dutch Shell) operating in Nigeria. In the attempt to fill this gap, this paper recalls that to the extent that the then O.A.U (now A.U), world capitals in London, Washington D.C and Paris, and their TNCs were interested parties in course of the Nigerian Civil War, restructuring anxiety in these named actors would most likely work to undermine the genuine aspirations of certain ethnic groups of a restructured Nigeria. The paper recommends that the A.U, the global North and their TNCs must demonstrate unbiased interests in the Nigerian project by supporting to work out an equitable federal structure that would promote mutual co-existence among the diverse ethnic nationalities in Nigeria; a restructured Nigeria that would further strengthen her internal co-existence and her bilateral relations with the international community.
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Mgbeoji, I. "Review: Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG, and Regional Security in West Africa * Adekeye Adebajo: Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG, and Regional Security in West Africa." European Journal of International Law 15, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 218–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ejil/15.1.218-a.
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Mazov, Sergei V. "The Peacekeeping Role of the Organization of African Unity During the Nigerian Civil War, 1967-1970." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 372–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-2-372-392.
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This study examines the peacekeeping activities of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in resolving the Nigerian crisis. On May 30, 1967 the eastern part of Nigeria, the self-proclaimed Republic of Biafra, tried to secede from Nigeria. This led to a civil war that lasted from July 6, 1967 to January 15, 1970. Biafra’s army was defeated and capitulated. The reference to the history of the OAU peacekeeping experience is relevant, because it can be applied to the settlement of contemporary crises and conflicts in Africa. The author was guided by the principles of historicism, scientific objectivity and reliance on sources. The aim of the article is to clarify the nature and methods of the OAU’s peacekeeping activities, to identify internal and external factors that hindered the achievement of peace, and to assess the effectiveness of the organization’s peacekeeping efforts. The article uses for the first time information and analytical memos of Soviet diplomats found in the Foreign Policy Archive of the Russian Federation (AVP RF) on the OAU’s activities to stop the civil war in Nigeria. The author concludes that the Nigerian crisis was a unique international conflict for the Cold War period. The motives of the external actors were primarily determined by geopolitical aspirations and national interests, rather than bloc solidarity. The author identifies factors that negatively affected the OAU’s potential as a peacemaker: a split among African countries (four of which recognized Biafra’s independence) and competition from Great Britain, which vigorously promoted its own peacekeeping agenda. The OAU’s decisions were not binding on member states; it had no effective mechanism for implementing them, and it had no armed forces of its own that could be used to disengage the warring parties. The OAU succeeded in diplomatically securing overwhelming African support for Nigeria’s territorial integrity, though its mediation efforts failed to achieve peace. The Biafra leadership was not going to capitulate while there was still room for resistance and the federal government was not inclined to question the country’s territorial integrity. The results of the OAU’s peacekeeping can be assessed as positive: it prevented the legitimization of separatist Biafra, which could have had a domino effect with disastrous consequences for the entire African continent.
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Posibi, A. Preye. "Aftermath of the Nigerian civil war (1967-1970): The struggle for peaceful coexistence between parties in post-war Nigeria." Asia and Africa Today, no. 6 (2021): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015266-4.
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Ibhawoh, Bonny. "Refugees, Evacuees, and Repatriates: Biafran Children, UNHCR, and the Politics of International Humanitarianism in the Nigerian Civil War." African Studies Review 63, no. 3 (September 2020): 568–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2020.43.
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Abstract:The Nigeria-Biafra war contributed to the rise of post-colonial moral interventionism, ushering in a new form of human rights politics. During the war, relief agencies evacuated 4,000 children from the conflict zones to Gabon and Côte d’Ivoire to protect them from the conflict. This was part of a broader international humanitarian airlift operation that brought relief supplies to the besieged Biafra territory. At the end of the war, most of the children were returned to their homes in Nigeria through an international humanitarian repatriation effort. Ibhawoh examines how state interests and the politics of international humanitarian interventionism manifested in debates about classifying and protecting displaced children, the most vulnerable victims of the conflict.
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Onuoha, Onyekachi. "Eclipse in Rwanda as Remembering in Pyschosocial Poetics of Trauma." English Linguistics Research 8, no. 3 (September 12, 2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v8n3p25.
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Trauma exists in a synthetic mode of the referential and this is the underlying temperament in Eclipse in Rwanda. The genocide that is chronicled in the narratives of the Nigerian Civil war as recreated in Joe Ushie’s Eclipse in Rwanda foreshadows the pogrom in the mid 90s. Using Cathy Caruth’s concept of trauma as a theoretical framework, this paper examines Eclipse in Rwanda as remembering in psychosocial poetics of trauma. This paper further explicates Eclipse in Rwanda as a text of memory, which poetically captures the trauma and foreshadows the social construction of natives/ non-natives in Africa at large and in Nigeria in particular. Through the poems analysed in this paper, our findings show that Tutsis’ genocide is a poetic fulcrum for the poet to pensively recall the Nigerian Civil War and other hotspots/ narratives of politically motivated violence against fellow citizens. Eclipse in Rwanda attempts to entrench the memories of the dead in us through the poetics of remembering and by so doing indict the collective consciences of the society.
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Gerhart, Gail M., Adekeye Adebajo, and Adekeye Adebajo. "Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG, and Regional Security in West Africa." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 1 (2003): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033486.
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Gberie, Lansana, and Adekeye Adebajo. "Liberia's Civil War: Nigeria, ECOMOG and Regional Security in West Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 38, no. 2 (2004): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107306.
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Shchepacheva, I. "The problem of identification in Ch. N. Adichie’s “Half of a Yellow Sun”." Philology and Culture, no. 2 (June 25, 2024): 248–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2782-4756-2024-76-2-248-253.
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The article deals with the novel “Half of a Yellow Sun” (2006) by the African-American writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. The writer shows different components of the identification process in the modern multicultural world. The main historical event of the novel is the Civil War of 1967-1970, which took place due to political and ethnic struggle. It was caused by numerous attempts by the southeastern provinces of Nigeria to secede and form the Republic of Biafra. The novel shows how the interethnic conflict between the Hausa and Igbo peoples, and later the war, influence not only the fate of the characters, but also the peculiarities of their identification process. This process is represented by three components: ethnic, national and gender. Kainene and Odenigbo, whose ethnicity is formed and recognized with the emergence of a new republic, feel, first, not as Nigerians, but as Igbos. Therefore, they take an active part in the Civil War. British interest in the war is shown through the characters of Susan and Richard who demonstrate typical colonial attitudes towards Africans. However, Richard’s interest in African culture contributes to the process of realizing the ethnic identity of Ugwu who chooses a member of the African community for his role model. Olanna, representing a new generation of Nigerian women, destroys the traditional forms of gender relations in Nigerian reality.
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Cletus O. Obasi, Rebecca Ginikanwa Nnamani, and Jaclyn Odinka. "The role of Igbo women in peace building during the Nigerian civil war: 1967 – 1970." International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research Updates 5, no. 2 (May 30, 2023): 017–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.53430/ijmru.2023.5.2.0054.
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The salient roles of Igbo women during the Nigeria Civil War were a catalyst in the survival of many dying and suffering children, and the broken and frustrated Biafra soldiers. The roles too were important in the internal security of Igboland in the absence of the men who were on the war front to defend the fatherland. The devastation caused by the war affected the culture and traditional institutions of the Igbo, which in effect, posed a double challenge to the women. Igbo women were not only victims of the war, they were challenged too with roles of acting as heads of their various families and bridge builders in communal and inter-communal relations. The women amid uncertainties embarked individually and communally on peace-building processes. A spectrum of interventions embarked by the women to bring the end to the war spread across the area of health, business, international relations and food security through their salient actions, which enhanced and promoted human security and created positive peace in the land. This paper examines these roles played by Igbo women during the war and how their efforts helped bring about peace and hope during, and after the war period. Looking back and the devastation of that time, the Igbo women today would abhor any wars in Nigeria. We employ the conflict transformation theory in this narrative and conclude that Igbo women are creative peace-builders.
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Agbese, Pita Ogaba. "Party Registration and the Subversion of Democracy in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 63–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503163.
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Nigeria has had three programs of transition from military to civil rule in the last 13 years. Despite the enormous resources wasted on the first two programs, by Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, democracy remains a mirage in Nigeria. The demise of the two programs was not just a monumental failure on the part of the two leaders; it also vividly demonstrates the military’s inability to effect a lasting transition to civil rule. In addition, the utter failure of both programs has exposed the political brinkmanship to which the military is prepared to go to subvert democracy. Babangida’s brazen annulment of the June 1993 presidential election and Abacha’s repressive, dictatorial, and corrupt governing style brought Nigeria closer to the edge of the precipice than any other crisis since the civil war of the 1960s.
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Ike, Onyeka. "The utilization of literary techniques in Flora Nwapa’s Never Again and Chimamanda Adichie’s Half of a Yellow Sun." EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts 7, no. 1-2 (April 15, 2020): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ejotmas.v7i1-2.9.
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This research investigates the utilization of literary techniques in two Nigerian historical fictions: Never Again by Flora Nwapa and Half of a Yellow Sun by Chimamanda Adichie. Nwapa and Adichie are two creative writers belonging to two different generations of Nigerian writers. While the former is of the first, the latter is of the third generation. In their two different novels in focus, it is observed that they deployed diverse literary techniques in variegated fashions to achieve the same goal – creating fictional works that deal with the sensitive issues of the Nigerian Civil War. Using new historicism (NH) as its theoretical anchor, this study uses historical-analytic and literary methods to posit that no two creative writers apply literary techniques in an identical manner even when their subject matter is the same. Rather, the deployment of literary tools is usually a function of talent, training, idiosyncrasies, orientation and propensities of a particular author. It is, of course, the patterns of such deployments that create and confer identity and uniqueness to various writers across the globe, such that when a section of the work of a known author is read, his or her name comes to mind. Using New Historicism as a critical searchlight, this paper evaluates compares and contrasts the utilization of literary techniques in the two novels aforementioned. Both writers have utilized literary elements in various ways to foreground and portray the cancerous issues of corruption, ethnicity, nepotism and avarice – the issues that led to the unfortunate and devastating Civil War, and till today continues to limit the progress of Nigeria.
Keywords: Literary techniques, NH, Never Again, Nigerian Civil War, Half of a Yellow Sun
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Essien, Essien Oku, Adegboyega Daniel Eniola, Eyesiere Aniefon Essien, and Babatunde AbdulRaheem Lawal. "An Inductive Evaluation of the Power of Radio Information: A Retrospective Study of the 1967-1970 Nigerian Civil War." East African Journal of Information Technology 6, no. 1 (September 18, 2023): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajit.6.1.1438.
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This study evaluated the efficacy of the messages that were aired over the radio during the 1967-1970 Nigerian civil war. It further aimed to investigate whether modern radio broadcasts have the potential to be used in the same manner and to the same degree of success as their historical analogues in the service of the cause of sustainable development. Hence, the study employed the inoculation theory and Hugh Rank’s model of persuasion in its theoretical framework. The research was conducted using an inductive methodology, and the interview inventory served as the primary research instrument. The sampling method used is convenient sampling, and the collated information was examined based on central themes and then discussed. The results of the research provide novel information on the function of radio in the broadcast of safety information during the civil war, as well as its use for the mobilisation of military forces at that time. The fact that there is so little academic material about media communication and radio engagement during the civil war in Nigeria presented the current research with a challenge that was empirical in nature. This shortage also played a key part in amplifying the essence of the study, which is aimed at bridging the existing vacuum within the academic discourse. According to the study, listening to radio broadcasts during the Civil War saved the lives of most people. It became clear from the study that radio broadcasts throughout the Civil War provided a deliberate, well-thought-out, and very compelling framework for the distressed population that was designed to defuse rather than escalate tensions. The study further found that the radio is a helpful companion because it can reach many people regardless of where they live; this suggests that the radio could be used to disseminate strategic information that would inspire people to comply with sustainable development goals
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Tukur, Mustafa Adedeji. "New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) and the Challenges of Good Governance in Africa: An Appraisal of the Nigeria’s Democratic Journey in the Fourth Republic (1999-Date)." American Journal of Arts and Human Science 1, no. 2 (August 11, 2022): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54536/ajahs.v1i2.427.
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Though, Nigeria’s attempt to democratize its political space in the wake of the virtual continent-wide embrace of democracy following the demise of the cold-war was greeted with some attendant political stalemates. The impasse of the June 12th 1993 and the elongated transition to civil-rule programs of the Nigerian military government marked some turning points in the Nigeria’s journey towards democratic governance. The eventual departure of the Nigerian military from the political stage in 1999 and the birthing of democratic government only came into after the abrupt end of the cold war and the bipolar world system which, marked the triumphant emergence of the western liberal democracy, the final withdrawal of the Nigerian military from politics in 1999 and the formation of a democratic administration took over a decade to materialize. However, Nigeria , a leading proponent member-nation of the African home-grown initiative of NEPAD is today, challenged by a myriad of contending problems, arising paradoxically from some of the agenda with which NEPAD as a multilateral platform for the African nations has been put in place to address . This paper is essentially literature-based and therefore, attempts to historicize the Nigeria’s journey and its travails of democratization, as well as, the contradictions, which have also put to interrogation, the country’s democratic credentials amidst its crises of governance. The paper noted that, for Nigeria as a leading country on the continent, there is need for the self cleansing of its domestic polity and the civic space in keeping faith to the sacred creed of sowing the seed of democracy and consolidating such on the African continent.
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Dodo-Williams, Toyin, and Enrico Milano. "Half of a Yellow Sun or the Quest for (and Repression of) New Boundaries in Post-Colonial Nigeria: An International Law Analysis." Pólemos 12, no. 2 (September 25, 2018): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2018-0016.
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Abstract Half of a Yellow Sun is a novel written by the Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie. The title of the book takes its reference from the flag of the former, short-lived, Republic of Biafra, which consisted of a horizontal tricolour of red, black, and green, with a golden rising sun over a golden bar. The author unfolds to the reader the impact and the ugliness of the Biafran war of independence as it meanders through the lives of the interdependent main characters: Ugwu, Olanna, Kainene, Odenigbo and Richard. The events that climaxed into the civil war gradually tore apart the day-to-day routine serenity of the main characters, requiring continuous adjustment in the lives of each character to the reality of war. The harrowing experience of the war drastically changed their lives. The present contribution draws inspiration from thes novel to engage with the construction and definition of social, political and legal boundaries in post-colonial Nigeria, focussing in particular on the relevance and impact of international law norms and principles in the events that unfolded between 1967 and 1970.
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Nkwede, Friday E., Joseph O. Nkwede, and Bigben C. Ogbonna. "Rethinking terrorism financing and democracy in Africa: The Nigeria case." OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies 16 (October 2, 2020): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/og.v16i1.9.
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Terrorism financing has become a threat to humanity and democracy in Africa. Most terrorist organizations in Africa need money to carry out their massacre activities, which threatens African democracy, political stability, and economic development. The wave of terrorism activities and terrorism financing in Africa have remained a major cause for concern. The pervasive widespread of terrorist attacks seem to have defile all situations. Apparently, in Nigeria, terrorist attack reports have become a daily menu. The lethal killings by Boko Haram in Nigeria can be likened to the era of the Nigerian Civil war. This paper therefore, compares and contrasts the terrorism financing vis-à-vis the nascent democracy in Africa with a focus on Nigerian cases of Boko Haram. Terrorism financing misrepresents democratic growth and economic development in Africa, which brought about a rise in terrorist widespread and negative financial growth and progress in Nigeria and Africa. The multi-dimensional of terrorist financing has brought difficulties to trace terrorist funds due to legitimize illegal sourcing of funds to terrorist accounts. The paper finds that the current wave of terrorism financing have made African democracy unstable and pathetically feeble.
Keywords: Terrorism, financing, security, democracy
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Shehu, Sani, and Mohd Afandi Salleh. "NECESSITATING FACTORS TO NIGERIAN FAILURE ON PALM OIL." Asian People Journal (APJ) 3, no. 2 (October 31, 2020): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37231/apj.2020.3.2.166.
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The oil palm tree, is originally a native crop of the tropical forest of West Africa. Palm oil trade emergedduring the British Industrial Revolution, whereby it was used for machines lubrication. Nigeria is among thefew places where the fruit was first discovered before the 14th century. Palm oil serves as the main vegetableoil produced globally, generating almost 60% of international trade in vegetable oils. In 1960s, Nigeria wasthe largest palm oil-producing and exporting country in the world. This accounted for forty-three percent ofentire palm oil global production, but the production entirely declined as a result of other factors that causedslow growth in palm oil production, while the domestic consumption has increased. Now it produces ameagre 1.7 percent of total world production which is insufficient for local consumption. Nigeria lost itsposition to Malaysia and Indonesia. Nigeria currently does not export palm oil, but it imports it fromMalaysia and Indonesia due to the local shortfall. The objective of this paper, explores the necessitatingfactors to Nigerian failure on palm oil, the paper is a qualitative research, it has adopted document analysis,the findings of the paper are the necessitating factors that led to the Nigerian failure on palm oil whichinclude; oil boom and decline in agriculture, civil war, traditional system of palm oil production, inconclusion, these factors are the failure to Nigerian palm oil production.
Keywords: Nigerian Background, Oil Palm, Palm Oil, Necessitating Factors
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N., Uche, Ngozi O.J., and Ugwu C.A. "Futility of War and its Traumatic Effect on Women: A Study of Ade-Okere's Forest Dames." African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 6, no. 2 (July 26, 2023): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/jarms-gnraznua.
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War is futile and should be discouraged in its entirety by any individual, group, society or nation. Young men who never witnessed any war in their lifetime clamour for war in the face of any little provocation but those who had witnessed war never wished to experience any form of war again. During the civil war, the Northern part of Nigeria was aided by foreign allies against the Biafrans. The war was actually initiated by the northerners who started killing the Igbo people in the North with impunity. In the end, the war was declared as no victor, no vanquished even when millions of Igbo people were killed, their women and girls raped and their properties wasted. A lot of creative writings have been written on the theme of the futility of war. The creative writers in their individual works vividly demonstrate the futility of war with the aim to condemn any move for recurrence of war. Most of the writers wrote on the general perils of war. Many articles have equally been written on war and its imminent dangers to individuals and societies at large. In this paper, the researchers aim to investigate the traumatic effects of the civil war especially on Biafran women with the view to discourage further occurrence.
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N., Uche, Ngozi O.J., and Ugwu C.A. "Futility of War and its Traumatic Effect on Women: A Study of Ade-Okere’s Forest Dames." Journal of Advanced Research and Multidisciplinary Studies 3, no. 2 (July 20, 2023): 14–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/jarms-gnraznu.
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War is futile and should be discouraged in its entirety by any individual, group, society or nation. Young men who never witnessed any war in their lifetime clamour for war in the face of any little provocation but those who had witnessed war never wished to experience any form of war again. During the civil war, the Northern part of Nigeria was aided by foreign allies against the Biafrans. The war was actually initiated by the northerners who started killing the Igbo people in the North with impunity. In the end, the war was declared as no victor, no vanquished even when millions of Igbo people were killed, their women and girls raped and their properties wasted. A lot of creative writings have been written on the theme of the futility of war. The creative writers in their individual works vividly demonstrate the futility of war with the aim to condemn any move for recurrence of war. Most of the writers wrote on the general perils of war. Many articles have equally been written on war and its imminent dangers to individuals and societies at large. In this paper, the researchers aim to investigate the traumatic effects of the civil war especially on Biafran women with the view to discourage further occurrence.
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DALY, SAMUEL FURY CHILDS. "THE SURVIVAL CON: FRAUD AND FORGERY IN THE REPUBLIC OF BIAFRA, 1967–70." Journal of African History 58, no. 1 (February 8, 2017): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853716000347.
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AbstractOver the course of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–70), many people in the secessionist Republic of Biafra resorted to forgery, confidence scams, and other forms of fraud to survive the dire conditions created by Nigeria's blockade. Forgery of passes and other documents, fraudulent commercial transactions, and elaborate schemes involving impersonation and racketeering became common in Biafra, intensifying as the Biafran government's ability to enforce the law diminished. Using long-neglected legal records from Biafra's courts and tribunals, this study traces the process by which deception emerged as a practice of survival in wartime Biafra – a process with important implications for the growth of fraud (known as ‘419’ after the relevant section of the Nigerian criminal code) in reintegrated postwar Nigeria.
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Ogbonna, Morgan. "Mechanisms for Socio-Political Cohesion and National Development in Post-Civil War Nigeria." African Journal of Humanities and Contemporary Education Research 15, no. 1 (June 2, 2024): 01–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.62154/ry7ba636.
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The focus of this study is on Nigeria's post-civil war socio-political cohesion status at the political, economic, and social levels. It examines what the Nigerian government has done to enhance the necessary blending of political forces and ideologies of the greatest number of citizens, and how far they have gone in stabilizing the country in the 21st century. The study adopts the qualitative descriptive historical research method using the primary and secondary sources of data collection to arrive at its findings. It has also adopted the same descriptive and historical form in the presentation of the facts from oral interviews, journal articles, books and other secondary sources that have been consulted. The study ended with a short conclusion that leads the reader to recommendations on how the Nigerian state can achieve balance in its match to an enduring socio-political cohesion for national development.
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Daly, Samuel Fury Childs. "A Nation on Paper: Making a State in the Republic of Biafra." Comparative Studies in Society and History 62, no. 4 (September 29, 2020): 868–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417520000316.
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AbstractWhat role did law play in articulating sovereignty and citizenship in postcolonial Africa? Using legal records from the secessionist Republic of Biafra, this article analyzes the relationship between law and national identity in an extreme context—that of the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Ideas about order, discipline, and legal process were at the heart of Biafra's sense of itself as a nation, and they served as the rhetorical justification for its secession from Nigeria. But they were not only rhetoric. In the turmoil of the ensuing civil war, Biafra's courts became the center of its national culture, and law became its most important administrative implement. In court, Biafrans argued over what behaviors were permissible in wartime, and judges used law to draw the boundaries of the new country's national identity. That law played this role in Biafra shows something broader about African politics: law, bureaucracy, and paperwork meant more to state-making than declensionist views of postcolonial Africa usually allow. Biafra failed as a political project, but it has important implications for the study of law in postcolonial Africa, and for the nation-state form in general.
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Smith, Daniel Jordan. "Legacies of Biafra: Marriage, ‘Home People’ and Reproduction Among the Igbo of Nigeria." Africa 75, no. 1 (February 2005): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2005.75.1.30.
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AbstractThis article examines the ways in which the legacies and collective memories of Biafra, the secessionist state established at the time of Nigeria's civil war from 1967 to1970, shape contemporary Igbo practices and experiences of marriage, rural–urban ties and reproduction. The importance of appropriate and permanent marriage and the perceived necessity of dependable affinal relations for contemporary Igbos are analysed in relation to recollections of marriage during the war. The intense identification of migrant Igbos with place of origin and the importance of ‘home’ and ‘home people’ are situated in the context of the legacy of Biafra. The importance of kinship relationships for access to patron–client networks is linked to the Igbo perception of marginalization in the wake of Biafra. Igbo ideas about the significance of reproduction and the vital importance of ‘having people’ are reinforced through collective memories of Biafra. Igbo people's conceptions of Nigerian politics, their understandings of the social and economic importance of kinship and community in contemporary Nigeria, and even their reproductive decisions can be better explained by taking into account the legacies of Biafra.
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Spalding, Nancy. "A Cultural Explanation of Collapse into Civil War: Escalation of Tension in Nigeria." Culture & Psychology 6, no. 1 (March 2000): 51–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354067x0061003.
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Staunton, Enda. "The case of Biafra: Ireland and the Nigerian civil war." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 513–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014395.
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In the 1940s and 1950s, irrespective of the government in power, Irish foreign policy faced strong domestic pressure to remain within parameters defined by religious sentiment, anti-communism and anti-colonialism. Yet two contrasting attitudes, corresponding to party allegiances, were nonetheless discernible: that of Fine Gael, which held constantly to a pro-Western line, and that of Fianna Fáil, which was capable of occasionally departing from it. By the 1960s the two approaches had converged, as Fianna Fáil under Seán Lemass repositioned itself more clearly in the American-led camp, a change most strikingly exemplified by Ireland’s response to the Cuban missile crisis of 1962. Yet before the end of the decade an issue was to arise in which Dublin’s Department of External Affairs was to find itself steering a course independent of forces both within the country and outside it.The war which erupted in Nigeria in the summer of 1967, when its Eastern Region seceded, was to reverberate across the world, causing a response in Ireland unequalled by the reaction to any foreign civil conflict between that of Spain in the 1930s and that of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. It was to bring about the greatest emotional involvement with an African problem since Ireland’s participation in the Congo conflict, leading directly to the foundation of the Africa Concern and Gorta organisations and marking a turning-point in the nature of Irish overseas aid.
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Desgrandchamps, Marie-Luce. "‘Organising the unpredictable’: the Nigeria–Biafra war and its impact on the ICRC." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 888 (December 2012): 1409–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000428.
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AbstractThis article analyses how the events of the late 1960s – and in particular the Nigeria–Biafra War – marked a turning point in the history of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC). The Nigeria-Biafra conflict required the ICRC to set up and coordinate a major relief operation during a civil war in a post-colonial context, posing several new challenges for the organisation. This article shows how the difficulties encountered during the conflict highlighted the need for the Geneva-based organisation to reform the management of its operations, personnel, and communications in order to become more effective and professional. Finally, the article takes the examination of this process within the ICRC as a starting point for a broader discussion of the changing face of the humanitarian sector in the late 1960s.