Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nigeria – Foreign relations – Liberia

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Nigeria – Foreign relations – Liberia'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Nigeria – Foreign relations – Liberia"

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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 414–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519561.

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AbstractThe essay traces the roots of R2P in African political thought—through individuals such as Kenya's Ali Mazrui, Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, Tanzania's Salim Ahmed Salim, South Africa's Nelson Mandela and abo Mbeki, and Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali— and considers the bid by West Africa's regional hegemon, Nigeria, to play a leadership role on the continent in relation to the norm. It argues that the regional West African giant has exhibited a 'missionary zeal' in assuming the role of a benevolent 'older brother' responsible for protecting younger siblings—whether these are Nigeria's immediate neighbours, fellow Africans, or black people in the African Diaspora. Without Nigeria's military support and economic and political clout, the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)—which intervened in civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s—would simply not have existed. Despite the lack of a clearly agreed UN or pan-African mandate, Nigeria's interventions - under the auspices of ECOMOG - effectively operationalised R2P in the region and eventually won continental and international support. However, Nigeria's recent foreign adventures have often been launched in the face of strong domestic opposition and a failure by military and civilian regimes to apply R2P domestically. The essay concludes by considering Nigeria's need to build a stable democracy and promote effective regional integration, if it wishes to benefit from its peacekeeping successes in the region and pursue a continued leadership role in relation to R2P.
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Jaiblai, Prince, and Vijay Shenai. "The Determinants of FDI in Sub-Saharan Economies: A Study of Data from 1990–2017." International Journal of Financial Studies 7, no. 3 (August 12, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijfs7030043.

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can bring in much needed capital, particularly to developing countries, help improve manufacturing and trade sectors, bring in more efficient technologies, increase local production and exports, create jobs and develop local skills, and bring about improvements in infrastructure and overall be a contributor to sustainable economic growth. With all these desirable features, it becomes relevant to ascertain the factors which attract FDI to an economy or a group of adjacent economies. This paper explores the determinants of FDI in ten sub-Saharan economies: Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Nigeria, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Cameroun, and Senegal. After an extensive literature review of theories and empirical research, using a set of cross-sectional data over the period 1990–2017, two econometric models are estimated with FDI/GDP (the ratio of Foreign Direct Investment to Gross Domestic Product) as the dependent variable, and with inflation, exchange rate changes, openness, economy size (GDP), income levels (GNI/capita (Gross National Income) per capita), and infrastructure as the independent variables. Over the period, higher inflows of FDI in relation to GDP appear to be have been attracted to the markets with better infrastructure, smaller markets, and lower income levels, with higher openness and depreciation in the exchange rate, though the coefficients of the last two variables are not significant. These results show the type of FDI attracted to investments in this region and are evaluated from theoretical and practical viewpoints. FDI is an important source of finance for developing economies. On average, between 2013 and 2017, FDI accounted for 39 percent of external finance for developing economies. Policy guidelines are formulated for the enhancement of FDI inflows and further economic development in this region. Such a study of this region has not been made in the recent past.
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Okolie, Ugo C., and Sebastian Akbefe. "A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE KEY CHALLENGES OF TRADE UNIONISM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.0434.

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Trade unions are basically an integral part of liberal democratic society. They are an im-portant part of the fabric of the Nigerian society, providing social, economic, political and psychological benefits for their members as well as the platform for participation in mana-gerial functions in government and work industry. It is worrisome that in recent times, trade unions in Nigeria are witnessing serious challenges that tend to militate against their performance. This paper therefore examines the challenges in Nigeria’ fourth republic, using the Marxist theory of class conflicts as theoretical framework of analysis. A qualita-tive research method was adopted and was content analyzed in relation to the scope of the paper. The paper observes that lack of committed leadership, lack of internal democracy, government intervention, tribalism and nepotism, internal factionalism, apathetic attitude, poor economic climate and non-affiliation with foreign union are the major challenges that trade unions in Nigeria currently face. The paper recommends among others that trade unions should imbibe the tenets of democracy in their internal administration.
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Omiunu, Ohiocheoya (Ohio), and Ifeanyichukwu Azuka Aniyie. "Evolution of subnational foreign economic relations in Nigeria." South African Journal of International Affairs 25, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 365–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2018.1526111.

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Akindele, R. A., and Oye Oyediran. "Federalism and Foreign Policy in Nigeria." International Journal 41, no. 3 (1986): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202393.

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Akindele, R. A., and Oye Oyediran. "Federalism and Foreign Policy in Nigeria." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 600–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100305.

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Nash, Marian, and (Leich). "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 2 (April 1996): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203689.

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In response to a request from the court to the Legal Adviser of the Department of State, by a letter dated November 29, 1995, the United States submitted a Statement of Interest in Meridien International Bank Ltd. v. Government of the Republic of Liberia. The United States stated that the executive branch had determined that allowing the (second) Liberian National Transitional Government (LNTG II) access to American courts was consistent with U.S. foreign policy. The court, the United States maintained, should therefore accord that Government standing to assert claims and defenses in the action on behalf of the Republic of Liberia.
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Amin, Julius A. "Cameroon's relations toward Nigeria: a foreign policy of pragmatism." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000545.

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AbstractExisting literature argues that the tactics of Cameroon foreign policy have been conservative, weak and timid. This study refutes that perspective. Based on extensive and previously unused primary sources obtained from Cameroon's Ministry of External Relations and from the nation's archives in Buea and Yaoundé, this study argues that Cameroon's foreign policy was neither timid nor makeshift. Its strategy was one of pragmatism. By examining the nation's policy toward Nigeria in the reunification of Cameroon, the Nigerian civil war, the Bakassi Peninsula crisis and Boko Haram, the study maintains that, while the nation's policy was cautious, its leaders focused on the objectives and as a result scored major victories. The study concludes by suggesting that President Paul Biya invokes the same skills he used in foreign policy to address the ongoing Anglophone problem, a problem that threatens to unravel much of what the country has accomplished.
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Olayiwola, Rahman O. "Islam and the conduct of foreign relations in Nigeria." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 9, no. 2 (July 1988): 356–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666958808716089.

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Greer, Brenna W. "Selling Liberia: Moss H. Kendrix, the Liberian Centennial Commission, and the Post-World War II Trade in Black Progress." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht017.

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This article examines the activities of Moss H. Kendrix, a budding black entrepreneur and Public Relations Officer for the Centennial Commission of the Republic of Liberia, during the years immediately following World War II. To secure US investment in Liberia’s postwar development, Kendrix re-presented African Americans and Americo-Liberians as new markets valuable to US economic growth and national security. This article argues that his tactics advanced the global significance of black peoples as modern consumers and his worth as a black markets specialist, while simultaneously legitimating notions of progress that frustrated black claims for unconditional self-determination or first-class citizenship. Kendrix’s public relations work on behalf of Liberia highlights intersections between postwar black entrepreneurialism and politics and US foreign relations, as well as the globalization of US business and consumerism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nigeria – Foreign relations – Liberia"

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Bird, Annie. "US foreign policy on transitional justice : case studies on Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/473/.

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The US has been involved in the majority of transitional justice measures established since the 1990s. This study explores this phenomenon by examining the forces that shape US foreign policy on transitional justice. It first investigates US influence on the evolution of the field, and then traces US involvement in three illustrative cases in order to establish what US involvement entails, why the US gets involved and how the US has impacted individual measures and the field as a whole. The cases include: the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia; the trial of Liberian President Charles Taylor and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission; and the Justice and Peace Process in Colombia. These cases represent different transitional justice measures, transition types and geographic regions – all key dimensions in the field. These measures were also all established in the 2000s, a period which reflects a different historical moment in the field’s evolution. The cases shed light on the actors who play a key role in the field – from presidential administrations to Congress to the State Department and others. The study is based on nearly 200 interviews and archival research undertaken in the US, The Hague, Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia, providing a strong basis on which to draw conclusions about US foreign policy on transitional justice.
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Uchehara, K. "Africa's foreign policy and political borders : Nigeria and her neighbours." Thesis, Coventry University, 2004. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/c150b040-f148-4a35-92d1-419b637b30ce/1.

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International boundaries inherited from colonialism have given room to territorial disputes and the existing boundary conflicts in the West African Region, and are an endemic feature of Nigeria's relations with her immediate neighbours. The thesis examines the 18 border disputes that Nigeria has been involved in since independence. The thesis begins by setting the scene in terms understanding Nigeria's foreign policy principles and objectives since independence and, in particular, its policy towards border disputes across the continent of Africa such as the Congo/Katanga, Uganda/Tanzania, Ethiopia/Somalia and Morocco/Algeria (chapter 2). The thesis then moves on to consider the underlying problems that have faced Nigeria as regards its borders as a result of colonisation (chapter 3). As the history is traced of the stages in the definition of Nigeria's boundaries, it becomes apparent that many border issues were unresolved or that decisions were made that were likely to be contested in the future. In chapter 4 the thesis turns to a detailed examination of the border disputes that have arisen in the last 43 years of independence between Nigeria and her close neighbours, Benin, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon and Niger. Chapter 5 analyses the data provided. It finds that the way the dispute was handled was closely related to the regime type. Under the liberal democratic regimes of Balewa, Shagari, Obasanjo II, disputes were largely dealt with by diplomacy and negotiation. Whereas under the autocratic regimes of military leaders such as Generals Ironsi, Gowen, Muhammed, Obasanjo, Buhari, Babangida, Abacha's and Abubaker's the disputes brought a response of a threat of force or aggressive use of force. It concludes that liberal democracy profoundly affects how border disputes are handled and is a force for peace and stability.
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Umejei, Emeka Lucky. "The framing of China in Nigeria : an analysis of the coverage of China's involvement in Nigeria by Thisday newspaper." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012974.

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This study identified the media frames that dominate Thisday newspaper's coverage of China's engagement with Nigeria and relate these frames to frame sponsors, who articulate and contest these framings. Frame analysis is applied to a sample of 40 news, feature and opinion articles between the sample period of 1 November 2011 and 31 December 2012. The study analysed media content from Thisday newspapers, drawing on the four dimensions of frames identified by Entman: define problems, diagnose causes, evaluate causal agents and their effects, and recommend treatment (Entman 1993). Using an inductive approach to frame analysis, the study identified two overarching mega frames, contested among the ruling elites who sponsor their views on China in the media, which define China's engagement with Nigeria; partner/role model and predator. The two mega frames mirror the broad characterisation prevalent in the academic literature on China in Africa. The primary partner/role model mega frame constructs China's engagement with Nigeria as a mutually beneficial economic partnership while on the other hand the predator mega frame constructs it as unequal and exploitative. The study identified the activities of frame sponsors who are articulating and promoting their views on China's engagement with Nigeria in the media as primarily responsible for these framings. The study also identified the activities of frame sponsors (ruling and economic elites) was key to the exclusion of ordinary peoples' voices, civic organisations, trade unions and human rights organisation in the text. However, the study also attributes the exclusion of ordinary voices, human rights, democracy and civic engagements in the text to the weakness of Thisday journalism in mediating the framings of China being promoted and articulated by elite frame sponsors. This is, however, symptomatic of the fault lines of journalism practice in Nigeria.
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Mapenda, Rufaro. "Exchange rates behaviour in Ghana and Nigeria: is there a misalignment?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002710.

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Exchange rates are believed to be one of the major driving forces behind sustainable macroeconomic growth and it is therefore important to ensure that they are at an appropriate level. Exchange rate misalignment is a situation where the actual exchange rate differs significantly from its equilibrium value, resulting in either an overvalued or an undervalued currency. The problem with an undervalued currency is that it will increase the domestic price of tradable goods whereas an overvalued currency will cause a fall in the domestic prices of the tradable goods. Persistent exchange rate misalignment is thus expected to result in severe macroeconomic instability. The aim of this study is to estimate the equilibrium real exchange rate for both Ghana and Nigeria. After so doing, the equilibrium real exchange rate is compared to the actual real exchange rate, in order to assess the extent of real exchange rate misalignment in both countries, if any such exists. In order test the applicability of the equilibrium exchange rate models, the study draws from the simple monetary model as well as the Edwards (1989) and Montiel (1999) models. These models postulate that the variables which determine the real exchange rate are the terms of trade, trade restrictions, domestic interest rates, foreign aid inflow, income, money supply, world inflation, government consumption expenditure, world interest rates, capital controls and technological progress. Due to data limitations in Ghana and in Nigeria, not all the variables are utilised in the study. The study uses the Johansen (1995) model as well as the Vector Error Correction Model (VECM) to estimate the long- and the short-run relationships between the above-mentioned determinants and the real exchange rate. Thereafter the study employs the Hodrick-Prescott filter to estimate the permanent equilibrium exchange rate. The study estimates a real exchange rate model each for Ghana and Nigeria. Both the exchange rate models for Ghana and Nigeria provide evidence of exchange rate misalignment. The model for Ghana shows that from the first quarter of 1980 to the last quarter of 1983 the real exchange rate was overvalued; thereafter the exchange rate moved close to its equilibrium value and was generally undervalued with few and short-lived episodes of overvaluation. In regard to real exchange rate misalignment in Nigeria prior to the Structural Adjustment Program in 1986 there were episodes of undervaluation from the first quarter of 1980 to the first quarter of 1984 and overvaluation from the second quarter of 1984 to the third quarter of 1986; thereafter the exchange rate was generally and marginally undervalued.
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Durr, Samantha J. "A Brief History of United States Foreign Development Assistance to Benin, the Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Senegal Since 2000." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1493389407692537.

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Owusu-Nyamekye, Dwobeng. "Determinants of Foreign Direct Investment| Natural Resources a Driven Factor| The Case of Ghana, Nigeria, and Togo." Thesis, Keiser University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10841615.

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The disappointing economic performance of Nigerian, Ghanaian, and the Togolese economies, coupled with the globalization of activities in the world economy, have forced them to look outward for development strategies. Many studies have been attempted to estimate the impact of natural resources on foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows around the world, but very few have been focused on Ghana, Nigeria and Togo. This study departed from previous studies and employed a gravity-type framework to explicitly explore the question of whether natural resource endowments was a more relevant factor that explained the FDI’s attraction to the countries under study. The study also included other FDI determinants. Accordingly, this study served to investigate whether natural resources attracted FDI inflows in Ghana, Nigeria, and Togo. Using time series data from 1980–2015, the study was conducted to answer two research questions. Two models were established utilizing the pooled ordinary least square method to estimate the coefficients of the models. Preliminary results were obtained using both the random effect and fixed effect models. The results of the study yielded by both techniques registered natural resources to be significant as a driven factor for FDI inflows to the countries under review. Other factors such as GDP per capita, trade openness, political stability, and economic liberalization were also found to be significant in FDI determination.

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Ighoavodha, Frederick J. O. (Frederick J. Ofuafo). "International Political Economy of External Economic Dependence and Foreign Investment Policy Outputs as a Component of National Development Strategy: Nigeria 1954-1980." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331233/.

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This study examined the effects and expectations of external economic dependence on foreign investment policy outputs with particular reference to the Nigerian experience between 1954 and 1980. Three basic kinds of external economic dependence were studied: foreign investment, the penetration of the Nigerian economy by foreign capital through the agency of the multinational corporations (MNCs); foreign trade, a measure of the Nigerian economy's participation in the world market; and foreign aid (loans and grants), a measure of Nigeria's reliance on financial assistance from governments and international financial inst itutions. For the most part, the level of Nigeria's economic dependence was very high. However, economic dependency is not translated into changes in foreign investment policy in favor of the foreign investors in Nigeria as is predicted by the dependency paradigm. The Nigerian case casts doubt on the dependency paradigm as a framework for fully explaining factors that may determine foreign direct investment policy changes that occur in a less developed Third World country. In other words, the dependency paradigm has a limited explanatory power; there is a factor independent of the economic factor operating out of the control of global capitalism (the center of the center in alliance with the center of the periphery); and that factor is the political process in Nigeria. The web of the Nigerian political process involves the various aspects of its internal functioning such as the manner in which needs, interests and demands are conveyed from the individuals and groups in the country to those performing state duties. Thus, Nigerian policy makers were more influenced by those elements than pure economic considerations treated in isolation.
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Westerlund, Olivia Banks. "The Effectiveness of Foreign Aid on Corruption Eradication in Developing Countries’ Institutions. : A Qualitative Case Study Related to International Relations Studies with A Focus on A West African Country: Nigeria." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-82554.

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Abstract. Foreign aid's effectiveness on eradicating corruption is a fragile yet complex topic to research in International Relations. Some scholars argue that economic aid should not be given without specific conditions, while some argue that aid should be given with strict or specific rules to recipient countries.  Par contra my research is aimed at examining one recipient country: Nigeria, as a case study which is considered amongst the most corrupt countries in the world yet are highly enriched in natural resources, such as being the major oil-producing country in Africa that boosts the country's GDP per capita through the export trade with foreign countries. And most foreign donor countries allocate economic aid to Nigeria because they are dependent on the country's trade on natural resources. In this research, I used two conceptualised variables of corruption; bribery and facilitate payment, which is considered the most common corruption trends in the Nigerian society, with the aim of analysing the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime's (UNODC) twelve-month survey report conducted in December 2019 in Nigeria. Alongside with the London 2016 Anti-Corruption Summit report, the current agenda agreed by forty countries with over six hundred commitments, which Nigeria participated in—hence creating the national anti-corruption programmes that the current President of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari implemented as a commitment to the Summit. Consequently using legitimacy and governance perspectives to analyse the efficacy of aid in Nigeria's institution, and evaluating the country's alliance of economic aid in combating corruption, whilst identifying the state's level of governance towards anti-corruption policies to eradicate corruption. The findings show that the level of corruption in Nigeria is still very much high within the public sectors and shows that three in four citizens encounter a form of corruption such as bribery, daily with a civilian who demands a bribe in exchange for their services. And facilitation payment is considered a common activity of Nigerian citizens to speed up legal procedures with the governmental institutions. Even though the Nigerian government claims that the national anti-corruption policies are effective, the survey still shows that there less amount of reported official persons in the conduct of corruption and also the policies doesn't show a trend that the official persons do abide by the policies because the rate of transparency within the institutions is very much low. Yet these official persons intend to be in denial of collecting bribes or participating in any form of corruption.
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Chmelová, Lenka. "Zahraničná politika Nigérie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77399.

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This thesis deals with main principles and goals of Nigerian foreign policy, their evolution - success and failures, during the 50 year's existence of independent Nigeria. First chapter determinates the principles and goals, which more or less apply for each and every Nigerian government, militaristic and civil as well. Remaining three chapters describe and analyze the development of Nigeria's external relations in the three contexts of Nigeria's international interaction: domestic, regional and external.
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Amao, Olumuyiwa Babatunde. "Between Afro-centrism and citizen diplomacy, the dilemma of Nigeria's conflict resolution mechanism in Africa : lessons from Liberia." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8662.

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Given the destabilizing effect which conflicts have had on Africa's socio-economic and political development, attempts have been (and are still being) made by a combination of state and non-state actors towards ensuring the prevention of conflicts before they occur, including the setting up of the required capacity to deal with them. Epitomizing this tradition is Nigeria, which courtesy of its regional hegemonic status and geographic location as well as its military and economic strength has been one of the leading nations in conflict resolution, peace building and peacekeeping in Africa. In view of the foregoing, this study revisits Nigeria's conflict resolution mechanisms in Africa, through an analysis of its role within Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)-sponsored projects; such as the Nigerian-led military intervention in Liberia between 1990 and 1997. Using the realist approach as its framework of analysis and content analysis as its research methodology, the study interrogates the connection between Nigeria's interventionist role in Africa and the possible nexus or otherwise with its foreign policy dictates. The study further examines the gains or otherwise that have been achieved courtesy of the Africanization of Nigeria's foreign policy objectives from 1960 to 2010; and the probable factors responsible for the much 'politicized' shift to citizen diplomacy. The study reveals that what is presently at play is a continuation of Nigeria's traditional Afro-centric posture and advocates the need for Nigeria to put an end to its seemingly 'charity inclined foreign policy orientation'. It recommends a re-definition of Nigeria's foreign policy focus to accommodate a 'People first' approach towards conflict resolution in Africa both in theory and in practice.
Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.
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Books on the topic "Nigeria – Foreign relations – Liberia"

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Ordu, Emmanuel I. Nigeria-Africa relations. Port Harcourt [Nigeria]: Nissi Books, 2005.

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Hoffman, Adonis. On USA-Nigeria relations. [Abuja, Nigeria]: Sputnik Publications, 1998.

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Crocker, Chester A. Recent developments in Liberia. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, Office of Public Communication, Editorial Division, 1985.

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Foreign policy decision-making in Nigeria. Selinsgrove, PA: Susquehanna University Press, 2001.

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United States policy towards Liberia 1822 to 2003: Unintended consequences? Cherry Hill, N.J: Africana Homestead Legacy Publishers, 2006.

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Hyman, Lester S. United States policy towards Liberia 1822 to 2003: Unintended consequences? Cherry Hill, N.J: Africana Homestead Legacy Publishers, 2007.

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United States policy towards Liberia, 1822 to 2003: Unintended consequences? Cherry Hill, N.J: Africana Homestead Legacy Publishers, 2003.

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Nimley, Anthony J. Government and politics in Liberia. Nashville, Tenn: Academic Publishers International, 1991.

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Nigeria-Russia relations in a multipolar world. Lagos, Nigeria: The Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, 2010.

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Chibundu, Victor Nwaozichi. Foreign policy: With particular reference to Nigeria (1961-2002). Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd., 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nigeria – Foreign relations – Liberia"

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Ojo, Olatunde J. B. "Nigeria: The Political Economy of Dependent Industrialization and Foreign Policy." In Newly Industrializing Countries and the Political Economy of South-South Relations, 121–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-09753-1_6.

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Adibe, Jideofor, and Vincent Chukwukadibia Onwughalu. "Xenophobia in Nigeria and Ghana." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 90–110. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7099-9.ch006.

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Xenophobia—the fear or hatred of that which is perceived to be foreign or strange—is a phenomenon found in varying degrees in many parts of the world. This chapter examines manifestations of xenophobia in the ‘indigene-settler dichotomy' in some communities in Nigeria and in the expulsion of Nigerians from Ghana in the 1960s and Nigeria's expulsions of Ghanaians in the 1980s. Relying on secondary sources of data collection and content analyses, the chapter interrogates the implications of xenophobia for both inter-ethnic relations in Nigeria and the relations between Nigeria and Ghana.
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Lustig, Doreen. "Liberia, Firestone, and the End of Slavery as a Political Cause." In Veiled Power, 28–68. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198822097.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 chronicles the interwar case of the Firestone Company in Liberia against the backdrop of the League of Nations’ Slavery and Forced Labour Conventions of 1926 and 1934. While Liberia differs from later postcolonial states in its unique history and early independent status, the case of Firestone in Liberia is a precursor to future relations between foreign companies and postcolonial states. Given the power balance between the company and Liberia, the government was incapable of introducing limitations on the private enterprise’s labour policies. Liberia’s engagement with the Firestone Company thus provides an intriguing prelude to the incapacity of the emerging international legal order to abolish the enslavement of humans, and further demonstrates how this very limitation was able to facilitate the enslavement of political communities.
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Buehler, Matt, and Kyung Joon Han. "Integrating African Migrants?" In Mobility and Forced Displacement in the Middle East, 165–86. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197531365.003.0008.

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Given historically amicable relations between North Africa’s native citizens of Arab and African descent, it is counterintuitive that prejudice against foreign African migrants from sub-Saharan countries seems to be rising. Discrimination seems to be intensifying against African migrants who have recently arrived from Congo, Nigeria, Senegal, Cameroon, Mali, and elsewhere. Where conflict and poverty proliferate in these countries, migrants flee to North Africa seeking clandestine access to Europe by boat across the Mediterranean, or by foot through Spain’s North African enclaves of Melilla and Ceuta. In response, Spain, Italy, and North African countries have increased border and maritime security. Thus, as an alternative, many sub-Saharan African migrants have decided to resettle in North Africa. Previously, articles have appeared depicting North African states as “sender” countries of migrants. Yet, more recently, they have also become “recipient” countries of African migrants.
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Billon, Philippe Le. "The Geography of “Resource Wars”." In The Geography of War and Peace. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195162080.003.0017.

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Competition over natural resources has figured prominently among explanations of armed conflicts, from Malthusian fears of population growth and land scarcity to national security interests over resources defined as “strategic” because of their industrial or military use, such as oil and uranium. Access to natural resources and the transformation of nature into tradable commodities are deeply political processes, in which military force can play a role of domination or resistance. Armed separatism within Indonesia and Nigeria, annexation attempts on Kuwait and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, protracted civil wars in Angola and the Philippines, and coups d’état in Iran and Venezuela have all incorporated important resource dimensions. Arguably, the radical Islamic terrorism that has affected the United States since the early 1990s is to some extent an oil-related “blowback”: U.S. military deployment in Saudi Arabia, criticisms against the corruption of the Gulf regimes, and ironically, part of the funding made available to terrorist groups. This chapter examines relations between resources and armed conflicts, with a focus on commodities legally traded on international markets (thereby excluding drugs, as well as water and land involved, for example, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) and on extracted resources such as oil, minerals, and timber, in particular. Beyond a simple reading of so-called resource wars as violent modes of competitive behavior, this chapter argues that resource exploitation and the resource dependence of many producing countries play a role in shaping incentives and opportunities of uneven development, misgovernance, coercive rule, insurrection, and foreign interference. This relationship, however, is not systematic: history, political culture, institutions, and regional neighborhoods, as well as a country’s place in the international economy, all play a part these relations. The incorporation of resources into an armed conflict has also specific implications upon its course through their influence on the motivations, strategies, and capabilities of belligerents. Military targets often consist of commercial business opportunities rather than political targets, while the cost of engaging adversaries may be calculated in terms of financial reward.
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Rahman, Hakikur. "Role of ICT in Establishing E-Government System for Disadvantaged Communities." In Information Communication Technologies, 1482–93. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-949-6.ch101.

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Information and communications technologies (ICTs) are playing an increasingly vital role in the daily lives of all communities by revolutionizing their working procedures and rules of governance. ICTs offer a unique opportunity for governing elite to overcome the crisis of representative democracy, as ICT and the Internet empower civil society to play its role more effectively and facilitate the performance of governments’ main function-serving the people who elect them (Misnikov, 2003). In the realm of government, ICT applications are promising to enhance the delivery of public goods and services to common people not only by improving the process and management of government, but also by redefining the age-old traditional concepts. Community networking groups and local government authorities are well placed to campaign for greater inclusion for all members of the community in the information society. Possible areas to target include the provision of technology at low or no cost to groups through community technology centres or out of hours school access. There are many possibilities and local government must take a significant role in these activities (Young, 2000). Information society is based on the effective use and easy access of information and knowledge, while ICT for development (or ICTD) is not restricted to technology itself but focusing on manifold development and diverse manifestations for the people to improve their well-being. ICTD has deep roots in governance, is part of governance and has effects on governance patters and practices at both central and local level. By recognizing these facts, UNDP focuses on technologies to end poverty at WSIS Cyber Summit 2003, and emphasizes on ways that new technologies can help lift more than one billion people out of extreme poverty (UNDP, 2003). Apart from the four Asian IT giants (Korea, Rep., Hong Kong, China, Taiwan, China, and Japan), most of the Asian countries have fallen under the “low access” category of the Digital Access Index. This has also been referred in the WSIS Cyber Summit 2003, until now, limited infrastructure has often been regarded as the main barrier to bridging the digital divide (ITU, 2003). Among the countries with ICT spending as share of their GDP, Sweden, UK, The Netherlands, Denmark, and France (8.63, 7.97, 7.39, 7.19, and 6.57% respectively during 1992-2001) remain at the top (Daveri, 2002, p. 9), while countries like Bangladesh, Greece, Mexico, Niger, and many more remain at the bottom (EC, 2001; ITU, 2003b; Miller, 2001; Piatkowski, 2002). In a similar research it has been found that in terms of average share of ICT spending GDP, New Zealand, Sweden, Australia, USA, and UK (9.3, 8.4, 8.1, 8.1, and 7.8% respectively during 1992-1999) were among the highest (Pohjola, 2002, p. 7), though most of the countries in the Asian and African regions remain below the average of 5%. The disadvantaged communities in the countries staying below average in ICT spending seem to be lagging in forming appropriate information-based economy and eventually fall behind in achieving proper e-government system. The e-government system in those countries need to enhance access to and delivery of government services to benefit people, help strengthen government’s drive toward effective governance and increased transparency, and better management of the country’s social and economic resources for development. The key to e-government is the establishment of a long-term dynamic strategy to fulfill the citizen needs by transforming internal operations. E-government should result in the efficiency and swift delivery and services to citizens, business, government employees and agencies. For citizens and businesses, e-government seems the simplification of procedures and streamlining of different approval processes, while for government employees and agencies, it means the facilitation of cross-agency coordination and collaboration to ensure appropriate and timely decision-making. Thus, e-government demands transformation of government procedures and redefining the process of working with people and activities relating to people. The outcome would be a societal, organizational, and technological change for the government and to its people, with IT as an enabling factor. E-government should concentrate on more efficient delivery of public services, better management of financial, human and public resources and goods at all levels of government, in particular at local level, under conditions of sustainability, participation, interoperability, increased effectiveness and transparency (EU, 2002). ICT brings pertinent sides more closely by prioritizing partnerships between the state, business and civil society. A few East European countries have became economically liberal with the high level of foreign direct investment per capita and at the same time became ICT-advanced regional leaders in terms of economic reform. These countries also present the region’s most vivid examples of partnerships and collaboration. They have clearly manifested the importance of the public-private partnerships, transparent bottom-up strategies, involvement of all stakeholders, total governmental support, capturing economic opportunities, and enabling electronic mediated businesses, responding to the challenges of globalization.
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Conference papers on the topic "Nigeria – Foreign relations – Liberia"

1

Bello, Ismail, Kabir Umar Musa, Asma'u Isyaku Dutse, and Muktar Bashir. "Indonesia- Nigeria Foreign Economic Relations: A Partnership for Economic Development." In Unhas International Conference on Social and Political Science (UICoSP 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/uicosp-17.2017.35.

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