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1

Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 414–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519561.

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AbstractThe essay traces the roots of R2P in African political thought—through individuals such as Kenya's Ali Mazrui, Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, Tanzania's Salim Ahmed Salim, South Africa's Nelson Mandela and abo Mbeki, and Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali— and considers the bid by West Africa's regional hegemon, Nigeria, to play a leadership role on the continent in relation to the norm. It argues that the regional West African giant has exhibited a 'missionary zeal' in assuming the role of a benevolent 'older brother' responsible for protecting younger siblings—whether these are Nigeria's immediat
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2

Jaiblai, Prince, and Vijay Shenai. "The Determinants of FDI in Sub-Saharan Economies: A Study of Data from 1990–2017." International Journal of Financial Studies 7, no. 3 (2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijfs7030043.

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can bring in much needed capital, particularly to developing countries, help improve manufacturing and trade sectors, bring in more efficient technologies, increase local production and exports, create jobs and develop local skills, and bring about improvements in infrastructure and overall be a contributor to sustainable economic growth. With all these desirable features, it becomes relevant to ascertain the factors which attract FDI to an economy or a group of adjacent economies. This paper explores the determinants of FDI in ten sub-Saharan economies: Liberia
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Okolie, Ugo C., and Sebastian Akbefe. "A CRITICAL STUDY OF THE KEY CHALLENGES OF TRADE UNIONISM IN NIGERIA’S FOURTH REPUBLIC." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 9, no. 1 (2021): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.0434.

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Trade unions are basically an integral part of liberal democratic society. They are an im-portant part of the fabric of the Nigerian society, providing social, economic, political and psychological benefits for their members as well as the platform for participation in mana-gerial functions in government and work industry. It is worrisome that in recent times, trade unions in Nigeria are witnessing serious challenges that tend to militate against their performance. This paper therefore examines the challenges in Nigeria’ fourth republic, using the Marxist theory of class conflicts as theoretic
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4

Omiunu, Ohiocheoya (Ohio), and Ifeanyichukwu Azuka Aniyie. "Evolution of subnational foreign economic relations in Nigeria." South African Journal of International Affairs 25, no. 3 (2018): 365–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2018.1526111.

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5

Akindele, R. A., and Oye Oyediran. "Federalism and Foreign Policy in Nigeria." International Journal 41, no. 3 (1986): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202393.

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6

Akindele, R. A., and Oye Oyediran. "Federalism and Foreign Policy in Nigeria." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, no. 3 (1986): 600–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100305.

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7

Nash, Marian, and (Leich). "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 2 (1996): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203689.

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In response to a request from the court to the Legal Adviser of the Department of State, by a letter dated November 29, 1995, the United States submitted a Statement of Interest in Meridien International Bank Ltd. v. Government of the Republic of Liberia. The United States stated that the executive branch had determined that allowing the (second) Liberian National Transitional Government (LNTG II) access to American courts was consistent with U.S. foreign policy. The court, the United States maintained, should therefore accord that Government standing to assert claims and defenses in the actio
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Amin, Julius A. "Cameroon's relations toward Nigeria: a foreign policy of pragmatism." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 1 (2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000545.

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AbstractExisting literature argues that the tactics of Cameroon foreign policy have been conservative, weak and timid. This study refutes that perspective. Based on extensive and previously unused primary sources obtained from Cameroon's Ministry of External Relations and from the nation's archives in Buea and Yaoundé, this study argues that Cameroon's foreign policy was neither timid nor makeshift. Its strategy was one of pragmatism. By examining the nation's policy toward Nigeria in the reunification of Cameroon, the Nigerian civil war, the Bakassi Peninsula crisis and Boko Haram, the study
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9

Olayiwola, Rahman O. "Islam and the conduct of foreign relations in Nigeria." Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs. Journal 9, no. 2 (1988): 356–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02666958808716089.

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10

Greer, Brenna W. "Selling Liberia: Moss H. Kendrix, the Liberian Centennial Commission, and the Post-World War II Trade in Black Progress." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (2013): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht017.

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This article examines the activities of Moss H. Kendrix, a budding black entrepreneur and Public Relations Officer for the Centennial Commission of the Republic of Liberia, during the years immediately following World War II. To secure US investment in Liberia’s postwar development, Kendrix re-presented African Americans and Americo-Liberians as new markets valuable to US economic growth and national security. This article argues that his tactics advanced the global significance of black peoples as modern consumers and his worth as a black markets specialist, while simultaneously legitimating
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11

Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.

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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outsid
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12

Okulate, G. T., and C. Oguine. "Homicidal violence during foreign military missions - prevention and legal issues." South African Journal of Psychiatry 12, no. 1 (2006): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajpsychiatry.v12i1.52.

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<p><strong>Objectives.</strong> The study involved Nigerian soldiers engaged in peacekeeping missions in Liberia and Yugoslavia. Using case illustrations, the study sought to describe patterns of homicidal violence among soldiers from the same country or soldiers from allied forces, and to suggest possible reasons for the attacks.<strong> </strong></p><p><strong>Design and setting.</strong> Nigeria was actively involved in peacekeeping missions in Liberia between 1990 and 1996. During this period, intentional homicidal attacks occurred amon
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13

Blair, Robert A., and Philip Roessler. "Foreign Aid and State Legitimacy." World Politics 73, no. 2 (2021): 315–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388712000026x.

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ABSTRACTWhat are the effects of foreign aid on the perceived legitimacy of recipient states? Different donors adhere to different rules, principles, and operating procedures. The authors theorize that variation in these aid regimes may generate variation in the effects of aid on state legitimacy. To test their theory, they compare aid from the United States to aid from China, its most prominent geopolitical rival. Their research design combines within-country analysis of original surveys, survey experiments, and behavioral games in Liberia with cross-country analysis of existing administrative
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14

Gerdes, Felix. "The Interplay of Domestic Legitimation and Foreign Relations: Contrasting Charles Taylor and Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia." Civil Wars 17, no. 4 (2015): 446–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2015.1115576.

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15

Beron, Petar. "Type specimens of Acari (Arachnida) in the collections of the National Museum of Natural History, Sofia. I. Acariformes (Acaridida and Prostigmata)." Historia naturalis bulgarica 41, no. 1 (2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.48027/hnb.41.01001.

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The present list contains data on type material of 109 mite species (Acaridida and Prostigmata) from Bulgaria (species, described by I. Vassilev, M. Kolebinova, P. Beron) and many foreign countries: Greece, Suriname, the Netherlands, New Guinea, Cuba, Mexico, Chile, USA, Canada, Madagascar, Gaboon, Liberia, Nigeria, Uganda, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia, Morocco, Tunisia, Malaysia, Burma, Thailand, China, and the Philippines (species, described by M. Kolebinova, P. Beron, F. Lukoschus, A. Fain, C. Welbourn, F. Dusbabek, K. Samsinak, K. R. Orwig, W. Atyeo and other authors). The type material ho
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16

Osakwe, Chukwuma C. C., and Bulus Nom Audu. "The Nigeria Led ECOMOG Military Intervention and Interest in the Sierra Leone Crisis: An Overview." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (2017): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0079.

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Abstract While Nigeria was under President Sani Abacha’s dictatorship, the democratic system was toppled in Sierra Leone by rebels but Abacha reversed the trend. The reasons for the largely unilateral and hasty decision to restore democracy in Sierra Leone by the Abacha regime remain controversial. Wide skepticism and condemnation greeted the decision to commit Nigerian troops, money and materials to a foreign operation at the expense of Nigeria’s fragile economy. The Nigeria Armed Forces consequently became the instrument for the pursuant of an aggressive foreign policy. The Economic Communit
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17

Ak, e, Rufai Olaide, Biam, and K. Celine. "Causal relations between foreign direct investment in agriculture and agricultural output in Nigeria." African Journal of Agricultural Research 8, no. 17 (2013): 1693–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajar10.853.

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18

Okeke, Christian Chidi. "CITIZEN DIPLOMACY AND HUMAN CAPITAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA: A CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE." International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences 11, no. 1 (2020): 297–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3549.

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Citizen diplomacy as a key component of diplomacy is fundamental in international relations. Through it, individual citizens help realize their countries’ national interests through unofficial interactions. For Nigeria however, the worry is whether citizen diplomacy can effectively complement official diplomatic activities in the face of the low human-capital development of her citizens. United Nations Development Pro-gramme in 2019 placed Nigeria’s human-development-index value for 2018 at 0.534, positioning the country at 158 out of the 189 countries and territories surveyed. It also classif
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19

Amusa, Kafayat, Nara Monkam, and Nicola Viegi. "Can foreign aid enhance domestic resource mobilisation in Nigeria?" Journal of Contemporary African Studies 38, no. 2 (2020): 294–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2020.1774519.

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20

Ojukwu, Emmanuel C., and Chuka Enuka. "Between Magnanimity and Malevolence: Nigeria’s Commitment to South Africa’s Political Freedom in the Lens of Reciprocity." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 21, no. 2 (2021): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v21i2.4.

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The history of South Africa’s long walk to political freedom is dotted with Nigeria’s undaunted commitment and involvement, propelled by Nigeria’s Afrocentric foreign policy stance. This study therefore, demonstrates Nigeria’s concern for Africa’s political liberation, and in particular, presents Nigeria’s commitment to South Africa’s struggle for political freedom during the colonial years. It adopts the secondary method of data collection, and borrows from the conceptual framework and doctrinal provisions of reciprocity to weigh South Africa’s attitude towards Nigeria’s commitment to her (So
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21

Chuka, Esiaka, Uwaleke Uche, and Nwala Nneka. "IMPACT OF FOREIGN TRADE ON ECONOMIC GROWTH IN NIGERIA." International Journal of Advanced Studies in Business Strategies and Management 9, no. 1 (2021): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijasbsm.v9.i1.03.

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This study investigated the impact of foreign trade on the economic growth of Nigeria for the period 1981–2018. Economists hold two contrasting opinions on the effect of foreign trade on a nation’s economy. While the positive-sum game school of thought holds the view that, when nations engage in foreign trade, there are bound to be mutual gains as each country’s utility is expanded, the negative-sum game school of thought holds the view that trade relations amongst nations of the world benefit one economy at the expense of the other. This study was embarked upon to ascertain which of these two
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22

Akomolafe, Mohammed Akinola. "The roles of foreign influences in the evolution of social and filial relations in Nigeria." Filosofia Theoretica: Journal of African Philosophy, Culture and Religions 9, no. 2 (2020): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ft.v9i2.1.

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Nigeria, as a geographical entity is replete with various ethnic and cultural identities that have continued to evolve from pre-colonial times to recenttimes. Granted that civilizations from Europe and Arabia have dictated almost all spheres of living, both in the Northern and Southern geographies of the country and eroded nearly all traditional values that would have assisted in curbing social and filial tensions; it is pertinent to inquire into the social relations before this ‘encounter.’ This is important as this research seeks to invoke some aspects of the past that can be relevant for co
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23

Onokwai, John. "Political economy of Nigeria–South Africa foreign direct investment relations and challenges of the manufacturing sector in Nigeria, 1999–2017." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 38, no. 3 (2020): 331–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2020.1758640.

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24

Beveridge, Fiona C. "Taking Control of Foreign Investment: A Case Study of Indigenisation in Nigeria." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 40, no. 2 (1991): 302–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclqaj/40.2.302.

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25

Adegoke, Adewosi, O., Manu Donga, Adamu Idi, and Buba Abdullahi. "An Examination of Drivers of Financial development: Evidence in West African Countries." Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (2018): 132–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52131/pjhss.2018.0601.0038.

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Financial development has been considered to play a vital role in promoting rapid growth and development of the developing economies. This paper examined the drivers of financial development in West African Countries. Benin Republic, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Ivory Coast, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone and Togo over the period of 2000 to 2015, with the proper utilization of panel data estimation technique on the annual country data obtained from World Development Indicators (WDI) 2016 and Worldwide Governance Indicators (W
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van den Herik, Larissa. "The Difficulties of Exercising Extraterritorial Criminal Jurisdiction: The Acquittal of a Dutch Businessman for Crimes Committed in Liberia." International Criminal Law Review 9, no. 1 (2009): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181209x398899.

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AbstractReports of the NGO Global Witness in which the implication of the Dutchman Kouwenhoven in the civil war in Liberia was exposed served as the lead for the Dutch Prosecution Office to start a criminal case against this national. In June 2006, the Dutch businessman Guus Kouwenhoven was convicted in first instance for the violation of an arms embargo, but acquitted of the count on war crimes. On appeal, Kouwenhoven was fully acquitted of all charges. In its judgment quashing the prior conviction, the Dutch Court of Appeal heavily criticized the Public Prosecutor and observed that the case
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Nworgu, K. O. "The press and Nigeria's isolationist foreign policy (1993-1998)." Revista Brasileira de Gestão Ambiental e Sustentabilidade 8, no. 19 (2021): 1009–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21438/rbgas(2021)081926.

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Gen. Sani Abacha took over from Chief Ernest Shonekan's interim government which was formed when Gen Ibrahim Babangida "stepped aside". On assumption of office, Abacha was faced with the imminent disintegration of the country caused by the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election, widely believed to have been won by the late businessman, Chief M. K. O. Abiola. Also, threatening the administration was the activities of the National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) both at home and abroad. The main objective of this study was to find out how the press covered Nigeria's foreign policy within 1993-199
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Adetula, Victor. "BOOK REVIEW: Foreign Policy and Leadership in Nigeria: Obasanjo and the Challenge of African Diplomacy." South African Journal of International Affairs 25, no. 3 (2018): 442–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2018.1504231.

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GLOVER, NIKOLAS. "Between Order and Justice: Investments in Africa and Corporate International Responsibility in Swedish Media in the 1960s." Enterprise & Society 20, no. 2 (2019): 401–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.87.

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This article analyzes how the public relations of multinational companies was affected by the double impact of decolonization and spread of television during the 1960s. It contributes to recent theoretical conceptualizations of corporate social responsibility by adding the dimension of home country stakeholders and the border-crossing character of corporate responsibility. The analysis deals with the changing media representations in Sweden of Swedish-owned firms in Liberia and South Africa before, during, and after what has been called the “postcolonial moment” (1960–1963). In its wake, Swedi
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Omo-ogbebor, Dennis Osasuyi. "Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 4 (2017): 4015. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i4.4656.

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The foreign policy of a state actor towards inter-governmental organizations has become a predominant feature in the contemporary world order, and Nigeria is an active member of the international community. Its foreign policy towards ECOWAS since its formation in 1975 is examined based on its contributions to the regional organization. The objectives of this article are; to explain the historical background of Nigerian foreign policy after gaining independence from Great Britain in 1960; to analyze Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS at the early stage of the organization and, fina
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Ibrahim, Yusuf Kamaluddeen, Abdullahi Ayoade Ahmad, and Sani Shehu. "Impact of incessant kidnappings on the external relations: A case study of Nigeria." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 1 (2021): 212–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.1.15.

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Nigeria is a West African country, endowed with a rapidly growing population of over 206 million, with over 500 languages and 250 ethnic groups. It's Africa's most densely populated country and the world's largest black nation. The integration of these complex entities into a unified body has proved difficult since the country's 1914 amalgamation. The government is challenged with violence and military dictatorships, endemic corruption, and abject poverty that intensifies heinous crimes, including kidnapping. The menacing impact of the phenomenon ravaged throughout the country resulted in many
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Amao, Olumuyiwa Babatunde. "The foreign policy and intervention behaviour of Nigeria and South Africa in Africa: A structural realist analysis." South African Journal of International Affairs 26, no. 1 (2019): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2019.1588158.

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Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahim. "Buhari’s Administration and Review of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy: A Realist Approach." American Economic & Social Review 2, no. 1 (2018): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/aesr.v2i1.156.

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There is no doubt that Nigeria’s foreign policy is indeed outdated. This is evidenced in the fact that we now live in different times. Though Nigeria’s role in Africa still remains significant, however, the time “Africa” was made the centre piece of Nigeria’s foreign policy, was a time when many countries in the continent were struggling to throw off the yolk of colonialism. And the adoption of such a policy was to stand in solidarity with those nations that were struggling to achieve or gain independence. And today, no single country in the continent is under foreign rule or direct control, a
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34

Mardialina, Mala, and Ahmad Mubarak Munir. "Indonesia - Nigeria Strategic Cooperation: An Indonesia's Perspective." Nation State Journal of International Studies 3, no. 2 (2020): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.2020v3i2.362.

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Indonesia-Nigeria cooperation resumed since President Gus Dur made an official visit to Nigeria in 2000. Indonesia relations became increasingly constructive by creating several trade agreements with the Nigerian government and formulating Indonesia-Africa Forum (IAF) is a real constructive strategy in focusing on Indonesia’s Foreign Policy toward the Africa region. There are more than 15 Indonesian companies operating in Nigeria and Nigeria was Indonesia's largest trade partner in Africa with a total volume of trade at USD 1.5 billion in 2019. In the oil sector, Indonesia has a trade deficit
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Beznosov, Mihail. "Foreign policy in an era of digital diplomacy." Journal of Political Research 5, no. 2 (2021): 117–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2021-5-2-117-123.

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This review is the analysis of the article «Foreign policy in an era of digital diplomacy» written by a scholar from Nigeria Dr. Olubukola S. Adesina. This article deals with the recent application and development of the so-called digital diplomacy in the field of politics and traditional diplomacy. It includes an extensive analysis of this phenomenon, its characteristics, its development, as well as the debates that accompany this new trend little studied so far. In addition, the article discusses the cases of the use and growth of digital diplomacy or e-diplomacy, as it has been called in va
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Mustapha-Lambe, Kayode, and Eno Akpabio. "Nollywood Films and the Cultural Imperialism Hypothesis." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 7, no. 3-4 (2008): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914908x370683.

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AbstractFrom the viewpoint of the cultural imperialism hypothesis and its complications, the overall aim of this study was to find out if foreign films still had a stranglehold on Nigerian audience members. The findings indicate that a majority of respondents watch and have a favorable attitude towards Nigerian home video films. However, in terms of preference between local and foreign films, a small percentage indicated preference for the former. The study concludes that the high quality of production of American films accounts for the favorable views held by respondents, even though it is ap
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Hudson, Heidi. "The Power of Mixed Messages: Women, Peace, and Security Language in National Action Plans from Africa." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 3 (2017): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200301.

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Against the backdrop of global and continental women, peace, and security discourses, this contribution analyses the gender and women-focused language of national action plans from four African countries (Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, and Uganda), which were drafted with a view to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. I argue that national action plans have the potential to transcend the soft-consensus language of Security Council resolutions because they create new spaces for feminist engagement with policy and practice. The analysis reveals three discursive themes – namely, the making
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Zugliani, Niccolò. "HUMAN RIGHTS IN INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT LAW: THE 2016 MOROCCO–NIGERIA BILATERAL INVESTMENT TREATY." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 68, no. 3 (2019): 761–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589319000174.

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AbstractThe 2016 Morocco–Nigeria bilateral investment treaty (BIT) stands out from other such treaties because of its innovative human rights approach to the protection and promotion of foreign direct investment. Human rights permeate its approach to the regulation of investment in a manner which is most unusual in international investment agreements (IIAs). As a result, this is the most socially-responsible BIT currently concluded. Although it remains exceptional within the investment-treaty framework, the treaty reflects African initiatives to ensure that the next generation of BITs encourag
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Lucky, I. U. "Production of Rice in Nigeria: The Role of Indian-Nigerian Bilateral Cooperation in Food Security." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (2020): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-.

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The article focuses on the impact of India-Nigeria agricultural cooperation on rice production in Nigeria. Since 2000 in the quest for food sufficiency, diversification of the country’s sources of foreign exchange, increasing employment for the rising population as well as expanding its external relations Nigeria has signed several bilateral agreements on agriculture with India. The analysis of the developments in the sub-sector, as well as media, governmental and non-governmental reports in the field and the interviews of the farmers has revealed that the Indian firms, including “Olam Group”
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Lucky, I. U. "Production of Rice in Nigeria: The Role of Indian-Nigerian Bilateral Cooperation in Food Security." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 3 (2020): 138–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-3-72-138-150.

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The article focuses on the impact of India-Nigeria agricultural cooperation on rice production in Nigeria. Since 2000 in the quest for food sufficiency, diversification of the country’s sources of foreign exchange, increasing employment for the rising population as well as expanding its external relations Nigeria has signed several bilateral agreements on agriculture with India. The analysis of the developments in the sub-sector, as well as media, governmental and non-governmental reports in the field and the interviews of the farmers has revealed that the Indian firms, including “Olam Group”
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41

Drozd, Daria. "The participation of the Ukrainian Armed Forces in the peacekeeping operations." Міжнародні відносини, суспільні комунікації та регіональні студії, no. 2 (6) (October 31, 2019): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/2524-2679-2019-02-05-16.

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The main historical and contemporary participation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine in peacekeeping operations are described. The key notions of peacekeeping are defined showing this definition as the main rational tool for preventing and resolving disputes, threats, conflicts at the national, regional and global levels is the modern peacekeeping system. The main laws of Ukraine concerning peacekeeping operations are characterized with defining objectives for these operations.The attention is focused on the Ukraine’s participation in different international peacekeeping operations including 26 o
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Семенович, В. С. "FINANCIAL RELATIONS OF RUSSIA WITH DEVELOPING COUNTRIES UNDER PANDEMIC CONDITIONS." Modern Science, no. 1 (July 5, 2021): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53039/2079-4401.2021.3.1.011.

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С 1988 года начался новый период экономических и политических отношений России с развивающимися странами Азии, Африки и Латинской Америки. Особо тесные торговые и финансовые отношения России сложились и поддерживаются с Венесуэлой, Бразилией, Индией, Эфиопией, Ливией, Ганой, Алжиром, Нигерией, Сирией, Ираком и другими развивающимися странами. Но с 2019 года это взаимодействие усложнилось в связи с мировым кризисом вследствие пандемии Covid-19. Все страны мира были вынуждены вносить коррективы в свои внешнеэкономические связи. Since 1988, a new period of economic and political relations between
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Crook, John R. "The 2002 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (2003): 352–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100112.

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During 2002, countries from all regions, especially Africa, resorted to the International Court of Justice; only one of the Court's 2002 judgments involved an OECD countiy. The Court's work during the year also shows the continued importance of boundary issues for states and for the Court.The Court again completed a substantial program of work, resolving three cases with final judgments. In February, it triggered substantial controversy by finding that a Belgian court's warrant for the arrest of the then foreign minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (“Congo”) violated international
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L.E. Asuelime, Legend, and Raquel A. Asuelime. "Media Jihad Conundrum in Nigeria: A Review of Military-Media Relations vis-à-vis Boko Haram." Journal of African Films & Diaspora Studies 4, no. 2 (2021): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-2713/2021/4n2a1.

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The purpose of this paper is to explore the conundrum in military-media relations in Nigeria with regards to access and dissemination of strategic and tactical information that impacts counterterrorism efforts. Is there a line between media responsibility to report and the gathering and dissemination of strategic and tactical military information not meant for public consumption but filters to terrorists who are also members of the 'public'? Most times, such publications potentially afford Boko Haram terrorists prior notice of military plans, giving them early warnings that compromise military
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45

Kalama, John, and Jacob Ogedi. "NONVIOLENT COUNTERTERRORISM MEASURES AND INTERNAL SECURITY OF AFRICAN STATES: A REVIEW OF NIGERIA’S AMNESTY POLICY." International Journal of Innovative Research in Education, Technology & Social Strategies 8, no. 1 (2021): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ijiretss.v8.i1.11.

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This paper strived to unravel the impact of nonviolent counterterrorism measures on the internal security of African states with specific reference to Nigeria’s amnesty policy in Niger Delta region. The study adopted the rational choice theory of terrorism as its theoretical framework and derived its data from secondary sources which included official policy documents from, Nigeria’s amnesty office including textbooks, journal articles and internet materials etc. Data collected from these sources were analysed through qualitative method and content analysis. Findings from the study shows that
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Miles, William F. S., and David A. Rochefort. "Nationalism Versus Ethnic Identity in Sub-Saharan Africa." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (1991): 393–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963166.

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Part and parcel of the conventional wisdom about rural publics in Africa is that populations on the periphery will accord ethnic solidarity greater significance than national consciousness. A survey of neighboring Hausa villages on different sides of the Niger-Nigeria boundary counters this myth. Probing issues of self-identity and ethnic affinity, we found that most Hausa villagers on the frontier did not place their Hausan ethnic identity above their national one as citizens of Nigeria or Niger and expressed greater affinity for non-Hausa cocitizens than for foreign Hausas. However, expresse
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OTA, EJITU N., and Chinyere S. Ecoma. "Nigerian Foreign Policy in a Globalising World: The Imperative of a Paradigm Shift." Journal of Asian Development 1, no. 1 (2015): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jad.v1i1.8030.

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The end of East-West hostilities in 1991 brought to the fore of international relations, some issues that had hitherto either been ignored or trivialised. One of these is the phenomenon commonly referred to as globalisation, which is more or less a euphemism for westernisation. Like colonisation, globalisation is propelled not by any moral considerations or an abstract concept of humanitarianism, but by the more economic exigencies of finding reliable markets for the industrial goods and services of the developed world as well as ready sources of raw materials for the industries of the world’s
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Osayande, Emmanuel. "A Tortuous Trajectory: Nigerian Foreign Policy under Military Rule, 1985 – 1999." African Research Review 14, no. 1 (2020): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v14i1.13.

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This article critically examined the complexities that abound in Nigeria’s Foreign Policy under the final three military administrations of Generals Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, and Abdulsalami Abubakar, before the transition to democratic rule in 1999. It adopted a novel approach by identifying and intricately examining a distinct pattern of contortion evinced in Nigeria’s foreign policy during this epoch. It contended that although Nigeria’s foreign policy had historically been somewhat knotty at varying points in time, this period in its foreign policy and external relations was especial
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Kifordu, Anthony Anyibuofu, Florence Konye Igweh, and Judith Ifeanyi Aloamaka. "The Impact of Taxation and the Quest for Good Governance: Evidence from Nigeria." Webology 17, no. 2 (2020): 416–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14704/web/v17i2/web17042.

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Taxation affords governments everywhere an avenue for the strategic generation of revenue required for the development of societies. This is particularly true for developing societies that have historically relied on natural resources and foreign aid for state resources. This paper explores avenues through which emerging economies and the Nigerian state in particular can utilize taxation both as a channel for revenue generation and as a medium for the enhancement of state-society relations with a view to promoting good governance. Deploying secondary evidence, the paper argues that there is a
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Uwajumogu, Nkechinyere, Ebele Nwokoye, Innocent Ogbonna, and Mgbodichimma Okoro. "Response of Economic Diversification To Gender Inequality: Evidence From Nigeria." International Journal of social Sciences and Economic Review 1, no. 2 (2019): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36923/ijsser.v1i2.32.

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Purpose: The danger inherent in anchoring the growth prospects of an economy on a single product has long been established and for decades now, Nigeria has remained a mono-product economy with all her foreign exchange earning possibilities anchored only on oil revenue. The paper sought to investigate the imperatives of gender equality in expanding the economic base of Nigeria.
 Methodology: Based on the assumption of increasing returns to scale for the manufacturing sector and constant returns to scale for the primary sector, it apparently follows that a country’s manufacturing output wil
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