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1
Badmus, Isiaka Alani. "Ethnic Militia Movements and the Crisis of Political Order in Post-Military Nigeria." Journal of Social Sciences 13, no. 3 (November 2006): 191–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09718923.2006.11892549.
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Harnischfeger, Johannes. "The Bakassi Boys: fighting crime in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (March 2003): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004135.
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Nigeria's police and judiciary have failed to protect its citizens and have therefore lost all credibility. European principles of justice have likewise become discredited. Militias like the Bakassi Boys offer a popular alternative, which includes public executions and the use of the occult in fighting evil. But the growing fear of crime is only one reason why ‘jungle justice’ may spread. Governors and influential politicians help finance armed vigilante groups, and may make use of young men with machetes and pump-action shotguns to intimidate political opponents. As an ethnic militia that is ready to defend the interests of the ‘Igbo nation’, the Bakassi Boys have also been used to kill members of other ethnic groups. In many parts of Nigeria, ethnic and religious communities are preparing for ‘self-defence’, because they have no trust in the ability of democratic institutions to settle their conflicts.
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Columbus, Ogbujah. "Power and Good Governance: Observations from Nigeria." MELINTAS 32, no. 1 (May 19, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/mel.v32i1.1923.1-22.
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<p>In recent times, the terms ‘power’, ‘governance’ and ‘good governance’ are bandied around conferences, symposia and literary works that seek for solution to the multifaceted problems of modern life. This has become necessary, and perhaps expedient because while in some climes people legitimately struggle for power to rule, others in different regions usurp it through undemocratic means (by military coups); and others still, while hiding under democracy, unleash terror on the citizenry and/or political opponents in order to accomplish their personalized agenda unhindered. Today, Nigeria is ranked low in the committee of democratic nations because of lack of good governance: there is massive corruption, political turbulence, decline in economic productivity, and overall social discontent sometimes orchestrated by the activities of ethnic militia. The spate of violence and crimes has created an alarming sense of insecurity, such that people no longer trust on the powers of their government for protection. This paper has looked at the use of power by Nigerian political actors, especially during the democratic dispensation, and found that the flagrant disregard for the rule of law (abuse of power) has been the bane to good governance. It discovered that bad governance which is increasingly linked to corrupt ‘use of power’ is the root cause of social glitches within the nation.</p>
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Gana, Modu Lawan. "STRATEGY OF CIVILIAN JOINT TASK FORCE MILITIA IN COMBATING BOKO HARAM IN NORTHERN NIGERIA." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 345–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3126.
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Since 2013, the northern region of Nigeria has witnessed the unprecedented mobilization of militia group Civilian Joint Task Force to aid combating the Islamic fundamentalist Boko Haram. The participation of the militia was reportedly successful in routing the insurgent. Before the CJTF, Boko Haram defied most of the counterinsurgency measures of the government including the military and the political approaches. However, despite the successes of the CJTF, the strategy that influences the successes was not adequately known. This article, therefore, investigated the strategy of the CJTF that influences its successes. The study was conducted using a qualitative method designed in a case study. Data were collected from thirteen informants through in-depth interviews supported by non-participant observation. The finding shows that CJTF is a kind of informal self-defense group that emerged in response to the inadequate protections by the State. The combating successes of the group were influenced by the information-centric approach of its campaign. Careful intelligence gathering and procession along with the sociocultural linkage of the participants and in-depth knowledge over the physical terrain emerged influential to the groups’ combating. The article recommended that the Nigerian government should re-strategize its existing conventional counterinsurgency approach to adapt to the population-centric paradigm. The government should also adopt palliative measures of promoting sustainable counter-insurgency that should focus on inclusive governance, accountability, and addressing socio-economic issues of poverty and unemployment with all levels of seriousness rather than sticking to the security-only campaign.
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Grechenko, V. A., and V. V. Rossikhin. "Some Basic Aspects of Militia Activities in Ukrainian SSR in 1933." Law and Safety 72, no. 1 (March 26, 2019): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32631/pb.2019.1.03.
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The authors’ objective was to study the main aspects of militia’s activities in 1933. This objective is specified in the following tasks: to highlight the work of militia regarding the introduction of passportization in Ukraine; to reveal certain aspects of its activity during the grain supplies in 1933. The authors of the article highlight for the first time the role of militia in carrying out grain supplies in 1933 in Ukraine. Materials on the implementation of passportization in the Republic have been supplemented through the prism of the tasks and activities of militia in this direction.
It has been noted that the system of registration and control of population in the cities of Ukrainian SSR was radically changed at the end of 1932. The exact time for the introduction of passportization was chosen not by chance – collectivization in Ukraine ended and the Holodomor began. The result of these processes was a massive flight of peasants from villages who tried to survive and escape from the Holodomor. The main feature of the new passport system was the fact that passports were issued only to those residents of cities, workers’ settlements, state-owned enterprises and new buildings who reached the age of 16 years. An absolute majority of villagers did not have the opportunity to get this document and therefore became attached to their places of residence.
Practical conduction of passportization of the population in Ukrainian SSR revealed an unfavorable demographic situation in the country and the presence of a large number of declassed persons who did not have a permanent job or committed crimes. The introduction of the passport system positively affected the organization of combating crime and ensuring state security, the registration of receptees was established. At the same time, passportization was accompanied by numerous repressions of judicial and extrajudicial nature. Militia being a part of the State Political Administration took an active part in the grain supplies campaign of 1932-1933, which led to the Holodomor. That activity had negative and repressive nature. Officers of militia also investigated the cases involving cannibalism.
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Vasil'ev, Mikhail Aleksandrovich. "The activity of Irkutsk branch of Krasnoyarsk Specialized School of Militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Soviet Union: historical-pedagogical aspect." Педагогика и просвещение, no. 3 (March 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0676.2021.3.36210.
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The subject of research of this research is the process of establishment and development of Irkutsk branch of the Krasnoyarsk Specialized School of Militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Soviet Union during the 1989–1991, and its subsequent professional-pedagogical transformation. The author dwells on the question of historical-pedagogical peculiarities of the initial stage of recruiting the academic staff of the branch by the scientific personnel. The author explores the professional peculiarities in carrying out educational, service and combat activity of the permanent and nonpermanent staff of the specialized school. In the course of scientific research, the author reveals and analyzes the factors that affected the establishment and development of Irkutsk branch of Krasnoyarsk Specialized School of Militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Soviet Union during the transformation of the political system in Russia; as well as explores the peculiarities of implementing pedagogical activity at the initial stage of the educational institution. The examples of interaction of the cadets and employees of the branch with the divisions of practical authorities. The conducted research is valuable for wide audience, as the establishment and development of departmental education of the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Soviet Union in Baikal region has become a significant event for the educational system of the entire Siberian region.
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Folorunsho, M. A. "Arabic literary activity among the Osogbo Muslims in Nigeria." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 16, no. 2 (July 1996): 287–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602009608716345.
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Wejkszner, Artur. "Boko Haram – the Evolution of Jihad Activity in Nigeria 2015–2019." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 349–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.21.
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This article analyzes the rise and evolution of Boko Haram, a Nigerian jihadist organization operating since March 2015 under the banner of Islamic State. The key changes in the ideology, tactics, and goals of Boko Haram have been identified providing in-depth insight into how and why the organization has evolved. The evolution of jihadist activity of Boko Haram included at least two dimensions: firstly – the extreme radicalization of paramilitary struggle manifested in the massacres of civilians in rural areas; and secondly – the feminization of jihadist activity with special regard to the involuntary participation of young women in suicide bombings. The analysis of the facts discussed in the article is based on one of the qualitative scientific methods, namely case study. The main reason to apply this method is the need to investigate the above-mentioned changes in the activity of Islamic terrorists within the time limits indicated in the title of the article.
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Afeadie, Philip Atsu. "Spoken Reminiscences of Political Agents in Northern Nigeria I." History in Africa 34 (2007): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2007.0000.
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British imperial administration in Africa and Asia has originally been characterized as “indirect rule,” but the concept of “indirect rule” has been faulted for several shortcomings, including its inadequacy in explaining relations between the limited number of European officials and the predominance of indigenous personnel in government. Recent research has rather identified political clientage as a suitable model for examining the structures and dynamics of British rule in the non-European world from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries. Clientage denotes a mutually beneficial relationship and solidarity between individuals or groups of unequal status and influence in society. It is characterized by dependency between a client and a patron, with varying command over resources and values. This system of cultivating relations of personal loyalty developed as a principle of political activity in many social formations.Clientage operation necessarily involved brokerage. As a medium for political interaction, clientage in indigenous hierarchies embodied agency and linkage between ruling élites and subjects. Accordingly, clientage involved political mediation, which required brokerage or intermediary service. Similarly, clientage in the colonial context essentially involved interaction between hierarchies of imperial rulers and those of the subordinate indigenous government. Mediation and brokerage between governing officials and indigenous rulers also constituted a vital element in imperial governance and administration.
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Agboli, Mary, and Chikwendu Christian Ukaegbu. "Business environment and entrepreneurial activity in Nigeria: implications for industrial development." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 1 (February 6, 2006): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001394.
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Commonsense suggests, and academic studies agree, that an ameliorative business environment enables entrepreneurial activity and boosts enterprise performance. This paper examines the business environment in southeast Nigeria, using two separate but complementary studies. Defined in terms of infrastructure, access to credit, bureaucratic practices and regulatory policy, the business environment in southeast Nigeria is stressful, and so has the capacity to limit entrepreneurial activity. This stressful business environment, which is a nationwide phenomenon, poses obstacles to Nigeria's industrial development.
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Salaam, Abeeb Olufemi. "Motivations for Gang Membership in Lagos, Nigeria." Journal of Adolescent Research 26, no. 6 (March 25, 2011): 701–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0743558411402333.
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The current study explores the major challenges (in the form of risk factors) that may influence unemployed youths’ involvement in gang and criminal activity in Lagos, Nigeria. A combination of techniques (e.g., oral, in-depth interviews, and questionnaires) were used for the data collection. The computed outcomes establish some of the major conditions (e.g., large families, rural/urban migration, poverty, and police corruption) faced by the vulnerable youths before turning to gang and criminal activity as an alternative opportunity to improve their lot in life. The possible implications of the current findings on risk-focused prevention strategies are discussed.
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Udoh, Emmanuel Williams. "Appropriating the Ethos of Confucius for the Rebuilding of the Nigerian Commonwealth." PINISI Discretion Review 4, no. 1 (August 22, 2020): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/pdr.v4i1.14794.
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The Nigerian commonwealth has been bastardized by our national political and economic managers. This has given rise to the current cry in search of unity, peace and patriotism of Nigerians. It can be said again that things have fallen apart and the centre seems not to hold any longer. The current wave of corruption, bloodshed, ethnic militia and communal and political subdivisions and carpet crossing at our political arena are clear signs of the deteriorating state of our Nigerian commonwealth. Good Nigerians desire to see Nigeria return back to her former glory of oneness, prosperity and pride. That is why this research explored the ethos of Confucius for the rebuilding of the Nigerian commonwealth. This work which is anchored on the sociological theory of “Structural Functionalism” propounded by Emile Durkheim (1850-1917) and adopted the qualitative or exploratory research method in gathering information. It employed the content analysis approach in examining available printed materials on the subject matter. The findings from the research showed that Nigerians have deviated from the ethical values that had initially been the source of strength and toe the path of selfishness, ethnicity and division. This new path became a path to corruption and disintegration. The research recommends an inclusiveness of human responsibility for improving life; adoption of an ideal political system founded on “ideals of personal conduct” rather than on formerly enacted laws; and adoption of a viable religious ethos that will revitalize the ailing economic, social and political status of the Nigerian commonwealth.
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Crook, John R. "The 2002 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (April 2003): 352–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100112.
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During 2002, countries from all regions, especially Africa, resorted to the International Court of Justice; only one of the Court's 2002 judgments involved an OECD countiy. The Court's work during the year also shows the continued importance of boundary issues for states and for the Court.The Court again completed a substantial program of work, resolving three cases with final judgments. In February, it triggered substantial controversy by finding that a Belgian court's warrant for the arrest of the then foreign minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (“Congo”) violated international law. In October, it resolved a complex of boundary disputes between Cameroon and Nigeria, although by year-end Nigeria had not yet implemented the Court's key requirement—withdrawal from the Bakassi Peninsula. In December, comparing sparse effectivités, it concluded that Malaysia, and not Indonesia, had sovereignty over two small disputed islands.
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Arnaut, Karel. "Marching the nation: an essay on the mobility of belonging among militant youngsters in Cote d’Ivoire." Afrika Focus 21, no. 2 (February 15, 2008): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02102007.
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This programmatic paper seeks to develop a new perspective on the military-political identity and performance of militias particularly in urban environments. The militia under consideration is the Groupement Patriotique pour la Paix (GPP), one of the oldest and most prominent of the southern militias. The G PP came into being as a civil society initiative in the aftermath of the September 2002 insurgency in Cote d'Ivoire a country which since then has lingered in a no-peace-no-war situation. The new perspective, here called 'ludus pro patria', looks at how the militias' activity, organisation, and discourse is deployed in the urban public sphere and to what effect. Within the scope of this paper, this perspective serves to deconstruct the alleged process of 'milicianisation' as the combined effect of discursive appropriation and concrete insinuation of a subaltern youth initiative by national elites and international actors. In conclusion, this paper argues that the proposed approach is essential for a proper understanding of two main dimensions of the militias' raison d'être and modus operandi: mobility and belonging.
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Kraus, Jon. "Capital, power and business associations in the African political economy: a tale of two countries, Ghana and Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 3 (September 2002): 395–436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0200397x.
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In this era of neo-liberal capitalist economics in Africa, has organised private capital in the form of business associations (BAs) become more active in public life or developed influence in public policy formation or implementation? This analysis examines the impact of five key factors to explain varying activity levels and influence of BAs in Ghana and Nigeria since independence: levels of capitalist development and hence size of the capitalist class; strength and autonomy of the capitalist class; strength of capitalist ideology; democratic vs. authoritarian rule; and impact of external hegemonic powers and ideologies. The paper finds that Nigeria's BAs are more highly developed, have had higher activity levels, and had more influence, however limited, than Ghana's. Externally generated economic liberalisation has stimulated higher levels of BA activity, but not necessarily the political space for BA autonomy. Political democratisation appears to increase political space, BA access to the state, and policy influence.
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Johnson-Odim, Cheryl. "‘For their freedoms’: The anti-imperialist and international feminist activity of Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti of Nigeria." Women's Studies International Forum 32, no. 1 (January 2009): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2009.01.004.
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Mustapha, Alhaji Bukar, Rusmawati Said, and Shaufique Fahmi Sidique. "Urban poverty, inequality and industry in Nigeria." International Journal of Development Issues 14, no. 3 (September 7, 2015): 249–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijdi-06-2015-0040.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between industrial sector growth, inequalities and urban poverty reduction Design/methodology/approach – The paper used static panel data analysis. However, the tests suggest that there are no state-specific effects; hence, the pooled panel regression techniques are used for the analysis. Findings – The findings of the paper suggest that the industrial sector growth exert no significance on urban poverty while the urban wholesale and retail services growth is found to be substantially strong in reducing urban poverty. The results also indicate that there is no statistically significant evidence to conclude that higher incidence of urban poverty was due to the high degree of inequalities. Research limitations/implications – This paper has provided some helpful results in understanding the heterogeneous effects of sectoral components of growth of urban poverty in the presence of high income inequalities, but the limitation of this study is that there is no disaggregated poverty and growth data on different occupational activity. Practical implications – There is a need to expand investment in the production and export manufacturing labor-intensive sectors; this will help increase the labor absorption rate of the industry and, thus, reduce poverty in the urban areas. Originality/value – The paper improves on previous research on poverty in Nigeria by explicitly recognizing the effects of location and inequality.
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Loimeier, Roman. "Boko Haram: The Development of a Militant Religious Movement in Nigeria." Africa Spectrum 47, no. 2-3 (August 2012): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971204702-308.
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Since 2009, the radical Muslim movement in northern Nigeria known as Boko Haram has become widely known in Western media for both its militant actions and its ultra-fundamentalist programme. This analysis examines Boko Haram from a historical perspective, viewing the movement as a result of social, political and generational dynamics within the larger field of northern Nigerian radical Islam. The contribution also considers some of the theological dimensions of the dispute between Boko Haram and its Muslim opponents and presents the different stages of militant activity through which this movement has gone so far. The article shows that movements such as Boko Haram are deeply rooted in northern Nigeria's specific economic, religious and political development and are thus likely to crop up again if basic frame conditions such as social injustice, corruption and economic mismanagement do not change.
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Adesoye A., A., O. Obiyemi O., O. Ibraheem T., and A. Ajibua M. "Gender gap in Social Enviroment of Leisure-time Physical Activity of University Students in Southwest Geo-political Zone of Nigeria." choregia 13, no. 1 (April 25, 2017): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4127/ch.2017.0116.
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Akinola, Ayodele James. "Pragmatics of musical rhetoric in the post-2015 elections in Nigeria." Journal of Language and Education 5, no. 3 (September 30, 2019): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/jle.2019.7338.
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In linguistics, most studies on rhetoric are approached from the perspective of persuasive ideologies of social actors such as community, religious, and political leaders with a concentration on their speeches and the impacts of the speeches on their followers and society at large. As a result, music as a form of persuasion and political strategy has been under-researched. This paper investigates the rhetoric embedded in politically-motivated musical renditions in the post-2015 elections in Nigeria and identifies ideologies of persuasion, pragmatic choice(s), and implications of the narratives on the Nigerian political landscape. Mey’s pragmatic acts serve as the theoretical base. Two popular and viral musical renditions in (Nigerian pidgin) English from social media were selected for the study. Analysis of the selected songs which critiqued the leadership style of President Muhammadu Buhari from two opposing angles was carried out. Both songs exhibited the Pragmemic activity of (in)direct speech acts as well as conversational and psychological acts through their rhythm and lyrics adapted from Harry Song’s popular ‘Reggae Blues’ and re-titled as ‘The (Change/Truth) Blues’. Musical political rhetoric relies on co-texts conveyed through verifiable information, (satiric) visuals, history, antecedents, and socio-political realities and sentiments as strategies of persuasion. The pragmatic acts employed include narrating, condemning, accusing and counter-accusing, blaming, justifying, (partial) veiling, threatening, hoping, and praying. The study reveals the political consciousness and conflicting perceptions of some Nigeria citizens in governance and makes a case for ‘truth awareness’ among the governed. Citizens’ active participation and better access to information about the political leadership of the day is, therefore, advocated. All these are invaluable for the reposing of trust in the government and also engender citizens’ active participation.
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Alawode, Sunday Olayinka, and Olufunke Oluseyi Adesanya. "Content Analysis Of 2015 Election Political Advertisments In Selected National Dailies Of Nigeria." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 5 (February 28, 2016): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n5p234.
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The Nigerian Press in its 156 years of existence from the Reverend Henry Townsend days has been enmeshed in politics and is in fact insoluble from it like Siamese twins. From its debut in November 23rd 1859 with “Iwe Iroyin fun Awon Ara Egba ati Yoruba” (Newspaper for the Egbas and Yorubas) the press has taken centre stage in matters affecting all spheres of individual life and collective existence including religion, education, economy and politics among others. Thenewspaper was actually noted to have educated the growing publics about history and politics of the time. The growth in media has given room for political parties to reach larger groups of constituents, and tailor their adverts to reach new demographics. Unlike the campaigns of the past, advances in media have streamlined the process, giving candidates more optionsto reach even larger group of constituents with very little physical efforts. Political advertising is a form of campaign used by political parties to reach and influence voters. It can include several different mediums and span several months over the course of a political campaign and the main aim is to sway the audience one way or the other. Political advertisements involve the use of advertising campaigns by politicians to bring their messages to the masses or the electorates in order to explain policy, inform citizens and connect people to their leaders. It is a form of campaigning by political candidates to reach and influence voters through diverse media (including web based media). Politics on the other hand has to do with activities involved in getting and using power in public life, and being able to influence decisions that affect a country or a society. Thus political advertisement in the context of this study are strategically placed information deliberately informing the populace or making public activities or personalities as well as political parties and ideologies in order to get and use power by placing such information in the newspapers. The Punch, The Guardian, Vanguard and Daily Trust were purposively selected for the study investigating prominence of political advertisements featured before, during and after the elections; contents as the pictures, logos, texts, and languages majorly used in the political advertisements; and adversarial or the slants/directions of the March 28th Presidential and April 11th 2015 Assemblies Elections.Content categories include language, logo/icon/symbols, issue/personality/event/activity, visuals/pix, size, colour, political ideology among others. The study reveals that political adverts were prominent in the newspapers during the six-month period with the dominance of full page adverts, mostly inside-page adverts, aspirant-filled pictures, PDP-dominated and coloured adverts, largely favourable and friendly adverts with rational appeal going before testimony appeals. It further shows that Punch closely followed by Guardian had the highest adverts, while PDP and APC dominated the political landscape with low presence of adversarial contents. The study recommends more ethical monitoring of political adverts as well as the de-commodification of newspaper contents.
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Bekker, Peter H. F. "The 1996 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 91, no. 3 (July 1997): 554–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954192.
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This Note summarizes the judicial work of the International Court of Justice during 1996, using the updated General List, pleadings filed, Orders and Judgments given and hearings held at the Peace Palace in The Hague to describe the Court’s current record.During the calendar year 1996, the Court was seized of one new contentious case: Kasikili/Sedudu Island (Botswana/Namibia). In 1996 a total of eleven cases appeared on the General List. Besides the new case referred to, the contentious proceedings before the full Court were Aerial Incident of 3 July 1988 (Iran v. United States), Maritime Delimitation and Territorial Questions between Qatar and Bahrain, Questions of Interpretation and Application of the 1971 Montreal Convention Arising from the Aerial Incident at Lockerbie (Libya v. United Kingdom) and (Libya v. United States), Oil Platforms (Iran v. United States), Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Yugoslavia), Gabčíkovo-Nagymaros Project (Hungary/Slovakia), Fisheries Jurisdiction (Spain v. Canada), and Land and Maritime Boundary (Cameroon v. Nigeria). Advisory proceedings were concluded in Legality of the Use by a State of Nuclear Weapons in Armed Conflict (request for an advisory opinion by the World Health Organization) and Legality of the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons (request for an advisory opinion by the General Assembly of the United Nations).
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LADAN, USMAN, and COLIN C. WILLIAMS. "EVALUATING THEORIZATIONS OF INFORMAL SECTOR ENTREPRENEURSHIP: SOME LESSONS FROM ZAMFARA, NIGERIA." Journal of Developmental Entrepreneurship 24, no. 04 (December 2019): 1950022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1084946719500225.
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The aim of this paper is to evaluate critically four competing theories that variously explain informal sector entrepreneurship as a traditional activity that has not yet been incorporated into the modern system (modernization theory), a form of production integral to contemporary capitalism conducted by marginalized population groups as a survival strategy (structuralist theory), a voluntarily chosen endeavor and popular reaction to excessive regulation by the state (neo[Formula: see text]liberal theory) or a voluntarily chosen practice conducted for social, redistributive, political resistance or identity reasons (post-structuralist theory). Reporting the results of face[Formula: see text]to[Formula: see text]face interviews with 215 informal entrepreneurs in Zamfara, a tropical region in Nigeria, the finding is that no one theory is universally valid. Instead, each theory is valid in relation to different groups of entrepreneur and only by combining all of them can a finer-grained and more nuanced explanation of the complex and heterogeneous character of informal sector entrepreneurship be achieved.
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Liedong, Tahiru Azaaviele, Daniel Aghanya, and Tazeeb Rajwani. "Corporate Political Strategies in Weak Institutional Environments: A Break from Conventions." Journal of Business Ethics 161, no. 4 (November 12, 2019): 855–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10551-019-04342-1.
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Abstract There is a lack of research about the political strategies used by firms in emerging countries, mainly because the literature often assumes that Western-oriented corporate political activity (CPA) has universal application. Drawing on resource-dependency logics, we explore why and how firms orchestrate CPA in the institutionally challenging context of Nigeria. Our findings show that firms deploy four context-fitting but ethically suspect political strategies: affective, financial, pseudo-attribution and kinship strategies. We leverage this understanding to contribute to CPA in emerging countries by arguing that corporate political strategies are shaped by the reciprocity and duality of dependency relationships between firms and politicians, and also by advancing that these strategies reflect institutional weaknesses and unique industry-level opportunities. Importantly, we shed light on the muttered dark side of CPA. We develop a CPA framework and discuss the research, practical and policy implications of our findings.
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Dixon-Fyle, Mac. "The Saro in the political life of early Port Harcourt, 1913–49." Journal of African History 30, no. 1 (March 1989): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700030917.
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The western-educated Krio population of Sierra Leone participated in British imperial activity along the West African coast in the nineteenth century. Facing a far more complex ethnic configuration than their counterparts in Yorubaland, the Sierra Leoneans (Saro) in Port Harcourt, Nigeria, acquired much influence through the manipulation of class and ethnic relations. Though most Saro here had a modest education and were working-class, a few came to form the cream of the petty-bourgeoisie and were active in economic life and city administration. Potts-Johnson, arguably their most famous member, developed a flair for operating in his middle-class world, and also in the cultural orbit of the local and immigrant working-class. I. B. Johnson, another prominent Saro, lacked this quality. Though presenting a homogenous ethnic front, celebrated in the Sierra Leone Union and in church activity, Saro society was sharply polarized on class lines, a weakness not to be lost on the numerically superior and ambitious indigenous population. Faced with a choice, the indigenes opted for the avuncular Potts-Johnson, for whom they felt a greater social affinity than for the more distant I. B. Johnson. After Potts-Johnson, however, no Saro was to be allowed scope to develop a similar appeal.
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Pratten, David. "‘The Thief Eats His Shame’: Practice and Power in Nigerian Vigilantism." Africa 78, no. 1 (February 2008): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000053.
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Contemporary Nigerian vigilantism concerns a range of local and global dynamics beyond informal justice. It is a lens on the politics of post-colonial Africa, on the current political economy of Nigeria, and on its most intractable issues – the politics of democracy, ethnicity and religion. The legitimation of vigilante activity has extended beyond dissatisfaction with current levels of law and order and the failings of the Nigeria Police. To understand the local legitimacy of vigilantism in post-colonial Nigeria, indeed, it is also necessary to recognize its internal imperatives. Vigilantism in this context is embedded in narratives of contested rights, in familiar everyday practices, understandings of personhood and knowledge, and in alternative, older registers of governmentality. In addition to mapping temporal and spatial communities in which young men are vested with the right to exercise justice, this article assesses the legitimacy of Annang vigilantism within cultural frameworks of accountability linked to conceptions of agency, personhood and power, and the oppositions this produces between vigilantes and thieves.
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Manton, John. "‘ENVIRONMENTAL AKALISM’ AND THE WAR ON FILTH: THE PERSONIFICATION OF SANITATION IN URBAN NIGERIA." Africa 83, no. 4 (October 25, 2013): 606–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972013000466.
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ABSTRACTIn Nigerian cities, as across much of Africa, sanitation practices at zone, ward and street levels inscribe – in patterns of circulation and interaction around waste – not only the hopes and fears of urban residents and managers, but also the aspirations and failures encoded in colonial and post-colonial national and regional histories. Adjusting to numerous challenges – the interplay of racist colonial zoning strategies, rapid post-colonial urban expansion, the withdrawal of public services amid the liberalization programmes of the 1980s, the increasingly abject character of the social contract, and the ongoing tenuousness of economic life and activity – urban environmental sanitation in Nigeria has long struggled to keep pace with the historical dynamics of the country's emergent metropolises. Following the activities of a cohort of inspectors and volunteers at the Ministry of Environment and Water Resources, Oyo State, this article examines the politics of performance and coercion surrounding the monthly observance of Environmental Sanitation Day in Ibadan amid the heightened political tensions of the electoral season in 2011.
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Sharma, Prabhakar. "Nigeria-Cameroon Border Demarcation at a Glance and Lessons Learned for Nepal." Journal on Geoinformatics, Nepal 14 (March 13, 2017): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njg.v14i0.16973.
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The border demarcation between two countries usually takes place after wars or serious conflicts. Nigeria, which has the largest army in Africa, showed that it had a big heart when it reached an agreement with Cameroon as per the 2002 ICJ judgment without waging a war with its much smaller neighbor Cameroon. Although many Nigerians feel that Cameroon has gained a lot more than Nigeria, especially when Nigeria decided to hand over sovereignty of the 1000 sq-km oil-rich Bakassi peninsula to Cameroon, the Nigerian government is eager to make a closure of the boundary demarcation as per the 152-page ICJ judgment.Ever since the demarcation activity started with a pilot project in 2005, many field missions have taken place with the mediation/facilitation of the United Nations, which has provided logistical and partial financial support and has brought in experts from all over the world.The field demarcation along the land, river and ocean boundaries between Nigeria and Cameroon has mostly been completed, except for the final mapping and emplacement of boundary pillars along some sections of the border which are inaccessible or are marked ‘disagreement areas’. There are some serious security threats posed by Boko Haram in the disagreement areas in the north.The best practices used in the Nigeria-Cameroon border demarcation are outlined below. Nepal could take some valuable lessons from the demarcation methods used by these two countries and maintain the political will to carry on the border demarcation works which can be technically and physically challenging and politically complex.Nepalese Journal on Geoinformatics, Vol. 14, 2015, Page: 33-36
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Grossman, Shelby. "The Politics of Order in Informal Markets: Evidence from Lagos." World Politics 72, no. 1 (November 11, 2019): 47–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887119000121.
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AbstractProperty rights are important for economic exchange, but in many parts of the world, they are not publicly guaranteed. Private market associations can fill this gap by providing an institutional structure to enforce agreements, but with this power comes the ability to extort from group members. Under what circumstances do private associations provide a stable environment for economic activity? The author uses survey data collected from 1,179 randomly sampled traders across 199 markets in Lagos, Nigeria, and finds that markets maintain institutions to support trade not in the absence of government, but rather in response to active government interference. The author argues that associations develop protrade policies when threatened by politicians they perceive to be predatory and when the organizations can respond with threats of their own. The latter is easier when traders are not competing with one another. To maintain this balance of power, an association will not extort; it needs trader support to maintain the credibility of its threats to mobilize against predatory politicians.
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Obadare, Ebenezer. "White-collar fundamentalism: interrogating youth religiosity on Nigerian university campuses." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 4 (November 12, 2007): 517–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002868.
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ABSTRACTHome historically to a politically engaged youth sector, Nigeria has, over the past two decades, witnessed a growing incidence of religious extremism involving educated youth, especially within university campuses. For all its important ramifications, and despite the continued infusion of social and political activity in the country by religious impulse, this phenomenon has yet to receive a systematic or coherent treatment in the relevant literature. This paper aims to locate youthful angst displayed by Nigerian university students within the context of postcolonial anomie and the attendant immiseration of civil society. Youth religious extremism on Nigerian campuses reflects both young people's frustration with national processes, and their perceived alienation from modernity's ‘cosmopolitan conversation’.
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NN, Joe-Ikechebelu, Umeh UM, Azuike EC, Okechukwu CE, Akanwa AO, Ngene WO, and Nwankwo BE. "Social Determinants of Health among Health Workers in a Tertiary Health Institution in Anambra State, Nigeria: A Pilot Study." International Journal of Medical Science and Clinical Invention 8, no. 05 (May 18, 2021): 5370–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijmsci/v8i05.04.
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Background
Social determinants of health (SDH) are a critical theme for health equality for Nigeria. Nigeria is one of the countries in the world which is far from achieving targets of 2030 SDG 3 due to this inequity in health.
Methods
This is a cross-sectional pilot survey designed to collect information about the SDH, strengths, challenges and perceived areas to be addressed among different cadres of healthcare workers at the Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu University Teaching Hospital (COOUTH) Awka in the South eastern part of Nigeria. This is a cross-sectional pilot survey among the different cadres of healthcare workers.
Results
The elements of SDH are vital for the continuing well-being of health workers because of their role in attending to the totality of their community. From our study, two elements of SDH (family and physical activity) had the greatest level of confidence (44% and 26% respectively), while the justice system (police and the legal issues) had the lowest areas of confidence (2% each), but the greatest strength of the community were found in education (70%) and family (58%).
Conclusions
Policies in general need to be implemented to address the economic instability in order to yield positive outcomes towards education, security of lives and property, food security and affordable healthcare and transportation. Reducing health inequities in Nigeria will depend on a focus addressing the social circumstances of individuals, families and communities using equity-based approaches on the broader structural environment. The role of formal and informal educational strategies will be beneficial in the highlighted social, economic and political factors from this study.
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Abiodun, Temitope Francis, Marcus Temitayo Akinlade, and Olanrewaju Abdulwasii Oladejo. "The State and Challenges of Human Trafficking in Nigeria: Implications for National Peace and Security." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 2 (April 19, 2021): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i2.18544.
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In the West African sub-region, the trend of trafficking in persons is widespread; and the phenomenon now attaining its peak unhindered, has actually portrayed Nigeria as a nation occupying a central position as an originating state, transit and destination for victims of trafficking. There is also evidence of internal trafficking from rural zones to cities. The menace of human trafficking in Nigerian state has taken an indescribable facet in the last two decades owing to the factors of; massive unemployment, poverty, recession in the economy, conflicts, globalization, existing weak legal system, and inadequate legislation, and political will. Trafficking in person is an organized crime and a modern form of slavery. The two methods used by traffickers to get their victims are deception and through force. Human trafficking has continued to strive in Nigeria because of shameful connivance among the Nigeria’s security agencies, Embassies, airline officials and human traffickers. The study adopts Marcus Felson and Lawrence Cohen’s Routine Activity and the Kevin Bales’ Modern Slavery theories (1979; 1999). 500 copies of questionnaire were administered to a set of purposively selected respondents with the In-Depth Interview Guide to elicit information on the subject. The study in its findings reveals that human trafficking has continued to strive in Nigeria because of connivance from the security, immigration, embassy, airline officials and traffickers while the menace has put Nigeria’s identity black in the global system. The study therefore recommended that the Nigerian government should swiftly endeavour to address the issue of massive unemployment and poverty in the state as well as create enabling environments for entrepreneurship for the citizenry; also the national laws, international conventions and protocols that have legal potencies to curb trafficking must be implemented or strengthened; and finally, fighting human trafficking in Nigeria requires more efforts to create public awareness of the crime, organize counseling, rehabilitation and re-integration program for the victims.
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Nwilo, P. C., and O. T. Badejo. "OIL SPILL PROBLEMS AND MANAGEMENT IN THE NIGER DELTA." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2005, no. 1 (May 1, 2005): 567–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2005-1-567.
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ABSTRACT The coastal area of the Niger Delta is the home to oil explorations and exploitations in Nigeria. Oil spill incidents are common along the Nigeria. The main sources of oil spill on the Niger Delta are: vandalisation of the oil pipelines by the local inhabitants; ageing of the pipelines; oil blow outs from the flow stations; cleaning of oil tankers on the high sea and disposal of used oil into the drains by the road side mechanics. By far the most serious source of oil spill is through the vandalisation of pipelines either as a result of civil disaffection with the political process or as a criminal activity. To reduce the rate of oil incidents along the Nigerian Coast particularly as a result of vandalisation, the Federal Government through an act of the National Assembly created the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC). Part of the responsibilities of the commission is to develop a master plan for the development of the Niger Delta, provide infrastructure and create an enabling environment for industrialisation and employment. There are also several other laws dealing with issues related to oil pollution in the environment. Also, standards for the development of the environmental sensitivity index maps for the coast of Nigeria have been developed by the Environmental Systems Research institute (ESRI). These standards are to be used by all the oil companies to prepare ESI maps for their areas of operations in Nigeria. Furthermore, apart from the mechanical and chemical oil spill cleaning methods that have been used in managing oil spill problems, oil spill models have on several occasions being used to manage oil spills on the Nigerian Coast. A number of Federal and state agencies deal with the problems of oil spill in Nigeria. The agencies include: the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), the Federal Ministry of Environment, the State Ministries of Environment and the National Maritime Authority. There is also the “Clean Nigeria Associates” which is an umbrella through which the Oil companies tackle major oil spills. There is a need to create serious awareness among the populace on the implications of oil spill incidents on the environment. Governments must assist the rural communities in claiming their rights on oil spills and ensure that digital ESI maps are readily available for managing oil spill maps. Government should have strict rules for local oil tankers that would ply our coastal and inland waters as a result of the new cabotage law that is just being passed into law in the country.
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Adams, Godwin Aretanekhai. "Crude Oil Supply and Demand Prospects in Africa." Energy Exploration & Exploitation 6, no. 4-5 (September 1988): 329–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014459878800600406.
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The serious search for hydrocarbon resources in Africa dates back to the 1950s when the major suppliers were obligated to find other sources because home country reserves were being depleted and the political situation in the Middle East was increasingly unstable. Resultant activity in Africa increased reserves five-fold with Algeria, Nigeria, Libya and Angola accounting for 87% of the total. During this period each country increasingly exercised direct control of its reserves. Africa can be expected to keep its 9% share of world producion which is approximately 5.5mbd, a level that can be maintained with reasonable assurance until the year 2000. About 4mbd of this will be exported, principally to OECD countries. The development of further oil potential will rely heavily on foreign capital and technology. Its availabilty, in turn, will be influenced by oil requirements and oil politics.
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Van den Bosch, Jeroen, and Jacek Raubo. "ARMED CONFLICTS IN AFRICA: FRAGILE STATES AND RISING INSTABILITY." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 10 (December 15, 2017): 445–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2017.1.24.
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The first part of this article provides an overview of the development of entrenched armed conflicts in Sub Saharan Africa which continue or have resurfaced in 2016. The author (JVdB) aims to expose the underlying causes and nature of the violent contestation by drawing of the works of C. T. Call in order to break open the black box of ‘failed states’ and analyze their legitimacy, capacity and security gaps separately. In addition the author will provide short scenarios of how these conflicts are likely to evolve in the short and medium-term and which (structural) factors will dominate these trends. The second part of this article (by JR) mainly aims at presenting the basic preconditions for the activities of the major terrorist organizations in Africa. With emphasis on the importance of the north-east and north-west regions of this continent in context of terrorist threats. Hence the initial focus was put on Somalia, which as a permanent fragile state remains under the increased influence of the Jihadist organization Al Shabaab, which is an organization with a high potential for increased capacity in the coming years. Next, was sketched out the situation in Egypt, considering, in essence, the activity of the so-called Islamic State in Sinai Peninsula. In this Analysis it also pointed to the intricate internal situation in modern Libya after so-called Arab Spring and international military intervention, where, despite earlier appearances, the terrorist threat was too much positioned, mostly by comprised to the internal conflict between the different Libyan political parties. Finally, efforts were made to illustrate the current terrorist activity in the Mali area, highlighting the importance of Al Qaeda branch AQIM and the situation in Nigeria where Boko Haram group operates.
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Babalola, J. B., Adesoji A. Oni, and Ademola Atanda. "Teacher Education and the Challenges of Global Economic Meltdown." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 21 (February 2014): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.21.121.
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The global economic meltdown is a serious worldwide malfunctioning economic activity that started in the United States of America in December, 2000 but became obvious in 2007 and full-blown between 2008 and 2009. The meltdown is characterized by drastic streamlining, rightsizing and downsizing of human and financial resources in both public and private sectors of the American economy. This paper sets out to identify the challenges the global economic meltdown poses to teacher education in Nigeria and also seeks means of handling such challenges. To have a broad understanding of the challenges the global economic meltdown have posed to teacher education, the next section of this paper highlights the meltdown as part of the global radical changes in environmental, economic, political, technological and social spheres since the beginning of this millennium. The paper concluded with recommendation of how teacher education can be made relevant for sustainable development.
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Doortmont, Michel R. "Producing a Received View of Gold Coast Elite Society? C.F. Hutchison's Pen Pictures of Modern Africans and African Celebrities." History in Africa 33 (2006): 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0010.
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In the early 1920s British West Africa saw a flurry of colonial activity, in which the formation of the colonial state—originally started in this region in the 1870s—was brought to a higher plane. The introduction of Indirect Rule in the newly-amalgamated Nigeria by governor Frederick Lugard called for a rethinking of colonial political and administrative structures. Where before, the relatively small administrative units were dominated by Europeans and western-educated Africans, now the position and role of “traditional” leaders was enhanced on all levels of colonial government. Control over the economy came more and more into the hands of European businesses and business conglomerates, at the expense of African firms. As a result, relations between African elites, who had vested economic and political interests in the colonial states, and the growing European colonial establishment hardened.In the case of the Gold Coast, the African urban coastal elite of merchants, educators, missionaries, and others faced an overwhelming onslaught of change and modernization in all parts of society. In many cases these changes undermined the elites' social status, as well as their political and economic position. One of the weapons in the battle between British colonial authorities and African urban elite society was the written word. Within this context, expert knowledge about African achievements, molded in the form of biographies, was the two-edged sword of African cultural nationalists of diverse plumage.
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Afigbo, A. E. "The Spell of Oral History: A Case Study from Northern Igboland." History in Africa 33 (2006): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2006.0003.
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My case study is taken from the northern Igbo of Nigeria and focuses on the village-group of Ihuwe, which name is today rendered as Ihube— thanks to its Anglicization during the period of colonial rule. This not-withstanding, the people still call themselves “Ihuwe,” the form I use in this paper. The Northern Igbo area, especially the area around Awka, Orlu, and Okigwe, is commonly regarded as the heartland of Igbo culture and civilization. Ihuwe, in that portion of old Okigwe Division known today as Okigwe Local Government Area (LGA), lies in a region of southern Nigeria that has been identified as having witnessed human activity from very early times, at least from the period of Acheulean culture. It also lies on the geographically and historically prominent Nsukka-Udi-Okigwe cuesta, which archeology tells us entered the Iron Age quite early in African history, no later than about the eighth century BCE. We are thus dealing with one of the areas of ancient human occupation, as well as an area known for its dense demographic profile. It is these features–early human settlement and occupation with its attendant consequence of severely attenuated oral history, dense demographic profile, and being the cradle land of Igbo culture—that help to define the Northern Igbo and mark them out from the Western, Eastern, Southern, and North-Eastern Igbo, believed to be relatively more recent descendants from them.Perhaps another feature that calls for mention here is their political culture. Although, like their other Igbo kinsmen, they could boast of having evolved only micro-, and therefore weak, states (what social anthropologists of the colonial period refused to refer to as states), they had their own special model of these micro-states.
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Rodman, Kenneth A. "“Think Globally, Punish Locally”: Nonstate Actors, Multinational Corporations, and Human Rights Sanctions." Ethics & International Affairs 12 (March 1998): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1998.tb00036.x.
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The traditional realist paradigm holds that the sovereign nation-state is the principal political and legal unit in the world community. Reflecting this tradition, most studies of economic sanctions are state-centered. They assume that states exercise control over their national corporations to deny economic resources to other states. Within this framework, nongovernmental human rights organizations become involved only as interest groups, lobbying governments to regulate or ban private economic activity with designated malefactor. These groups, however, are generally unable to persuade states to mandate disinvestment from or socially responsible behavior within repressive regimes. As a result, they redirect their energies away from the central authorities and toward corporations-directly pressuring them through boycotts and shareholder activism-and local governments-persuading them to condition municipal contracts on human rights criteria.This essay examines the degree to which these nonstate actors can provide an alternative center of authority to that of the state in imposing human rights accountability on corporate conduct abroad. The first section explains the logic of nonstate sanctions and establishes criteria against which one can judge their challenge to realism. The second section assesses the successes and limitations of the anti-apartheid movement, which is viewed as the role model for such efforts. The third and final section contrasts the South African case with recent campaigns against corporate investment in Burma and Nigeria. These cases have been chosen because most grassroots organizations have pressed for corporate withdrawal rather than for more socially responsible business practices. Each represents an attempt by citizens' groups to impose sanctions against repressive regimes beyond those enacted by governments.
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Cline-Cole, Reginald A. "Wartime forest energy policy and practice in British West Africa: social and economic impact on the labouring classes 1939–45." Africa 63, no. 1 (January 1993): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161298.
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AbstractThe recent resurgence of interest in the impact of World War II on African populations has, to date, neglected the theme of forest energy (firewood and charcoal) production, consumption and exchange. This needs to be rectified, for several reasons: (1) wood fuel accounted for the lion's share of wartime forestry output by volume and value, prompting (2) an unprecedented degree of intensity in, and variety of, state emergency intervention in wood fuel ‘markets’ which had (3) important equity implications, which have gone largely unreported, with the risk that (4) current and future attempts at (emergency) wood fuel resource management may be deprived of the lessons of this experience. This article is thus an essay in the dynamics and consequences of crisis management in colonial forestry. It evaluates wartime forest energy policy and practice in British West Africa, with special reference to their ‘invisible’ social consequences. The regional political, economic and military context of forest energy activity is first summarised. This is followed by detailed case studies, which assess policy impacts on the labouring classes in the Sierra Leone colony peninsula and the Jos Plateau tin mines in northern Nigeria. The main aim of these studies is to show how war-induced demands on subsistence products like firewood and charcoal weighed inordinately heavily on the poor. Even those who belonged to sectors of society which benefited from preferential treatment in the allocation of scarce supplies of consumer products were not spared. Recently, concern has increased over the equity implications of current and proposed (peacetime) domestic energy policy and practice in Africa. This suggests that the issues of distributive justice raised by this study are of wider relevance than the specific historical context within which they have been discussed.
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Yozgat, Fazil. "A Simple Model about Regional Economic Cooperation – A Multidisciplinary Approach." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 30, 2015): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i3.p234-247.
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In this study had been investigated regional cooperation Middle East countries. This study includes, literature revive, historical background, comparison research and submitted to simple model. In this model dependent variables is economic and social development, independent variables are, population, education, culture, fiscal capital etc. Regional cooperation, which are includes social, economic and cultural are based for development. Middle East countries should be revised some economic and social cooperation in the world. These matters are important for countries. In responses to global competition their market (EU, Asia, China, North Africa) have started diversifying into new markets and production. Contrary to other economic cooperation MENA countries are differ from social and economic condition. My hypothesis is important this matter.For example, from port of Liverpool to port of Lagos distance between is 4576 mile. Time is 19.1 days. Nigeria gained independent from UK 1960, after that coined south and north. From port of Le Havre to port of Continuo distance between is 4290 mile .Time is 17.9 days. Benin gained independent from France at 1960.Many years had been some difficulties for trade two countries. Therefore regional cooperation is important .In fact, two countries Commerce City distance between is 85 mile.In this work a theoretical study and a model proposal are prepared about the information of an economic – social and political cooperation among 14 Middle- East countries and about the birth of the idea of a new cooperation (unity) while entering 21’st. century.The cooperation like EU, AET and NAFTA, BR?C-S, LAFTA, NAFTA, EEC, MERCESUR, SHANGAY-5, has brought some facilities to the economic life. It is impossible for a country today to live survive a closed economy to other countries in our globalize world.We would argue that the defining issue of economic geography is the need to explain concentrations of population and of economic activity: the distinction between manufacturing belt and farm belt, the existence of cities, the role of industry clusters. (Fujita, 1999, p. 4)Generally we talk about measuring development, in order to decision for future. So we can choose a series of indicators in different social fields, mainly economics, to describe how a particular society has progressed over the time. There are other phrases that have become important in the public debate trying to explain what development really means to a society. Among these we have: Well-being, Welfare state, Developed countries, Reducing poverty, Solution unemployment, Quality of Life, Human development, Social development etc. Classical sectors are chanced today. Today society called “Knowledge society”. Productive for work needs to quality education. Shortly, innovation policies criteria, globalization, WtrO rules, Wipo rule, Pisa scores requires new studies this field. Basically social and economic development has been result. I will explain reason and cause effect those reasons.Job creation is the first priorities in the MENA region. This model will be contributed to solution of unemployment. A free trade agreement (FTA) is a preferential arrangement among countries in which tariff rates among them are reduced to zero. However, different members of the arrangement may set external tariff for non- members at different rates (Krueger, 1997, p. 7) There are kind of agreement for example. Bilateral investment agreement, free trade agreement, regional investment agreement. I will try to my models similar to European Union.In sum up, according to Bell “Society can be viewed as three separate parts that, when integrated, create a harmonious relationship within society. The three parts: polity, market economy (techno-economic), and culture (human tradition) (Bell, 1976, p. 14) in addition to regional trade has impact of multiple effect some fields.
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Yozgat, Fazil. "A Simple Model about Regional Economic Cooperation – A Multidisciplinary Approach." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i1.p234-247.
Full textAbstract:
In this study had been investigated regional cooperation Middle East countries. This study includes, literature revive, historical background, comparison research and submitted to simple model. In this model dependent variables is economic and social development, independent variables are, population, education, culture, fiscal capital etc. Regional cooperation, which are includes social, economic and cultural are based for development. Middle East countries should be revised some economic and social cooperation in the world. These matters are important for countries. In responses to global competition their market (EU, Asia, China, North Africa) have started diversifying into new markets and production. Contrary to other economic cooperation MENA countries are differ from social and economic condition. My hypothesis is important this matter.For example, from port of Liverpool to port of Lagos distance between is 4576 mile. Time is 19.1 days. Nigeria gained independent from UK 1960, after that coined south and north. From port of Le Havre to port of Continuo distance between is 4290 mile .Time is 17.9 days. Benin gained independent from France at 1960.Many years had been some difficulties for trade two countries. Therefore regional cooperation is important .In fact, two countries Commerce City distance between is 85 mile.In this work a theoretical study and a model proposal are prepared about the information of an economic – social and political cooperation among 14 Middle- East countries and about the birth of the idea of a new cooperation (unity) while entering 21’st. century.The cooperation like EU, AET and NAFTA, BR?C-S, LAFTA, NAFTA, EEC, MERCESUR, SHANGAY-5, has brought some facilities to the economic life. It is impossible for a country today to live survive a closed economy to other countries in our globalize world.We would argue that the defining issue of economic geography is the need to explain concentrations of population and of economic activity: the distinction between manufacturing belt and farm belt, the existence of cities, the role of industry clusters. (Fujita, 1999, p. 4)Generally we talk about measuring development, in order to decision for future. So we can choose a series of indicators in different social fields, mainly economics, to describe how a particular society has progressed over the time. There are other phrases that have become important in the public debate trying to explain what development really means to a society. Among these we have: Well-being, Welfare state, Developed countries, Reducing poverty, Solution unemployment, Quality of Life, Human development, Social development etc. Classical sectors are chanced today. Today society called “Knowledge society”. Productive for work needs to quality education. Shortly, innovation policies criteria, globalization, WtrO rules, Wipo rule, Pisa scores requires new studies this field. Basically social and economic development has been result. I will explain reason and cause effect those reasons.Job creation is the first priorities in the MENA region. This model will be contributed to solution of unemployment. A free trade agreement (FTA) is a preferential arrangement among countries in which tariff rates among them are reduced to zero. However, different members of the arrangement may set external tariff for non- members at different rates (Krueger, 1997, p. 7) There are kind of agreement for example. Bilateral investment agreement, free trade agreement, regional investment agreement. I will try to my models similar to European Union.In sum up, according to Bell “Society can be viewed as three separate parts that, when integrated, create a harmonious relationship within society. The three parts: polity, market economy (techno-economic), and culture (human tradition) (Bell, 1976, p. 14) in addition to regional trade has impact of multiple effect some fields.
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"Counteraction to Gangsterism in Ukraine in the First Post-war Years (1945-1946)." V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University Bulletin "History of Ukraine. Ukrainian Studies: Historical and Philosophical Sciences", no. 29 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2227-6505-2019-29-02.
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In 1945-1946 the considerable increase of criminality was marked in a republic. The complex of reasons of political, social, organizational, economic and psychological character influenced on it. An author set that factors, that entailed this criminal phenomenon, were, : post-war devastation, enormous scarcity of goods of daily necessity, presence of far of weapon, that was in a population (as a result of battle actions), hunger that began in 1946, full unstrength of organs of militia, insufficient professionalism of her employees, mass migration of population, is demobilization of millions of servicemen, return of far of people from evacuation, captivity, concentration camps, psychological consequences of war, that formed at certain part of population habit to violence. Did not assist the improvement of work of militia also an erroneous criminal law doctrine, that dominated in jurisprudence of time of the Stalin totalitarian mode that criminality is vestige of the past, not inherent socialism and that is why her increase, - only a defect in-process militia. To the article the far of facts that testify to complication of criminogenic situation in an investigated period and frequent displays of gangsterism in the different regions of republic is driven. The features of the normatively-legal providing of activity of organs of law and order are exposed ; character of changes is educed in organization and skilled composition of militia of Ukrainian SSR in 1945-1946. Basic directions and features of practical activity of organs of internal affairs are analysed in a fight against criminality, the results of counteraction to the militia of gangsterism are shown in an indicated period. An author marks that to the fight against criminality considerable enough attention was spared in this period, activity of militia got better gradually, but on the whole this job performances substantially influenced on reduction of displays to gangsterism some later.
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"Counteraction to Criminality In the Ukrainian SSR In the Second Half of 1930S." V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University Bulletin "History of Ukraine. Ukrainian Studies: Historical and Philosophical Sciences", no. 30 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2227-6505-2020-30-03.
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For today there is a far of the publications sanctified to soviet history of 1930th. However basic attention in them is spared there are 1937-1939 to strengthening of the totalitarian mode and repressions. And the problems of combating crime have received little attention.Research aim. Taking into account insufficient worked out of theme, an author put an aim to itself to light up the role of militia in counteraction to some types of criminality in the second half 1930th. This range of problems is wide enough, that is why we specially did not investigate some of directions of activity of militia at this time, in particular fight against gangsterism, counteract to economic criminality and role of militia in repressions 1937-1938, as it is an object other our scientific researches.Research methodology. The fundamental methodological principle of the study for the author was historicism. We tried to study the processes, events and facts in chronological order, taking into account the then socio-political situation. The method of comparison allowed to consider the general and special in activity of militia of different regions of the republic and differences in counteraction to different types of crimes.The scientific novelty of the article is that for the first time in the historical literature it reveals the activities of the police in combating crime in the second half of the 1930s., related to improving the work of investigators, district inspectors.In the article basic directions of activity of militia are exposed in relation to counteraction to some types of crimes in Ukraine, in the second half of 1930th. In this time a "liberal" period made off relatively in history of soviet legislation.It was considered that in connection from completion of building of socialism in the USSR the main causations of crime, related to the inheritance of, are czarism on the whole removed, and the pore of the most rapid liquidation of criminality came, although at this time appeared and new types of crimes : 1. crimes related to the passport system (imitation, sale and purchase, theft of passports); 2. violation of charter of agricultural artel, violation of soviet and of a collective farm democracy; 3.sabotage of Stakhanovsky motion, pursuit ofStakhanov’ s men.New Constitution of the USSR was accepted in 1936, and in 1937 is new Constitution of Ukraine. For them wide rights for soviet citizens were proclaimed, but in reality they were not realized, becoming illustration to neglect of law and law and order.However would be an overstatement to consider that there was complete legal anarchy and raging of criminality in the state .Conclusions. In the second half 1930th a militia, without regard to mass repressions and certain vagueness of fate of many workers, continued counteraction to criminality. Certain attention was spared to the improvement of work of investigators, district inspectors, secret-service-informative work, bringing in of public to counteraction to criminality. In the total it was succeeded to attain some reduction of general level to criminality.
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Muoh, Obinna U., and Uche Uwaezuoke Okonkwo. "Post-nationalism and Recollecting the Nigerian Civil War Memories through Hero Beer Brands Marketing in Igboland, Southeast Nigeria." Rupkatha Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 12, no. 5 (October 17, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.21659/rupkatha.v12n5.rioc1s33n3.
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Since the failed attempt at secession from Nigeria in 1970, after a 30-month civil war, the Igbo ethnic nationality—who constituted the majority of the defunct Biafra Republic, have sought avenues to (re)create the memories of the short-lived country.In the political space, they attempted establishing Ohaneze Ndigbo—as an umbrella socio-political organization for recreating and projecting the Igbo agenda. This, to a large extent, has not achieved the desired objectives. Not surprisingly, militia groups have sprung up since 1999 when an Igbo failed to secure Presidential race ticket to agitate the actualization of the sovereign state of Biafra. These groups include Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), and recently the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). However, pop circle provided the much needed social space for Biafra nostalgic displays. In 2012, Hero Beer advert better known as O Mpa, a coined greeting style by Onitsha people for great achievers with reference to Ojukwu father figure in the Biafran struggle was launched. This study examines the nexus between beer advertorials and ethnic identity using the Igbo example. It argues that the advertorials successfully permeated into the psychology of Igbo beer drinkers, who attached ethnic connections to them and appropriated them as theirs, using the brands to recreate the memories of Biafran struggle of Independence from 1967-1970.
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Yagboyaju, Dhikru Adewale, and Antonia Taiye Simbine. "Political Finance and the 2019 General Elections in Nigeria." Journal of African Elections, June 1, 2020, 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/10.20940/jae/2020/v19i1a4.
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Money and politics are understandably inseparable because much democratic political activity is dependent on financial resources. This paper examines the effects of the unregulated use of money in political activities in Nigeria. Data for the conceptual and theoretical sections of the paper are drawn from historical and contemporary documents on people, economy and politics. This is complemented by the observation of events by the authors, together with content analyses of reports from primary data generated during the tracking of political finance in Nigeria’s recent general elections, particularly those of 2019. For its analytic framework, the paper utilises a combination of structural theory and the institutional approach.
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Eluma, Benson, and Yinka Olarinmoye. "Mobilizing Indigenous Languages for Democracy in Nigeria: A Discursive and Sociolinguistic Critique." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/2102/01(0130).
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For democracy to become the political culture in Nigeria, the discourse of politics has to be conducted through expressive mechanisms owned by the people. In the absence of popular ownership of political language, the road to disconnect, apathy and disenfranchisement lies wide open. We take the view that the problem of politics is located squarely in the public sphere and that discourse is the activity that characterizes the public sphere. We raise the point that the sociolinguistic environment in the country does not encourage whole masses of Nigerians to talk politics in languages in which they can freely articulate their positions and present their aspirations. We posit that citizens are disenfranchised and rendered inaudible and invisible to the extent to which they cannot undertake political discourse with an appreciable measure of linguistic ease. The benefits of diversity are endangered as many people and entire groups in Nigeria lose the means of expressing their political views and opinions, let alone political projects and programmes. Invoking Bakhtin’s concept of heteroglossia, we make a blanket case for the viability of each and every extant language in Nigeria for political discourse if such usage is actively promoted among their respective communities of users.
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Yusuf Shamsuddeen Nadabo and Suleiman Maigari Salisu. "ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND ECONOMIC GROWTH NEXUS IN NIGERIA: MODERATING EFFECT OF INSTITUTIONAL QUALITY: ARDL COINTEGRATION APPROACH." EPRA International Journal of Economic and Business Review, September 6, 2021, 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36713/epra8385.
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This paper explores the relationship between entrepreneurship and economic growth in Nigeria: the moderating role of institutional quality. To accomplish this, the study employs an Autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) from (2002Q1–2019Q4) and uses a moderator model to examine the impact of entrepreneurship on economic growth via institutional quality. The resilts show that institutional quality in Nigeria has a positive impact on economic growth. The results also indicate that the interactive effect of institutional quality and entrepreneurship has positive effect on economic growth in Nigeria both in the short-run and long-run. The study illustrate that the productive entrepreneurship is a potent vehicle for promoting long term economic growth in Nigeria. In general, unless institutional quality is introduced to improve the influence of entrepreneurship on economic growth, entrepreneurial activity alone may not lead to desired growth. Furthermore, the study presents a perspective of the role of government in establishing an enabling environment that promotes entrepreneurial activity and, as a result, enhances economic growth in Nigeria. Based on this finding, the study recommends for the implimantation of measures and policies aims at encourageing productive entrepreneurial activities that contribute to economic growth. In addition Government and policymakers should improved the quality of institutions such as improving Government Effectiveness, Political Stability and Absence of Violence, Voice and Accountability, Regulatory Quality, Rule of Law and Control of Corruption. KEYWORDS: Economic growth, Entrepreneurship, Moderating, Institutional quality.
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Uko, Ndaeyo. "History and the Press: A Case Study of Australia and Nigeria." eTropic: electronic journal of studies in the tropics 1, no. 2 (August 9, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.25120/etropic.1.2.2002.3449.
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The circumstances of birth and the political setting contribute significantly to the nature, roles and effectiveness of a mass medium. The birth of the Nigerian press, in an era of contentious colonial rule and heightened missionary activity, for example, produced newspapers that were essentially a combative and indomitable anti-colonial force. Furthermore, the Nigerian press was propelled by historical circumstances to become a strong but improbable supporter of military rule until 1998 when it began to promote democracy. Although Australia was, like Nigeria, a British colony, its history had a different effect on the growth, values and direction of its press. The paper will argue that the significant similarities and differences between the Australian and the Nigerian journalism can be attributed to the history of the press in these countries.
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Ogochukwu C, Okeke, and Oranyelu Forster O. "AN OVERVIEW OF CRIME ANALYSIS, PREVENTION AND PREDICTION USING DATA MINING BASED ON REAL TIME AND LOCATION DATA." International Journal of Engineering Applied Sciences and Technology 5, no. 10 (February 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.33564/ijeast.2021.v05i10.015.
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Crime analysis and prevention is a systematic approach for identifying and analyzing patterns and trends in crime. The system can predict regions which have high probability for crime occurrence and can visualize crime prone areas. With the increasing advent of computerized systems, crime data analysts can help the Law enforcement officers to speed up the process of solving crimes. Using the concept of data mining, real time and location data, the system can extract unknown, useful information from an unstructured data. Here we have an approach between computer science and criminal justice to develop a data mining, real time and location data procedure that can help solve crimes faster. Instead of focusing on causes of crime occurrence like criminal background of offender, political enmity etc. we are focusing mainly on crime factors of each day. To have a better response towards criminal activity, it is very important that one should understand the patterns in crime. I analyses these patterns by taking crime datasets from the Nigeria Police zone six (6) Calabar, Cross River State and town planning bodies. This dataset includes different streets of the city of Calabar. The major aim of this mission is to expect which category of crime is most probably to take place at a detailed time and places in Calabar.