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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 414–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519561.
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AbstractThe essay traces the roots of R2P in African political thought—through individuals such as Kenya's Ali Mazrui, Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, Tanzania's Salim Ahmed Salim, South Africa's Nelson Mandela and abo Mbeki, and Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali— and considers the bid by West Africa's regional hegemon, Nigeria, to play a leadership role on the continent in relation to the norm. It argues that the regional West African giant has exhibited a 'missionary zeal' in assuming the role of a benevolent 'older brother' responsible for protecting younger siblings—whether these are Nigeria's immediate neighbours, fellow Africans, or black people in the African Diaspora. Without Nigeria's military support and economic and political clout, the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)—which intervened in civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s—would simply not have existed. Despite the lack of a clearly agreed UN or pan-African mandate, Nigeria's interventions - under the auspices of ECOMOG - effectively operationalised R2P in the region and eventually won continental and international support. However, Nigeria's recent foreign adventures have often been launched in the face of strong domestic opposition and a failure by military and civilian regimes to apply R2P domestically. The essay concludes by considering Nigeria's need to build a stable democracy and promote effective regional integration, if it wishes to benefit from its peacekeeping successes in the region and pursue a continued leadership role in relation to R2P.
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Jaiblai, Prince, and Vijay Shenai. "The Determinants of FDI in Sub-Saharan Economies: A Study of Data from 1990–2017." International Journal of Financial Studies 7, no. 3 (August 12, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijfs7030043.
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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can bring in much needed capital, particularly to developing countries, help improve manufacturing and trade sectors, bring in more efficient technologies, increase local production and exports, create jobs and develop local skills, and bring about improvements in infrastructure and overall be a contributor to sustainable economic growth. With all these desirable features, it becomes relevant to ascertain the factors which attract FDI to an economy or a group of adjacent economies. This paper explores the determinants of FDI in ten sub-Saharan economies: Liberia, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast, Ghana, Nigeria, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Cameroun, and Senegal. After an extensive literature review of theories and empirical research, using a set of cross-sectional data over the period 1990–2017, two econometric models are estimated with FDI/GDP (the ratio of Foreign Direct Investment to Gross Domestic Product) as the dependent variable, and with inflation, exchange rate changes, openness, economy size (GDP), income levels (GNI/capita (Gross National Income) per capita), and infrastructure as the independent variables. Over the period, higher inflows of FDI in relation to GDP appear to be have been attracted to the markets with better infrastructure, smaller markets, and lower income levels, with higher openness and depreciation in the exchange rate, though the coefficients of the last two variables are not significant. These results show the type of FDI attracted to investments in this region and are evaluated from theoretical and practical viewpoints. FDI is an important source of finance for developing economies. On average, between 2013 and 2017, FDI accounted for 39 percent of external finance for developing economies. Policy guidelines are formulated for the enhancement of FDI inflows and further economic development in this region. Such a study of this region has not been made in the recent past.
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Okolie, Ugo C., and Sebastian Akbefe. "A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE KEY CHALLENGES OF TRADE UNIONISM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.0434.
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Trade unions are basically an integral part of liberal democratic society. They are an im-portant part of the fabric of the Nigerian society, providing social, economic, political and psychological benefits for their members as well as the platform for participation in mana-gerial functions in government and work industry. It is worrisome that in recent times, trade unions in Nigeria are witnessing serious challenges that tend to militate against their performance. This paper therefore examines the challenges in Nigeria’ fourth republic, using the Marxist theory of class conflicts as theoretical framework of analysis. A qualita-tive research method was adopted and was content analyzed in relation to the scope of the paper. The paper observes that lack of committed leadership, lack of internal democracy, government intervention, tribalism and nepotism, internal factionalism, apathetic attitude, poor economic climate and non-affiliation with foreign union are the major challenges that trade unions in Nigeria currently face. The paper recommends among others that trade unions should imbibe the tenets of democracy in their internal administration.
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Omiunu, Ohiocheoya (Ohio), and Ifeanyichukwu Azuka Aniyie. "Evolution of subnational foreign economic relations in Nigeria." South African Journal of International Affairs 25, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 365–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2018.1526111.
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Akindele, R. A., and Oye Oyediran. "Federalism and Foreign Policy in Nigeria." International Journal 41, no. 3 (1986): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202393.
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Akindele, R. A., and Oye Oyediran. "Federalism and Foreign Policy in Nigeria." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (September 1986): 600–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100305.
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Nash, Marian, and (Leich). "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 2 (April 1996): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203689.
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In response to a request from the court to the Legal Adviser of the Department of State, by a letter dated November 29, 1995, the United States submitted a Statement of Interest in Meridien International Bank Ltd. v. Government of the Republic of Liberia. The United States stated that the executive branch had determined that allowing the (second) Liberian National Transitional Government (LNTG II) access to American courts was consistent with U.S. foreign policy. The court, the United States maintained, should therefore accord that Government standing to assert claims and defenses in the action on behalf of the Republic of Liberia.
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Amin, Julius A. "Cameroon's relations toward Nigeria: a foreign policy of pragmatism." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000545.
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AbstractExisting literature argues that the tactics of Cameroon foreign policy have been conservative, weak and timid. This study refutes that perspective. Based on extensive and previously unused primary sources obtained from Cameroon's Ministry of External Relations and from the nation's archives in Buea and Yaoundé, this study argues that Cameroon's foreign policy was neither timid nor makeshift. Its strategy was one of pragmatism. By examining the nation's policy toward Nigeria in the reunification of Cameroon, the Nigerian civil war, the Bakassi Peninsula crisis and Boko Haram, the study maintains that, while the nation's policy was cautious, its leaders focused on the objectives and as a result scored major victories. The study concludes by suggesting that President Paul Biya invokes the same skills he used in foreign policy to address the ongoing Anglophone problem, a problem that threatens to unravel much of what the country has accomplished.
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Olayiwola, Rahman O. "Islam and the conduct of foreign relations in Nigeria." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 9, no. 2 (July 1988): 356–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666958808716089.
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Greer, Brenna W. "Selling Liberia: Moss H. Kendrix, the Liberian Centennial Commission, and the Post-World War II Trade in Black Progress." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht017.
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This article examines the activities of Moss H. Kendrix, a budding black entrepreneur and Public Relations Officer for the Centennial Commission of the Republic of Liberia, during the years immediately following World War II. To secure US investment in Liberia’s postwar development, Kendrix re-presented African Americans and Americo-Liberians as new markets valuable to US economic growth and national security. This article argues that his tactics advanced the global significance of black peoples as modern consumers and his worth as a black markets specialist, while simultaneously legitimating notions of progress that frustrated black claims for unconditional self-determination or first-class citizenship. Kendrix’s public relations work on behalf of Liberia highlights intersections between postwar black entrepreneurialism and politics and US foreign relations, as well as the globalization of US business and consumerism.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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Okulate, G. T., and C. Oguine. "Homicidal violence during foreign military missions - prevention and legal issues." South African Journal of Psychiatry 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajpsychiatry.v12i1.52.
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<p><strong>Objectives.</strong> The study involved Nigerian soldiers engaged in peacekeeping missions in Liberia and Yugoslavia. Using case illustrations, the study sought to describe patterns of homicidal violence among soldiers from the same country or soldiers from allied forces, and to suggest possible reasons for the attacks.<strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Design and setting.</strong> Nigeria was actively involved in peacekeeping missions in Liberia between 1990 and 1996. During this period, intentional homicidal attacks occurred among the Nigerian military personnel. Post- homicidal interviews conducted among the perpetrators were combined with evidence obtained at military courts to produce the case studies.</p><p><strong>Subjects.</strong> Six Nigerian military personnel who attacked other Nigerians or soldiers from allied forces, with homicidal intent.</p><p><strong>Results.</strong> Possible predisposing and precipitating factors for these attacks were highlighted. The possibility of recognising these factors before embarking on overseas missions was discussed, so that preventive measures could be instituted as far as possible. Finally, medico-legal implications of homicide in the military were discussed.</p><p><strong>Conclusions.</strong> A certain degree of pre-combat selection is essential to exclude soldiers with definite severe psychopathology. A clearly defined length of duty in the mission areas and adequate communication with home could reduce maladjustment. Health personnel deployed to mission areas should be very conversant with mental health issues so that early recognition of psychological maladjustment is possible.</p>
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Blair, Robert A., and Philip Roessler. "Foreign Aid and State Legitimacy." World Politics 73, no. 2 (March 16, 2021): 315–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388712000026x.
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ABSTRACTWhat are the effects of foreign aid on the perceived legitimacy of recipient states? Different donors adhere to different rules, principles, and operating procedures. The authors theorize that variation in these aid regimes may generate variation in the effects of aid on state legitimacy. To test their theory, they compare aid from the United States to aid from China, its most prominent geopolitical rival. Their research design combines within-country analysis of original surveys, survey experiments, and behavioral games in Liberia with cross-country analysis of existing administrative and Afrobarometer data from six African countries. They exploit multiple proxies for state legitimacy, but focus in particular on tax compliance and morale. Contrary to expectations, the authors find little evidence to suggest that exposure to aid diminishes the legitimacy of African states. If anything, the opposite appears to be true. Their results are consistent across multiple settings, multiple levels of analysis, and multiple measurement and identification strategies, and are unlikely to be artifacts of sample selection, statistical power, or the strength or weakness of particular experimental treatments. The authors conclude that the effects of aid on state legitimacy at the microlevel are largely benign.
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Gerdes, Felix. "The Interplay of Domestic Legitimation and Foreign Relations: Contrasting Charles Taylor and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia." Civil Wars 17, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 446–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2015.1115576.
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Beron, Petar. "Type specimens of Acari (Arachnida) in the collections of the National Museum of Natural History, Sofia. I. Acariformes (Acaridida and Prostigmata)." Historia naturalis bulgarica 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.48027/hnb.41.01001.
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The present list contains data on type material of 109 mite species (Acaridida and Prostigmata) from Bulgaria (species, described by I. Vassilev, M. Kolebinova, P. Beron) and many foreign countries: Greece, Suriname, the Netherlands, New Guinea, Cuba, Mexico, Chile, USA, Canada, Madagascar, Gaboon, Liberia, Nigeria, Uganda, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia, Morocco, Tunisia, Malaysia, Burma, Thailand, China, and the Philippines (species, described by M. Kolebinova, P. Beron, F. Lukoschus, A. Fain, C. Welbourn, F. Dusbabek, K. Samsinak, K. R. Orwig, W. Atyeo and other authors). The type material housed in the National Museum of Natural History, Sofia includes species from the families Acaridae, Glycyphagidae, Canestriniidae, Proctophyllodidae, Trouessartiidae, Syringobiidae, Dermationidae, Ereynetidae, Cytoditidae, Myocoptidae, Chirodiscidae, Gastronyssidae, Myobiidae, Ophioptidae, Demodicidae, Smarididae, Erythraeidae, Neotrombidiidae, Eutrombidiidae, Trombiculidae, Leeuwenhoekiidae, Walchiidae, and Vatacaridae. All Bulgarian and foreign acarologists are kindly invited to submit type specimens under their care in the collections of the National Museum of Natural History in Sofia. This material will be properly housed and well used.
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Osakwe, Chukwuma C. C., and Bulus Nom Audu. "The Nigeria Led ECOMOG Military Intervention and Interest in the Sierra Leone Crisis: An Overview." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (July 1, 2017): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0079.
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Abstract While Nigeria was under President Sani Abacha’s dictatorship, the democratic system was toppled in Sierra Leone by rebels but Abacha reversed the trend. The reasons for the largely unilateral and hasty decision to restore democracy in Sierra Leone by the Abacha regime remain controversial. Wide skepticism and condemnation greeted the decision to commit Nigerian troops, money and materials to a foreign operation at the expense of Nigeria’s fragile economy. The Nigeria Armed Forces consequently became the instrument for the pursuant of an aggressive foreign policy. The Economic Community of West Africa Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) hastily deployed to Sierra Leone just as it had previously done in Liberia amidst various operational and logistical problems. In terms of interests, Nigeria’s attempt to restore democracy in Sierra Leone was perceived to be contradictory both at home and abroad since Abacha’s regime itself was undemocratic and facing international isolation. The view that the Force was being used by the Abacha regime to pursue its own economic and political interest dampened the enthusiasm of regional and international organizations to provide financial and logistic support. Either way, the argument of this paper is that Nigeria’s unilateral military action in Sierra Leone was a reflection of her desire to score a quick military victory outside an Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) sub regional security legal framework but it failed woefully.
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Ak, e, Rufai Olaide, Biam, and K. Celine. "Causal relations between foreign direct investment in agriculture and agricultural output in Nigeria." African Journal of Agricultural Research 8, no. 17 (May 9, 2013): 1693–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajar10.853.
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Okeke, Christian Chidi. "CITIZEN DIPLOMACY AND HUMAN CAPITAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA: A CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE." International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences 11, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 297–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3549.
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Citizen diplomacy as a key component of diplomacy is fundamental in international relations. Through it, individual citizens help realize their countries’ national interests through unofficial interactions. For Nigeria however, the worry is whether citizen diplomacy can effectively complement official diplomatic activities in the face of the low human-capital development of her citizens. United Nations Development Pro-gramme in 2019 placed Nigeria’s human-development-index value for 2018 at 0.534, positioning the country at 158 out of the 189 countries and territories surveyed. It also classified 51.4 percent of Nigerian population as being multi-dimensionally poor with an additional 16.8 percent categorized as being vulnerable to multidimensional pov-erty. In view of this challenge therefore, this paper examined the implication of the low human-capital development on foreign relations of Nigeria. Data was collated from secondary sources while qualitative descriptive technique was used for analysis. The paper found that Nigeria’s current human capital development trajectory is incapable of stimulating citizen diplomacy into complementing the coun-try’s official diplomatic relations with other states. It also found that this situation accounts for the failure by Nigeria to actualize most of her foreign policy objectives. The paper therefore recommended improved investment in wellbeing of Nigerians for better outing in foreign relations.
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Amusa, Kafayat, Nara Monkam, and Nicola Viegi. "Can foreign aid enhance domestic resource mobilisation in Nigeria?" Journal of Contemporary African Studies 38, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 294–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2020.1774519.
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Ojukwu, Emmanuel C., and Chuka Enuka. "Between Magnanimity and Malevolence: Nigeria’s Commitment to South Africa’s Political Freedom in the Lens of Reciprocity." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 21, no. 2 (March 30, 2021): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v21i2.4.
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The history of South Africa’s long walk to political freedom is dotted with Nigeria’s undaunted commitment and involvement, propelled by Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy stance. This study therefore, demonstrates Nigeria’s concern for Africa’s political liberation, and in particular, presents Nigeria’s commitment to South Africa’s struggle for political freedom during the colonial years. It adopts the secondary method of data collection, and borrows from the conceptual framework and doctrinal provisions of reciprocity to weigh South Africa’s attitude towards Nigeria’s commitment to her (South Africa’s) political emancipation. Passing Nigeria’s involvement in South Africa’s liberation struggle and South Africa’s treatments of Nigeria through the critical lens of historical and theoretical analysis, this study makes a finding that Nigeria’s magnanimity to South Africa is at variance with South Africa’s response to Nigeria. The study recommends that Nigeria’s relations with her African brothers, informed by her foreign policy of Afrocentrism, should reflect reciprocity. In sum, that in her foreign relations, Nigeria should treat as she is treated.
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Chuka, Esiaka, Uwaleke Uche, and Nwala Nneka. "IMPACT OF FOREIGN TRADE ON ECONOMIC GROWTH IN NIGERIA." International Journal of Advanced Studies in Business Strategies and Management 9, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijasbsm.v9.i1.03.
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This study investigated the impact of foreign trade on the economic growth of Nigeria for the period 1981–2018. Economists hold two contrasting opinions on the effect of foreign trade on a nation’s economy. While the positive-sum game school of thought holds the view that, when nations engage in foreign trade, there are bound to be mutual gains as each country’s utility is expanded, the negative-sum game school of thought holds the view that trade relations amongst nations of the world benefit one economy at the expense of the other. This study was embarked upon to ascertain which of these two conflicting opinions applies to Nigeria. Accordingly, the objective of the study was to determine the impact of foreign trade proxy by oil revenue, non-oil revenue, and foreign exchange rate on Nigeria’s economic growth proxy by gross domestic product growth rate. The study adopted the ex post facto research design and secondary data were obtained from the Central Bank of Nigeria Statistical Bulletin. The study employed the Autoregressive Distributed Lag Model to evaluate the effect of foreign trade on economic growth in Nigeria. Findings suggest that oil revenue, non-oil revenue, and foreign exchange rate have a significant impact on economic growth in Nigeria. The study recommended that Nigeria’s oil revenue be heavily invested in non-oil revenue-earning productive sectors such as agriculture and mining to create the desired multiplier effect on the economy.
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Akomolafe, Mohammed Akinola. "The roles of foreign influences in the evolution of social and filial relations in Nigeria." Filosofia Theoretica: Journal of African Philosophy, Culture and Religions 9, no. 2 (October 27, 2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ft.v9i2.1.
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Nigeria, as a geographical entity is replete with various ethnic and cultural identities that have continued to evolve from pre-colonial times to recenttimes. Granted that civilizations from Europe and Arabia have dictated almost all spheres of living, both in the Northern and Southern geographies of the country and eroded nearly all traditional values that would have assisted in curbing social and filial tensions; it is pertinent to inquire into the social relations before this ‘encounter.’ This is important as this research seeks to invoke some aspects of the past that can be relevant for contemporary utility. Hence, through the method of critical analysis, this study takes a look at the socio-economic norms among the pre-colonial cultures that eventually evolved into Nigeria, paying attention to the place of slaves and women and laying emphasis on the filial and communal nature which allowed for a not too wide the gap between the rich and the poor. Even when this study is not unaware of the positive roles of foreign influence, it recounts the deficits of this presence and suggests that aproper way is to explore some indigenous ideas and apply them for contemporary living.
Keywords: Culture, Family, Moral Values, Nigeria, Pre-colonial
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Onokwai, John. "Political economy of Nigeria–South Africa foreign direct investment relations and challenges of the manufacturing sector in Nigeria, 1999–2017." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 38, no. 3 (June 22, 2020): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2020.1758640.
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Beveridge, Fiona C. "Taking Control of Foreign Investment: A Case Study of Indigenisation in Nigeria." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 40, no. 2 (April 1991): 302–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/40.2.302.
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Adegoke, Adewosi, O., Manu Donga, Adamu Idi, and Buba Abdullahi. "An Examination of Drivers of Financial development: Evidence in West African Countries." Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (March 31, 2018): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/pjhss.2018.0601.0038.
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Financial development has been considered to play a vital role in promoting rapid growth and development of the developing economies. This paper examined the drivers of financial development in West African Countries. Benin Republic, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Ivory Coast, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo over the period of 2000 to 2015, with the proper utilization of panel data estimation technique on the annual country data obtained from World Development Indicators (WDI) 2016 and Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) 2016. The results reveals that some important variables such as coefficient of rule of law, political stability, foreign direct investment, government expenditure, inflation and savings positively determined financial development. While, credit to private sector, GDP, interest rate, trade openness, and capital formation were found to negative impact on financial development. The study then recommends amongst others formulation and implementation of fiscal and monetary policies that foster financial development.
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van den Herik, Larissa. "The Difficulties of Exercising Extraterritorial Criminal Jurisdiction: The Acquittal of a Dutch Businessman for Crimes Committed in Liberia." International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 1 (2009): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181209x398899.
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AbstractReports of the NGO Global Witness in which the implication of the Dutchman Kouwenhoven in the civil war in Liberia was exposed served as the lead for the Dutch Prosecution Office to start a criminal case against this national. In June 2006, the Dutch businessman Guus Kouwenhoven was convicted in first instance for the violation of an arms embargo, but acquitted of the count on war crimes. On appeal, Kouwenhoven was fully acquitted of all charges. In its judgment quashing the prior conviction, the Dutch Court of Appeal heavily criticized the Public Prosecutor and observed that the case against Kouwenhoven was built on quicksand. Even though not based on universal jurisdiction, the case does illustrate the inherent complexities of exercising extraterritorial criminal jurisdiction. A remarkable aspect of the case is that the Court of Appeal evaluated the evidence presented in a fundamentally different way than the Court of First Instance had done. This might be related to the inherent difficulties of assessing “foreign evidence”. In this note, it is argued that when adjudicating such foreign cases, national judges being unfamiliar with the historical and cultural setting in which the alleged crimes took place, should call upon experts on the region to assist in the evaluation of the evidence. In terms of substance, the case leads to interesting questions as to how charges of illegal arms trade do and should relate to charges of complicity in war crimes.
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Nworgu, K. O. "The press and Nigeria's isolationist foreign policy (1993-1998)." Revista Brasileira de Gestão Ambiental e Sustentabilidade 8, no. 19 (2021): 1009–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21438/rbgas(2021)081926.
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Gen. Sani Abacha took over from Chief Ernest Shonekan's interim government which was formed when Gen Ibrahim Babangida "stepped aside". On assumption of office, Abacha was faced with the imminent disintegration of the country caused by the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election, widely believed to have been won by the late businessman, Chief M. K. O. Abiola. Also, threatening the administration was the activities of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) both at home and abroad. The main objective of this study was to find out how the press covered Nigeria's foreign policy within 1993-1998. The study involved content analysis, historical and case study designs. The instrument for data collection included content analysis of newspaper contents library material related to the subject matter. The sampling technique used for the study is the purposive sampling, involving all the newspaper stories, features, opinion articles on the subject matter. The population included all newspaper stories published on Abacha’s regime within the period of 1993-1998. A total sampling size of 56 news stories, articles and features were selected purposively through the constructed weeks based on two days interval. Four national newspapers, namely, The Guardian, This Day, the Vanguard and the Post Express were used. From the findings of the study we concluded that press reports on the examined foreign policy did not make much impact on the outcome of these foreign policy issues since the military regime in power never wanted opposition or criticisms. Therefore, the regime went ahead to Isolate itself from main stream international politics and the press was helpless due to the fear of being gagged or proscribed as was the practice of the Abacha's administration. However, the press assumed a patriotic posture in her support for the regime's approach to Bakassi Peninsula dispute between Nigeria and Cameroun. Also the issue of peace keeping in the sub-region got the strong approval of the Nigerian press, even when a cross section of Nigerian citizens were skeptical about the regime interventionist policy in Sierra Leone and Liberia.
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Adetula, Victor. "BOOK REVIEW: Foreign Policy and Leadership in Nigeria: Obasanjo and the Challenge of African Diplomacy." South African Journal of International Affairs 25, no. 3 (July 3, 2018): 442–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2018.1504231.
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GLOVER, NIKOLAS. "Between Order and Justice: Investments in Africa and Corporate International Responsibility in Swedish Media in the 1960s." Enterprise & Society 20, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 401–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.87.
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This article analyzes how the public relations of multinational companies was affected by the double impact of decolonization and spread of television during the 1960s. It contributes to recent theoretical conceptualizations of corporate social responsibility by adding the dimension of home country stakeholders and the border-crossing character of corporate responsibility. The analysis deals with the changing media representations in Sweden of Swedish-owned firms in Liberia and South Africa before, during, and after what has been called the “postcolonial moment” (1960–1963). In its wake, Swedish industrialists faced a new policy problem: firms in overseas markets were no longer expected to do only what was legal in the host country but also what was considered right in their home country. The analysis follows the debates concerning this issue of corporateinternationalresponsibility throughout the 1960s, and how national business organizations and executives in firms such as the Liberian-American-Swedish Mining Company publicly sought to defend the role of Swedish foreign direct investment in Africa. The business community developed various public relations strategies to engage with its critics, professionalized their media relations, and organized international study tours for unions and politicians.
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Omo-ogbebor, Dennis Osasuyi. "Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 4 (December 9, 2017): 4015. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i4.4656.
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The foreign policy of a state actor towards inter-governmental organizations has become a predominant feature in the contemporary world order, and Nigeria is an active member of the international community. Its foreign policy towards ECOWAS since its formation in 1975 is examined based on its contributions to the regional organization. The objectives of this article are; to explain the historical background of Nigerian foreign policy after gaining independence from Great Britain in 1960; to analyze Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS at the early stage of the organization and, finally, to evaluate Nigerian foreign policy in the direction of ECOWAS after its return to democratic rule in 1999. The application of the content analytical method is to realize the objectives set out in the article to allow the author gives a basic conclusion. Therefore, the evolving geopolitics of the world has shown that foreign policy is an effective mechanism in projecting a country’s image and policy direction abroad in modern international relations system.
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Ibrahim, Yusuf Kamaluddeen, Abdullahi Ayoade Ahmad, and Sani Shehu. "Impact of incessant kidnappings on the external relations: A case study of Nigeria." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 1 (June 3, 2021): 212–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.1.15.
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Nigeria is a West African country, endowed with a rapidly growing population of over 206 million, with over 500 languages and 250 ethnic groups. It's Africa's most densely populated country and the world's largest black nation. The integration of these complex entities into a unified body has proved difficult since the country's 1914 amalgamation. The government is challenged with violence and military dictatorships, endemic corruption, and abject poverty that intensifies heinous crimes, including kidnapping. The menacing impact of the phenomenon ravaged throughout the country resulted in many lives lost, and cripple the economy. Even though it's enshrined in the Nigerian 1999 Constitution, chapter 2, section 14(2b), that the protection of lives and property is the state's core responsibility. The study aims to uncover the effects of kidnapping on Nigeria's foreign relations. The study adopted a qualitative method, using secondary sources and world-system theory. The study found that failure to address the root causes of kidnapping is why kidnapping prevails in the country. Consequently, these study develop some measures and panacea to the country's deteriorated and incessant insecurity challenges. Noticeably, heinous crimes will be eradicated and replaced with economic wellbeing and strengthen the country's external relations.
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Amao, Olumuyiwa Babatunde. "The foreign policy and intervention behaviour of Nigeria and South Africa in Africa: A structural realist analysis." South African Journal of International Affairs 26, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2019.1588158.
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Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahim. "Buhari’s Administration and Review of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: A Realist Approach." American Economic & Social Review 2, no. 1 (April 4, 2018): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aesr.v2i1.156.
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There is no doubt that Nigeria’s foreign policy is indeed outdated. This is evidenced in the fact that we now live in different times. Though Nigeria’s role in Africa still remains significant, however, the time “Africa” was made the centre piece of Nigeria’s foreign policy, was a time when many countries in the continent were struggling to throw off the yolk of colonialism. And the adoption of such a policy was to stand in solidarity with those nations that were struggling to achieve or gain independence. And today, no single country in the continent is under foreign rule or direct control, and the times now call for a review of Nigeria’s foreign policy to reflect the nations current circumstances and realities among the committee of states across the globe. And there is no time than under the present administration of President Muhammadu Buhari. The Buhari administration must look critically and make an assessment of how and which way to direct Nigeria’s foreign policy. The responsibility appears to be binding on President Buhari’s administration having been neglected or not given the required attention by many previous regimes and administrations. The confidence of Nigerians in President Buhari’s vision, promises and commitment to change and general progress/ greatness of Nigeria seems to justify such expectations in the area of foreign relations and policy. There is need for Nigeria to be more involved in world affairs and to seek observer status in certain supranational institutions including the E.U, NATO and the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organisation) in this era of globalisation, and the accompanying system of interdependence. This paper tries to provide a guide with regards to the review of the foreign policy of Nigeria by President Buhari to reflect the realities and challenges of the times in which we are living. The paper argues that Nigeria must be a global player despite being a regional power in consideration of its pottentials and position in the scheme of things, drawing lessons based on Realist theories in international affairs and conduct as well as the experiences of certain states like Japan as models for foreign policy development.
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Mardialina, Mala, and Ahmad Mubarak Munir. "Indonesia - Nigeria Strategic Cooperation: An Indonesia's Perspective." Nation State Journal of International Studies 3, no. 2 (December 30, 2020): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.362.
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Indonesia-Nigeria cooperation resumed since President Gus Dur made an official visit to Nigeria in 2000. Indonesia relations became increasingly constructive by creating several trade agreements with the Nigerian government and formulating Indonesia-Africa Forum (IAF) is a real constructive strategy in focusing on Indonesia’s Foreign Policy toward the Africa region. There are more than 15 Indonesian companies operating in Nigeria and Nigeria was Indonesia's largest trade partner in Africa with a total volume of trade at USD 1.5 billion in 2019. In the oil sector, Indonesia has a trade deficit with Nigeria but not in the non-oil sector, Nigeria became the entry point for Indonesian products to other African regions. This research is qualitative research using a political cooperation concept as an analytical tool by looking at the dynamics of the Indonesia-Nigeria relationship in the framework of strategic cooperation. The data is gained from a focused review of relevant theories, literature, and previous research findings of the discussed topic. Besides, the data were taken from books, journals, reports, and websites.
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Beznosov, Mihail. "Foreign policy in an era of digital diplomacy." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 2 (July 22, 2021): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-2-117-123.
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This review is the analysis of the article «Foreign policy in an era of digital diplomacy» written by a scholar from Nigeria Dr. Olubukola S. Adesina. This article deals with the recent application and development of the so-called digital diplomacy in the field of politics and traditional diplomacy. It includes an extensive analysis of this phenomenon, its characteristics, its development, as well as the debates that accompany this new trend little studied so far. In addition, the article discusses the cases of the use and growth of digital diplomacy or e-diplomacy, as it has been called in various spaces. In a very complete way, basic aspects of the concept of digital diplomacy are presented, from its various definitions to the controversy it has generated in the diplomatic community traditional slant. The entry of digital diplomacy into the diplomatic sphere is explained as an effect of the technological explosion of the 2000s. However, the author makes a clarification regarding the differences among various cases, in terms of implementation of this concept. Also, the discussion about the birth of a new type of diplomacy and new actors capable of influencing international relations is analyzed. Furthermore, new functions, roles and effects of social networks in the diplomatic world and their meanings for international relations are investigated. Finally, one of the strong points in this article is the analysis of the risks and benefits that digital diplomacy presents to the modern foreign policy making.
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Mustapha-Lambe, Kayode, and Eno Akpabio. "Nollywood Films and the Cultural Imperialism Hypothesis." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 7, no. 3-4 (2008): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914908x370683.
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AbstractFrom the viewpoint of the cultural imperialism hypothesis and its complications, the overall aim of this study was to find out if foreign films still had a stranglehold on Nigerian audience members. The findings indicate that a majority of respondents watch and have a favorable attitude towards Nigerian home video films. However, in terms of preference between local and foreign films, a small percentage indicated preference for the former. The study concludes that the high quality of production of American films accounts for the favorable views held by respondents, even though it is apparent that these and other foreign productions no longer have a captive market in Nigeria.
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Hudson, Heidi. "The Power of Mixed Messages: Women, Peace, and Security Language in National Action Plans from Africa." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 3 (December 2017): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200301.
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Against the backdrop of global and continental women, peace, and security discourses, this contribution analyses the gender and women-focused language of national action plans from four African countries (Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, and Uganda), which were drafted with a view to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. I argue that national action plans have the potential to transcend the soft-consensus language of Security Council resolutions because they create new spaces for feminist engagement with policy and practice. The analysis reveals three discursive themes – namely, the making of “womenandchildren,” women civilising war, and making women responsible for preventing gender-based violence. The themes relate to the construction of, respectively, gender(ed) identities, security, and violence. To varying degrees, the plans reflect a combination of predominantly liberal-feminist language interspersed with some examples of critical insight. I conclude that the ambiguous nature of the messages sent out by these plans serves as a reminder that discourses are fragmented and therefore offer an opening for nuanced contextual analyses and implementation.
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Zugliani, Niccolò. "HUMAN RIGHTS IN INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT LAW: THE 2016 MOROCCO–NIGERIA BILATERAL INVESTMENT TREATY." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 68, no. 3 (May 23, 2019): 761–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589319000174.
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AbstractThe 2016 Morocco–Nigeria bilateral investment treaty (BIT) stands out from other such treaties because of its innovative human rights approach to the protection and promotion of foreign direct investment. Human rights permeate its approach to the regulation of investment in a manner which is most unusual in international investment agreements (IIAs). As a result, this is the most socially-responsible BIT currently concluded. Although it remains exceptional within the investment-treaty framework, the treaty reflects African initiatives to ensure that the next generation of BITs encourages more responsible investments. As such, it shows that human rights-compliant investment treaties can find fertile ground in developing African countries and it sets an example for current and future negotiations aimed at fostering respect for human rights in investment activities.
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Lucky, I. U. "Production of Rice in Nigeria: The Role of Indian-Nigerian Bilateral Cooperation in Food Security." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-.
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The article focuses on the impact of India-Nigeria agricultural cooperation on rice production in Nigeria. Since 2000 in the quest for food sufficiency, diversification of the country’s sources of foreign exchange, increasing employment for the rising population as well as expanding its external relations Nigeria has signed several bilateral agreements on agriculture with India. The analysis of the developments in the sub-sector, as well as media, governmental and non-governmental reports in the field and the interviews of the farmers has revealed that the Indian firms, including “Olam Group” and “Popular Farms and Mills Ltd”, have cultivated thousands of hectares of land, built mills and machinery, provided farmers in 16 Nigerian states with better rice seedlings, and engaged thousands of farmers in regular training improving employment and revitalizing communities in the country. The support given by the Indian firms has triggered an unprecedented increase in rice production. The paper concludes that the agreements, particularly the one of 2017, have further promoted, strengthened and expanded rice production in the context of food security, job creation and saving foreign exchange. The article, therefore, demonstrates how Nigeria-India bilateral ties and cooperative programs have changed the dynamics of rice production in the country and brought more profound economic consequences. Despite the fact that Nigeria is not yet selfsufficient in rice production with the gap of around 2.5 million tonnes, the agricultural programs initiated within the framework of the Nigeria-India bilateral agreements and realized as large-scale agriculture programmes including investments, training, supply of better seedlings, land cultivation promoted by powerful corporations have significantly changed the economic and social environment in Nigeria.
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Lucky, I. U. "Production of Rice in Nigeria: The Role of Indian-Nigerian Bilateral Cooperation in Food Security." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (July 8, 2020): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-138-150.
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The article focuses on the impact of India-Nigeria agricultural cooperation on rice production in Nigeria. Since 2000 in the quest for food sufficiency, diversification of the country’s sources of foreign exchange, increasing employment for the rising population as well as expanding its external relations Nigeria has signed several bilateral agreements on agriculture with India. The analysis of the developments in the sub-sector, as well as media, governmental and non-governmental reports in the field and the interviews of the farmers has revealed that the Indian firms, including “Olam Group” and “Popular Farms and Mills Ltd”, have cultivated thousands of hectares of land, built mills and machinery, provided farmers in 16 Nigerian states with better rice seedlings, and engaged thousands of farmers in regular training improving employment and revitalizing communities in the country. The support given by the Indian firms has triggered an unprecedented increase in rice production. The paper concludes that the agreements, particularly the one of 2017, have further promoted, strengthened and expanded rice production in the context of food security, job creation and saving foreign exchange. The article, therefore, demonstrates how Nigeria-India bilateral ties and cooperative programs have changed the dynamics of rice production in the country and brought more profound economic consequences. Despite the fact that Nigeria is not yet selfsufficient in rice production with the gap of around 2.5 million tonnes, the agricultural programs initiated within the framework of the Nigeria-India bilateral agreements and realized as large-scale agriculture programmes including investments, training, supply of better seedlings, land cultivation promoted by powerful corporations have significantly changed the economic and social environment in Nigeria.
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Drozd, Daria. "The participation of the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the peacekeeping operations." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (6) (October 31, 2019): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2019-02-05-16.
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The main historical and contemporary participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations are described. The key notions of peacekeeping are defined showing this definition as the main rational tool for preventing and resolving disputes, threats, conflicts at the national, regional and global levels is the modern peacekeeping system. The main laws of Ukraine concerning peacekeeping operations are characterized with defining objectives for these operations.The attention is focused on the Ukraine’s participation in different international peacekeeping operations including 26 operations which ended and 8 ongoing operations. An important aspect of Ukraine’s participation in peacekeeping on the African continent is its coordinated actions with the United Nations on the diplomatic settlement of conflicts and the adherence to official statements regarding them.Peacekeeping missions are currently operating in Liberia, Congo, Sierra Leone, Sudan (Darfur and Juba) and other African countries. In particular, these are peacekeeping missions such as: the United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), the UN Mission in Côte d’Ivoire (ONUCI), the African Union – United Nations Operation in Darfur (UNAUMID), the UN peacekeeping operation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), demilitarization and peacekeeping in the disputed area of Abyei (UNISFA), the UN Mission in the Republic of Southern Sudan (UNMISS), UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSCA).Ukrainian peacekeeping potential is analysed. Participation of the armed forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations of the United Nations is one of the priority foreign policy tasks of our state, successful implementation of which positively influences strengthening of the national authority of Ukraine, promotes development of cooperation with Euro-Atlantic and regional security structures and has an exceptional significance for the national interests of our country. Ukraine claims to be a full-fledged subject of international relations, increases its credibility and demonstrates a peaceful policy.
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Семенович, В. С. "FINANCIAL RELATIONS OF RUSSIA WITH DEVELOPING COUNTRIES UNDER PANDEMIC CONDITIONS." Modern Science, no. 1 (July 5, 2021): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53039/2079-4401.2021.3.1.011.
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С 1988 года начался новый период экономических и политических отношений России с развивающимися странами Азии, Африки и Латинской Америки. Особо тесные торговые и финансовые отношения России сложились и поддерживаются с Венесуэлой, Бразилией, Индией, Эфиопией, Ливией, Ганой, Алжиром, Нигерией, Сирией, Ираком и другими развивающимися странами. Но с 2019 года это взаимодействие усложнилось в связи с мировым кризисом вследствие пандемии Covid-19. Все страны мира были вынуждены вносить коррективы в свои внешнеэкономические связи. Since 1988, a new period of economic and political relations between Russia and the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America began. Particularly close trade and financial relations of Russia have developed and are maintained with Venezuela, Brazil, India, Ethiopia, Libya, Ghana, Algeria, Nigeria, Syria, Iraq and other developing countries. But since 2019, this interaction has become more complex due to the global crisis due to the Covid-19 pandemic. All countries of the world were forced to make adjustments to their foreign economic relations
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Crook, John R. "The 2002 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (April 2003): 352–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100112.
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During 2002, countries from all regions, especially Africa, resorted to the International Court of Justice; only one of the Court's 2002 judgments involved an OECD countiy. The Court's work during the year also shows the continued importance of boundary issues for states and for the Court.The Court again completed a substantial program of work, resolving three cases with final judgments. In February, it triggered substantial controversy by finding that a Belgian court's warrant for the arrest of the then foreign minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (“Congo”) violated international law. In October, it resolved a complex of boundary disputes between Cameroon and Nigeria, although by year-end Nigeria had not yet implemented the Court's key requirement—withdrawal from the Bakassi Peninsula. In December, comparing sparse effectivités, it concluded that Malaysia, and not Indonesia, had sovereignty over two small disputed islands.
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L.E. Asuelime, Legend, and Raquel A. Asuelime. "Media Jihad Conundrum in Nigeria: A Review of Military-Media Relations vis-à-vis Boko Haram." Journal of African Films & Diaspora Studies 4, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-2713/2021/4n2a1.
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The purpose of this paper is to explore the conundrum in military-media relations in Nigeria with regards to access and dissemination of strategic and tactical information that impacts counterterrorism efforts. Is there a line between media responsibility to report and the gathering and dissemination of strategic and tactical military information not meant for public consumption but filters to terrorists who are also members of the 'public'? Most times, such publications potentially afford Boko Haram terrorists prior notice of military plans, giving them early warnings that compromise military counter offensive. The paper is based on a study of academic and grey literature, official documents and journalistic coverage. The paper concludes that the Nigerian security forces have tried and failed to clamp down on tactical and strategic information in media reports that compromise its counterterrorism efforts in Nigeria – therefore the state should consider adopting Sri Lankan consequentialist approach to the existential problem. To address this conundrum, it is recommended that the Nigerian authority and its military architecture should adopt a State Consequential Approach on Terrorism and media issues; re-invent its Strategic Communication; Re-establishment of security and intelligence coordination; Develop an image recovery plan by raising quality standards, seek foreign support, and enact terrorism-related media legislations.
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Kalama, John, and Jacob Ogedi. "NONVIOLENT COUNTERTERRORISM MEASURES AND INTERNAL SECURITY OF AFRICAN STATES: A REVIEW OF NIGERIA’S AMNESTY POLICY." International Journal of Innovative Research in Education, Technology & Social Strategies 8, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijiretss.v8.i1.11.
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This paper strived to unravel the impact of nonviolent counterterrorism measures on the internal security of African states with specific reference to Nigeria’s amnesty policy in Niger Delta region. The study adopted the rational choice theory of terrorism as its theoretical framework and derived its data from secondary sources which included official policy documents from, Nigeria’s amnesty office including textbooks, journal articles and internet materials etc. Data collected from these sources were analysed through qualitative method and content analysis. Findings from the study shows that nonviolent counterterrorism measures and strategies through post-conflict disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) programmes have helped in resettling several ex-combatants and their families back to the society in several African states including Nigeria, Burundi, Rwanda, Liberia, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) etc. In the same vein, the study observed that the use of military force (violent counterterrorism measures and strategies) by states has also helped to escalate and prolong conflicts in Africa. Some recommendations were made which included the need to strengthen civil-military relations especially in the area of intelligence gathering and dissemination. There is need for African states to also engage in counter-radicalization of their citizens through massive investments in education, public enlightenment and socio-economic development, and the provision of basic social amenities.
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Miles, William F. S., and David A. Rochefort. "Nationalism Versus Ethnic Identity in Sub-Saharan Africa." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (June 1991): 393–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963166.
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Part and parcel of the conventional wisdom about rural publics in Africa is that populations on the periphery will accord ethnic solidarity greater significance than national consciousness. A survey of neighboring Hausa villages on different sides of the Niger-Nigeria boundary counters this myth. Probing issues of self-identity and ethnic affinity, we found that most Hausa villagers on the frontier did not place their Hausan ethnic identity above their national one as citizens of Nigeria or Niger and expressed greater affinity for non-Hausa cocitizens than for foreign Hausas. However, expressed attachments to ethnic, national, and other social identifications (such as religion) varied according to village: citizenship does make a difference in the political consciousness of villagers on the geographic margins of the state. More survey research in other transborder regions should shed further light on processes of state penetration and national integration in developing countries.
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OTA, EJITU N., and Chinyere S. Ecoma. "Nigerian Foreign Policy in a Globalising World: The Imperative of a Paradigm Shift." Journal of Asian Development 1, no. 1 (October 21, 2015): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jad.v1i1.8030.
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The end of East-West hostilities in 1991 brought to the fore of international relations, some issues that had hitherto either been ignored or trivialised. One of these is the phenomenon commonly referred to as globalisation, which is more or less a euphemism for westernisation. Like colonisation, globalisation is propelled not by any moral considerations or an abstract concept of humanitarianism, but by the more economic exigencies of finding reliable markets for the industrial goods and services of the developed world as well as ready sources of raw materials for the industries of the world’s major economic powers. For developing countries like Nigeria, where political leadership influences not only domestic policies but foreign policy as well, there is a compelling need to embrace the globalisation with cautious optimism. For one thing, globalisation is a powerful force for growth and development. For another, it is a process that presents both challenges and opportunities. Such opportunities, however, must be exploited against the background of a dynamic foreign policy that sees the welfare of Nigerians as its major objective.
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Osayande, Emmanuel. "A Tortuous Trajectory: Nigerian Foreign Policy under Military Rule, 1985 – 1999." African Research Review 14, no. 1 (April 28, 2020): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v14i1.13.
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This article critically examined the complexities that abound in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy under the final three military administrations of Generals Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, and Abdulsalami Abubakar, before the transition to democratic rule in 1999. It adopted a novel approach by identifying and intricately examining a distinct pattern of contortion evinced in Nigeria’s foreign policy during this epoch. It contended that although Nigeria’s foreign policy had historically been somewhat knotty at varying points in time, this period in its foreign policy and external relations was especially marked by tortuousness and a somewhat back and forth agenda. This began in 1985 with the Babangida administration, whose foreign policy posture initially seemed commendable, only for political debacles to mar it. An exacerbation of this downslide in foreign policy occurred under the Abacha regime, whereby the country obtained pariah status among the comity of nations. Subsequently, a revitalisation occurred under General Abubakar, who deviated from what had become the status quo, reinventing Nigeria’s external image and foreign policy position through his ‘restoration campaign.’ More so, following David Gray’s behavioural theory of foreign policy, this study examined how the behavioural patterns and aspirations of a minuscule cadre of decision-makers deeply affected Nigeria’s foreign policy formulation and implementation during the period under study. The findings of this study include national interest, the crux of any foreign policy, sometimes misaligned with domestic realities. In this regard, this study demonstrated how successive Nigerian governments replicated a ‘munificent’, ‘Santa Claus’ foreign policy which alienated key local developments such as economic hardship, and contributed to the tortuousness that the country’s foreign policy experienced during an era of military dictatorships in the late twentieth century. Through its findings, the study concluded by proffering recommendations to improve the country’s foreign policy, better advance her national interests– which ought to comprise the crux of her foreign policy objectives, – and help in eschewing a recurrence of past ineptitudes and errors.
Key Words: Foreign policy, military rule, Nigeria, behavioural theory,
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Kifordu, Anthony Anyibuofu, Florence Konye Igweh, and Judith Ifeanyi Aloamaka. "The Impact of Taxation and the Quest for Good Governance: Evidence from Nigeria." Webology 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 416–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14704/web/v17i2/web17042.
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Taxation affords governments everywhere an avenue for the strategic generation of revenue required for the development of societies. This is particularly true for developing societies that have historically relied on natural resources and foreign aid for state resources. This paper explores avenues through which emerging economies and the Nigerian state in particular can utilize taxation both as a channel for revenue generation and as a medium for the enhancement of state-society relations with a view to promoting good governance. Deploying secondary evidence, the paper argues that there is a palpable disconnect between the government and society in Nigeria owing to the historical fact that revenue generation from the natural resources domain and its utilization has been without accountability and transparency. It insists that governance in Africa’s most populous enclave is conducted without the requisite tactical taxation nous. On the basis of this evidence the paper suggests that Nigeria embrace a transparent and accountable tax regime which can aid economic development, strengthen economic institutions and policies, move beyond natural resources exploitation, and redistribute resources in favour of investments that require little skills and less capital with a view to bridging the gap between the rich and poor while simultaneously bringing a lot of people out of poverty.
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Uwajumogu, Nkechinyere, Ebele Nwokoye, Innocent Ogbonna, and Mgbodichimma Okoro. "Response of Economic Diversification To Gender Inequality: Evidence From Nigeria." International Journal of social Sciences and Economic Review 1, no. 2 (October 21, 2019): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36923/ijsser.v1i2.32.
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Purpose: The danger inherent in anchoring the growth prospects of an economy on a single product has long been established and for decades now, Nigeria has remained a mono-product economy with all her foreign exchange earning possibilities anchored only on oil revenue. The paper sought to investigate the imperatives of gender equality in expanding the economic base of Nigeria.
Methodology: Based on the assumption of increasing returns to scale for the manufacturing sector and constant returns to scale for the primary sector, it apparently follows that a country’s manufacturing output will grow faster (or slower) than that of the rest of the world if it had an initial comparative advantage in manufacturing (or primary) sector as hypothesized by the Prebisch-Singer Hypothesis. Employing Engel-Granger and Error Correction Model in an endogenous growth framework were used in this study.
Main Findings: This study found that the existing gender inequality has negative effect on the drive to diversify the economy by reducing the potential pool of human capital and promoting gaps in opportunities.
Applications: These programmes will help on female self-employment, increased ratio of female to male labour force participation rate and a reduction in the ratio of female to male in vulnerable employment should be included in policy formulations.
Novelty/Originality: The efforts should be sustained that totally remove or reduce to their barest minimum all patriarchal tendencies that exploit the female gender and place them at unequal gender relations. It is also recommended that social institutions such as social protection mechanisms should be entrenched as an avenue to reduce the vulnerabilities faced by women.