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Journal articles on the topic 'Nigeria – Politics and government'
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1
Haruna, Nasiru, Mohd Sabri Md Nor, Mohd Mahadee Ismail, and Murni Wan Mohd Nor. "Political Instability and the Collapse of Nigeria First Republic Government: 1960-1966." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. VII (2023): 2080–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70866.
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Nigeria First Republic Government was democratically elected institution that governed and regulate its affairs in accordance with the constitution. However, political instability and conflict failed to provide the favorable atmosphere to reign during the 1960-1966, Nigeria first republic government. the instabilities were created as result of ethnic division and competition that courses serious political disorder and turmoil ranging from census crises of 1962, election violence of 1964 and the leadership crises of the western region in 1965. First republic government came in to being as a result of political struggle by the Nigerian nationalist leaders, pre-independence political parties, the Nigeria press men and the ex-service men of the Nigeria army against the British colonial rule. Subsequently, 1959 election was held which served as the final stage that pave the way for the established first republic and the political independence of Nigeria came in 1960. The paper aims to provide the administrative structure of the Nigeria first republic government, the impact of the political instabilities to Nigeria politics and the collapse of the government in 1966. The methodology adopted in these writeup is historical in nature that entails the use of secondary sources, data analysis was collected from books, journal paper, articles, theses, had been study carefully and critically examines in order to determine their validity, accuracy and its authenticity. The objective of the study is to describe the historical significance of political instability in Nigeria first republic government and its impact to the present Nigerian Polities.
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Suberu, Ibrahim, and Sherif Yusuf. "Nigerian Politics and Politics in Nigeria: A Contemplation of Islamic Political Thought in Nigeria." Al-Milal: Journal of Religion and Thought 2, no. 2 (December 26, 2020): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46600/almilal.v2i2.73.
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Democracy in Nigeria is characterised by corruption, irregularities and injustice. The level of political hostility in the country has resulted in loss of lives and properties and as a result, there have been hindrances to peace and national development to prevail in Nigeria. Hence, the ugly political developments have generated a lot of concerns and questions such as what are the causes of the political unrest in Nigeria? Is democracy really paying off as a political system in Nigeria? What has been the result of democracy in Nigeria? Can there be a better political system in Nigeria? If so, can Islamic political system fulfil the longing of Nigerians? Answers to these questions shall form the body of this research. The research discovers the absence of fairness in the electoral process and bad governance in Nigeria. This research reveals the flaws in effectiveness of democracy as a system of government in Nigeria. It proposes adopting an alternative model of governance. Lastly, this research contemplates the Islamic political model for a better Nigeria.
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Wilson, Goddey. "Environmental Factors and Human Resource Management in Local Government Administration in Nigeria." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 20, no. 2 (March 17, 2020): 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v20i2.7.
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Human resource management is the mobilisation of available human resource in the organization to achieve the organizational goals. Human resource management activities are not devoid of challenges in any organization, including Local Government Councils in Nigeria; hence, this study identified such challenges as environmental factors and classified it as internal and external environmental factors affecting human resource management in Nigerian Local Governments. These factors were identified on account of the observed irregularities in human resource management policies and practice in the Local Government service. This study therefore aims at examining the environmental factors affecting human resource management in Nigerian local governments between 2010-2018. Data were collected from observations, interviews and documented facts on the subject matter, while system theory was used to explain the interdependence of the various departments and its effects on human resource management in the Councils. The study findings identified poor capacity building and orientation, activities of trade unions, administrative policies and politics, capacity of the Council leadership, among others as internal factors; and political, social, legal, physical, etc., as part of the external environmental factors affecting human resource management in Nigerian Local Governments. The study concluded that the internal and external factors have significant effects on the human resource management and productivity of the Local Governments in Nigeria. This study further made some recommendations on strategies to achieve effective human resource management in Nigerian Local Governments.
Keywords: Staff development, Local Government, environmental factors, human resource management, organizational productivity.
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Williams, Pat Ama Tokunbo. "Religion, Violence and Displacement in Nigeria." Journal of Asian and African Studies 32, no. 1-2 (1997): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685217-90007280.
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The present displacement of Nigerians is attributable to religious politics even though there is a reluctance on the part of people to acknowledge this as a problem in the Nigerian body politic. Since the 1980s, Muslim functionaries have allowed their religious inclinations to dictate their public actions, thereby creating the fear that further developments in Nigeria would assume an Islamic stance. Consequently, Christian groups which have been out of favour with the government adopted steps to safe-guard their interests. This evolution of sectarian groupings has adversely affected overall security in Nigeria. Its diverse society now includes pockets of displaced people within the country and a growing and widely dispersed population outside the country. This exodus cannot be stopped unless the security of Nigerians is assured within the confines of a secular state.
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Reynolds, Jonathan T. "The Politics of History." Journal of Asian and African Studies 32, no. 1-2 (1997): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685217-90007281.
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The influence of religion in Nigerian politics can be traced in particular to the Islamic/political legacy of the nineteenth-century Sokoto Caliphate. The legacy of this Islamic state has dramatically influenced Nigerian politics, which became particularly evident during the period of political activity in the 1950s and the subsequent events that stemmed from this activity. The Sokoto Caliphate as a model of government in northern Nigeria was in fact problematic because it only represented part of an historical tradition that was strongly affected by violence and resistance to Islamic expansion. Hence the Caliphate has been a source of tension rather than integration at the national level.
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E, Ogbe, H., and Ejovi, A. "MILITARY IN POLITICS AND RURAL AREAS DEVELOPMENT ADMINISTRATION IN NIGERIA." Zamfara International Journal of Humanities 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36349/zamijoh.2023.v02i01.006.
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At the grant of independence Nigerians were hopeful for socio-economic development. The hope was dashed due to corruption, mismanagement of the nation’s resources by civilian-led administration. The military intervened in the nation’s politics to rescue the poor socio-economic condition of Nigerians.. Consequently, the paper focused on military in politics and rural development by examining the development administration efforts of the military in the development of Nigerian rural areas. The military in politics and its development administration was a rural development strategy to alleviate the suffering of the people living in the rural areas in Nigeria. The paper adopted a historical research method which relied on secondary data and it also adopted direct military participation theory. The paper revealed that the Nigerian military in politics was corrective in nature. The military seized power in Nigeria to change the poor socio-economic and political system. Therefore, the military embarked on several developmental programmes such as the creation of local government, rural banking programmes, the Directorate For Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure (DIFFRI ), National Directorate for Employment. The paper revealed that undue political interference, unstable cash-flow to finance programme and inadequate qualified personnel to handle some of the programmes/projects constrained the impact of the military development administration efforts in the rural areas. The paper recommended among others that Nigeria government should designed no-stop financing plan for every rural development programme and train adequate rural dwellers to manage some of the needed programmes/projects
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OJENAMAH, FORTUNE OGECHI. "PARTY POLITICS AND DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 8, no. 1 (January 5, 2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/2202.80.0110.
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While considering the democratic debate in Nigeria, we understand that the nexus between party politics and democratic governance lacks comprehensive analysis. This paper seeks to answer the question of whether party politics fosters or hinders democratic governance in Nigeria. It is intended to draw a nexus between internal party dynamics and poor governance in a democratic system of government using the theoretical tool of Group Theory. The methodology adopted is qualitative, and descriptive research design is used to guide the study. The study unveils the transactional nature of party politics as adversative and dysfunctional to democratic governance at all levels of government in Nigeria. Embedded within the drama of partisan politics, is a regime of patronage politics that is essentially opposed to all norms, values, and prevailing tenets of democratic governance. The paper recommends the accentuation of the purpose, and functions of political parties; it should be well defined and deeply rooted in the people with the hope of improving the system.
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Anadi, PhD, Sunday K. M. "Politics and Religion vs. Law and Order in Nigeria: Implications for National and Regional Security." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 5, no. 3 (March 1, 2018): 4474–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v5i3.02.
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Since independence in 1960, Nigeria has grappled with the ominous challenge of building a sustainable bridge between its ever increasing populations divided not only along distinct multi-ethnic groups but also between two major diametrically opposed faiths [in content, structure, and tactics]- Christianity and Islam. The study was exploratory in nature, which adopted descriptive adequacy in articulating and examining the underlying alternatives factors that propel national politics and religious violence in Nigeria, thus producing a more comprehensive and total picture of the dynamics of the phenomena under investigation- the understanding of religious violence in Nigeria with minimum distortion. Furthermore, the study adopted a survey method based on the perception of Government officials and Religious leaders regarding religious violence, with a corresponding sample size of 100. The study found that the seeming overwhelming implications of persistent religious violence for Nigeria are three folds; they include; sustained threat to national peace, unity, and security, undermines national political/economic development, as well as socio-cultural and religious harmony and cooperation. In addition, the study found that the present state of religious violence in Nigeria exacerbates bitterness, hatred, and mistrust among the federating units of Nigeria resulting to violent reactions and heightened intra-ethnic and religious clashes, with a volcanic potential to explode into secession by aggrieved groups, internecine civil war, pogroms and/or jihads. Finally, the study recommended that the Nigerian civil society must step up organized and peaceful agitations for fundamental changes in the structure and character of the Nigeria state through a Sovereign National Conference or credible constitution review effort. Also, the Nigerian government and the international community must seize the opportunity of current fragile peace in Nigeria, to implement a number of credible measures aimed at preventing a recurrence of widespread religious conflicts threatening to spill over to a civil war.
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Iduma, Ugo Igariwey, and Musa Yahi Musa. "Nigerian Refugees in Cameroon: Understanding the Politics of Voluntary Refugee Repatriation." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 9, no. 1 (March 29, 2019): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v9i1.14584.
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The paper observes that the inability of the Nigerian government to defeat Boko Haram has created a stream of problems for Cameroon as the paper identifies some Boko Haram activities in Cameroon is prompting a premature repatriation of Nigerian refugees by the Cameroonian government. According to the National Emergency Agency reports in 2015 the Cameroonian government forcefully repatriated 3.500 Nigerian refugees, the report added that the refugees were not informed of their return and were transported like animals, and dropped at home in cruel conditions. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (2004) explains that the premature repatriation of Nigerian refugee is a violation of the principle of non-refoulement as the condition in the North East is not conducive for the repatriation of Nigerian refugees. Thus, a tripartite agreement was reached between Nigeria, Cameroon, and UNHCR to ensure the safety and legality of the return of Nigerian refugees. The paper investigates the efforts of the Nigerian government towards the proper repatriation and reintegration of the refugees in safety and dignity. Using secondary data, the paper concluded that repatriation of the Nigerian refugees intended to address the humanitarian needs of the refugees is rather serving the political interest of various actor. The paper recommends a sustainable reintegration framework be established for the returnees.
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Anyia, Albert. "Muslim Organisation and the Mobilisations for Sharia Law in northern Nigeria: The JNI and The NSCIA." Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, no. 1 (July 28, 2016): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909614560246.
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This paper examines the role of Muslim religious organisations in northern Nigeria as religious interest groups in relation to government decision-making, including their role as ‘superior Muslim influence’ in the introduction and dissemination of Sharia law in 12 northern states in Nigeria. Two of the most prominent Muslim organisations in Nigeria, the J’amatu Nasril Islam (JNI) and Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA), are examined in this regard to compare and highlight their lobbying strategies in their attempt to justify claims to representing over 80 million Muslims in Nigeria. This paper suggest that Islam and the support from Muslim organisations were significant influences on government policy-makers involved in the process of adopting Sharia law in the northern states. Overall, this paper concludes that Muslim organisations have superior influence, have significantly marginalised non-Muslims and have focused on Sharia law policy, thus enabling an analysis of the relationship between religion and politics in Nigeria.
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Ojo, Emmanuel Olugbade. "THE FORM AND CHARACTER OF CIRCULATING GOVERNING ELITE IN NIGERIA: PAST AND PRESENT." Journal of Governance and Development (JGD) 19, no. 1 (December 31, 2023): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jgd2023.19.1.2.
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This paper is basically an application of the famous elite perspective to the Nigerian government and politics to test whether it is a theory that can be confirmed or infirmed. The observable phenomenon which is similar to virtually all regions and climes of the world is the emergence of very few people circulating in the political space over time. From pre-colonial, to colonial and post-colonial Nigerian state, a number of elites from diverse sectors of the society – the military, politicians, civil society, business tycoons, religious leaders and traditional elites kept circulating in the political firmament of Nigeria. The paper is a confirmation of the elite theory paradigm or construct to the understanding of Nigerian government and politics. The paper however noted that if nothing changes the required leap from a developing status of Nigeria as a country to developed one may take time after all more so that the country needs new thinking and perspectives to be able to adapt to modern technological era. The paper infers that there is an imperatival need to opening up of the political space to accommodate vibrant youths and new set of elites that can drive the polity to a greater height with new innovative thinking.
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G.I., Sheriff, Farouk I.B., and Aliyu I.B. "Challenges of Democracy in Nigerian Local Government System: A Critical Analysis." Journal of Advanced Research and Multidisciplinary Studies 1, no. 1 (August 11, 2021): 118–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/jarms-bjxq8p44.
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After two decades of the return to civil rule, the not too impressive scorecard of Nigerian democracy has raised concerns and questions demanding answers as to why the country is still struggling with the delivery of democratic governance and dividends such as; social welfare, justice, even-federal development as well as equal access to national resources. The paper inspects carefully, those factors that have and are hindering the success of democracy and democratic governance in Nigeria especially at the local government level. In doing this, related literatures were reviewed while the Structural Functionalist theory is adopted as the theoretical model or frame work and the collection of data was carried out through the secondary source. The study reveals that democracy in Nigeria especially at the local government level has not done up to its expectation due largely to corruption, partisan politics, upper governmental interference, lack of local government autonomy, among others. It therefore recommends that among other things, the local governments should be granted it constitutional autonomy in powers and functions, the fight against corruption should be stretched to the local government areas while Local government officials are made accountable to the local residence and that the leaders should be more ethical in their political pursue
13
Femi, Chukwudi Justus. "Exploring the Origins of Nigeria’s Present-Day Multi-Ethnic, Religious, Socio-Political, and Governmental Dynamics." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VIII, no. III (2024): 1452–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2024.803107.
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This paper explores the deep-rooted factors that have shaped multi-ethnic religious, socio-political, and government politics in Nigeria. Nigeria, being a diverse country with hundreds of ethnic groups and a blend of various religions, has experienced complex dynamics that have influenced its contemporary political landscape. This analysis aims to shed light on the historical, socio-cultural, and economic factors that have contributed to the current state of multi-ethnic politics in the country. The process of colonization and subsequent independence marked a critical turning point in Nigeria’s political evolution. The amalgamation of diverse ethnic groups by the British colonial authorities created a complex tapestry of cultural, social, and political identities. These diverse ethnic groups, each with their own cultural heritage and religious beliefs, competed for resources, socio-political power, and representation within the government. Religion has played a significant role in shaping Nigeria’s politics. The historical introduction of Islam and Christianity by foreign missionaries further deepened these divisions, as each religion gained its own following and exerted influence in different regions of the country. The intersection of religious beliefs with political ideologies and aspirations has given rise to unique political dynamics and challenges in Nigeria. Socio-economic factors have also contributed to Nigeria’s multi-ethnic political landscape. Ethnicity-based distribution of resources, economic inequalities, and uneven development across regions have fueled grievances and tensions between different ethnic groups. These inequalities have influenced the allocation of political power, government policies, and resource distribution, thereby affecting inter-ethnic relationships and political dynamics. Furthermore, the structure and operations of the Nigerian government have played a crucial role in shaping contemporary politics. The transition from military rule to democracy, although a positive step, has not entirely eradicated the legacy of authoritarianism on Nigeria’s political system. This legacy has influenced power dynamics, political patronage, and the struggle for control and influence among ethnic and religious groups. In conclusion, the roots of contemporary multi-ethnic religious, socio-political, and government politics in Nigeria can be traced back to historical factors, socio-cultural dynamics, economic disparities, and the structure of governance. Understanding these roots is essential for addressing the challenges associated with diverse ethnic and religious identities, promoting inclusivity, and fostering sustainable political development in Nigeria. A combination of historical research and contemporary ethnographic data was adopted to examine the development of the concept of a multi-ethnic or plural society. Existing literatures from journals was analyze qualitatively. It began by examining the historical roots of the multi-ethnic society, how it was understood in different societies and cultures throughout history. It moved on to examined the concept in a contemporary context, focusing on its application in the modern world. In particular, it explored the challenges and opportunities that a multi-ethnic or plural society presents, as well as the different ways in which it has been implemented in different countries. By delving into the rich tapestry of Nigerian society through qualitative methods, researchers can provide a more comprehensive understanding of the origins of its present-day dynamics.
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Enemuo, John-Paul Chinedu. "John Locke’s concept of state: A panacea for the challenges of Nigeria democracy." OGIRISI: a New Journal of African Studies 15, no. 1 (October 19, 2020): 214–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/og.v15i1.14s.
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Nigerian form and practice of democracy is very faulty, ranging from the foundation to the very level of the actual practice of democracy. Most political office holders in Nigeria arrive at the corridors of power through avenues devoid of generally accepted standard of democratic principle, it is in Nigeria that one gets to hear and see that power is actually taken and not given as is provided by the principles of democracy. John Locke in his political theory presented consent as the bedrock of democracy and went further to outline the aims of civil government. Consequently, any civil government that deviates from the provisions of the social contract theory, stands the risk of dissolution. From the foregoing, the reverse is the case in the Nigerian socio-political space. This work makes use of analytical method in philosophy to investigate the shortcomings in the characteristics of democracy being practiced in Nigeria, it would analyze John Locke’s concept of the state placing it in line with current trends in the Nigerian political scene. The researcher discovered that what is practiced in Nigeria falls short, far below standard of what is generally known and practiced worldwide as democracy which by implication is the “government of the people, by the people and for the people, viewing it through the lens and window of Lockean provision. Finally, this paper concludes that Nigeria politicians and office holders should eschew selfishness and pursue that which would contribute positively to the commonwealth. Democracy is people/masses oriented. Once a nation misses this target, the glory of that nation automatically starts corroding and subsequently fades away, and the result is seen in the gross suffering of the citizens.
Keywords: Democracy, Politics, Nigeria, Power, Government.
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Ogheneruro Okpadah, Stephen. "Queering the Nigerian Cinema and Politics of Gay Culture." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 2 (January 28, 2021): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i2.4.
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The advocacy for gayism and lesbianism in Nigeria is informed by transnational cultural processes, transculturalism, interculturalism, multiculturalism and globalisation. Although critical dimensions on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) are becoming recurrent subjects in Nigerian scholarship, scholarly works on LGBT, sexual identity and Nigerian cinema remain scarce. Perhaps, this is because of indigenous Nigerian cultural processes. While Chimamanda Adichie, a Nigerian novelist cum socio-political activist, campaigns against marginalisation and subjugation of gays and lesbians and for their integration into the Nigerian cultural system, numerous African socio-cultural and political activists hold a view that is dialectical to Adichie’s. The position of the members of the anti-gay group was further strengthened with the institution of stringent laws against gay practice in Nigeria by the President Goodluck Jonathan led government in 2014. In recent times, the gay, bisexual, transgender and lesbian cultures have been a source of raw material for filmmakers. Some of the thematic preoccupations of films have bordered on questions such as: what does it mean to be gay? Why are gays marginalised? Are gays socially constructed? What is the future of the advocacy for gay and lesbian liberation in Nigeria? Although most Nigerian film narratives are destructive critiques of the gay culture, the purpose of this research is not to cast aspersion on the moral dimension of LGBT. Rather, I argue that films on LGBT create spaces and maps for a critical exploration of the gay question. While the paper investigates the politics of gay culture in Nigerian cinema, I also posit that gays and lesbians are socio-culturally rather than biologically constructed. This research adopts literary and content analysis methods to engage Moses Ebere’s Men in Love with reference to other home videos on the gay and lesbian motifs.
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Awofeso, Olu, and Kingsley Ogunne. "Politics of Local Government Administration and the Challenges of Primary Healthcare System in Nigeria." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 9 (September 10, 2020): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.79.8799.
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The degree of decentralization among federalist countries differs and this invariably demonstrates the dynamics of federalism in practice. The idea of federal system of government demands that there should be constitutional division of powers among the different tiers of government. To this end, in Nigeria, the federal, state and local government have their powers embedded in the constitution. However, the Nigerian constitution created much incertitude which allows local government to merely operate based on the reserved rights, disposition, prescription and discretion of the higher tiers of government. These constitutional uncertainties have no doubt created intergovernmental challenges and conflicts on areas of; tax jurisdiction, revenue allocation, fund transfers, illegal removal of government officials, autonomy, and inconsistent local government elections among others. Beyond these plaints which have been expressed in copious literature, this study tries to take further steps in analyzing how Nigeria’s intergovernmental status has impeded the operation and performance of primary healthcare system, which has invariably brought about poor health outcomes in the country, as evident in her pitiable health indicators. This work therefore establishes a nexus between local government decision space and primary healthcare systems in the country.
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Alubo, Ogoh. "Breaking the Wall of Silence: Aids Policy and Politics in Nigeria." International Journal of Health Services 32, no. 3 (July 2002): 551–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/1wjw-tg1x-lt8x-vcnd.
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AIDS was first diagnosed in Nigeria in 1986. By that time, the government had enough information from experiences in other African countries to goad it into quickly establishing a control program. Nigeria's National AIDS Control program, however, fell victim to years of military arbitrariness and uncertainty. It was underfunded and had three directors in as many years. This arbitrariness and general lukewarm response from government occurred despite rapid increases in seroprevalence rates. Available data indicate a national prevalence of 5.4 percent and rates as high as 30 percent among some “high-risk” groups; as many as 10 to 15 persons with full-blown AIDS are admitted weekly in some tertiary facilities. Experiences in communities show an already heavy and growing burden. The nonchalance of past military regimes is gradually being reversed with Nigeria's return to civil rule in May 1999. Perhaps because of the fragmented statistics and the government's seeming conspiracy of silence, Nigeria is not included in the count of African countries with high HIV/AIDS prevalence. The author suggests that the new democratic government needs to go beyond professed commitment to demonstrable action to halt the spread and address social and other impacts of the epidemic.
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Nimfel, Elisha. "Politics of Local Government Autonomy in Nigeria: Challenges and Prospects." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Science 03, no. 01 (August 1, 2017): 125–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms/2017030106.
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Aihie, Joseph O., and Theophilus A. Okojie. "Not viable, yet desirable? The politics of state creation in Nigeria." Kampala International University Interdisciplinary Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (April 29, 2023): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.59568/kijhus-2023-4-1-13.
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Nigeria has had both civilian and military administrations with abundant human and material resources. However, the presence of the aforementioned has not transformed the quality of life of her citizens. Nigeria is still being plagued with the crisis of insecurity, unemployment, energy challenges, and economic underdevelopment etc., several efforts to remedy the crisis of poor governance is the clamour or agitation for state fragmentation which has become unresolved and unabated. Major actors in the clamour opined that restructured Nigeria is a worthy and desirable venture for statecraft which is capable of unleashing an enabling environment for the sub-national governments to thrive in the delivery of effective governance. This paper made use of secondary data to explore the nature and context of the subject matter. While the state-centred thesis and the theories of cooperative federalism were deployed to navigate the topic. The research avers the character of the political elites, the minority question, and the fiscal posture of the existing state to issue the proponents of state fragmentation need to address. Moreover, the following recommendations were made to allay the endless clamour for restructuring; the clamour for restructuring should start with the ethical reorientation of the drivers of the machinery of government to see public offices as an avenue to render selfless service and contribute their quota to national development. Moreover, efforts should be geared towards the institutional restructuring of the agencies saddled with the responsibility of combating corruption without let or hindrances. The constitutional instruments for inter-group relations that promote the accommodation of conflicting interests and inclusivity should be embraced. The Nigerian federation should emphasize revenue generation rather than revenue sharing through the review of the revenue sharing formula that favours derivation. This will strengthen the financial capability of the state governments to be in a better standing to discharge their governance responsibilities to their constituents.
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Apeke Saka, Latifat, and Bola Sebiomo. "Practices and Attitudes of Youth in Politics in Epe Local Government, Lagos State, Nigeria." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 19 (December 2013): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.19.90.
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Politics is a necessary result of man‟s relationship with each other, it is everywhere and influencing the affairs of human being, it is a means by which an individuals or group of people achieve and maintain power and influence positively the socio-economic status of the parties concerned. This paper reports the practices and attitude of youth in politics in Epe local government area, Lagos state. From the study fifty (50) youths were randomly selected from five zones, ten (10) youths from each zone in Epe Local area. Each technique contained four items. Findings shows that youth wing of political parties came first under political attitudes while violence came first with mean score of 2.58 under youth anti-social behavior in politics followed by maltreatment of youth in the society with mean score of 2.98 under the causes of youth negative behaviors in politics, introducing programme of protection to youth came first with the mean score of 3.74 under how could government of Nigeria help the youth to become an instrument for natural rebirth. There is significant difference between male and female views in causes and solution to youth problems in politics. There is no significant difference between male and female views in the practices and attitudes of youth in politics. It is recommended that Government should enlighten the youth on how to practice politics without violence more so National rebirth could be advanced if also organize seminars and workshop for the youths.
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AMEDU, Anthony Apeh. "Media Educational Contents and Youths’ Knowledge in Nigeria Political Activities." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. VIII (2023): 1553–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.7920.
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Lack of political knowledge can lead to an incomplete comprehension of public policy, prejudice against members of underrepresented groups, and mistrust of political institutions. Whereas a high level of political awareness results in citizens who are politically educated, vigilant, vocal, competent and who have the necessary expertise for political involvement in order to maintain a viable and stable democratic system. To this end, this study examined media educational contents as correlate of Nigerian Youths’ Knowledge in Political Activities Nigeria. The study adopted the correlation survey research design. The study was anchored on Cognitive Engagement Theory. The population considered were Nigerian Youths between the ages of 18-35 years. The population consisted of youths across the six (6) geo-political zones in Nigeria. Stratified and convenience sampling techniques were used in selecting the respondents for the study. A self-designed questionnaire, called Media Political Education Contents and Youths’ Knowledge, Questionnaire (MpEcYkQ) was adopted for the study. Copies of the questionnaire were electronically administered using goggle form with the link: https//docs.gooogle.com. Findings showed that 435 (80.2%) of the respondents accessed political education contents on social media and 74.14% (400) accessed via electronics/broadcast. Nigerian youths are very knowledgeable about political activities (83.3%). Media education contents correlates with knowledge of political activities among Nigerian youths at 0.972) which is a high and positive which shows that the relationship is high. This implies that a unit rise in media education contents will lead to an increase in knowledge of political activities among Nigerian youths by 0.972. The study recommended that Government agencies and Non-Government Organisations should invest more in media education as it will keep and equip the youths with political knowledge which will enhance political consciousness likewise the youths should use their knowledge about politics for positive participation in politics rather than negative vices like thuggery and electoral malpractices.
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Smith, Daniel Jordan. "What Happened to the Chibok Girls?" Hawwa 13, no. 2 (September 4, 2015): 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692086-12341278.
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The kidnapping of the Chibok girls by Boko Haram in northern Nigeria generated widespread national and international attention, but a year later that attention has faded and the girls’s fate remains unknown. This essay is an effort to analyze and explain what happened, both to the initial global and Nigerian outrage about the Chibok girls and with regard to Boko Haram more generally. I focus on four issues: 1) the initial outburst of attention after the girls’ abduction—both in Nigeria and globally—and its subsequent waning; 2) what we can learn from the intersecting narratives about gender and Islam that dominated global discourse after the abductions; 3) how to understand the politics around Boko Haram within Nigeria, and particularly the failure of the Nigerian government to rescue the girls or reign in the militant group; and 4) what events so far suggest might happen going forward.
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Adeniyi, A. A., E. O. Ogunbodede, and M. O. Braimoh. "An assessment of the role of government health related policies in improving the oral health status of Nigerians." Nigerian Dental Journal 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.61172/ndj.v20i1.114.
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Achieving good oral health is now considered an important component of good health for any population and the inclusion of an oral health component in national health policies is a good strategy for promoting oral health. This paper sought to examine the existing health-related policies of the Nigerian government in order to determine the position accorded oral health within the policy framework and to determine the role of these policies in improving the oral health status of Nigerians. A detailed search of electronic sources and Nigerian government documents to identify the major health related policies of the government in the last decade was conducted. The policies identified and analysed were the Millennium Development Goals (MDG’s), Vision 20:2020, National Economic Empowerment and Development strategy (NEEDS), the seven point agenda and the primary health care policy. The analysis from this report indicates an exclusion of oral health from the framework of most of the policies designed by the Nigerian government. The most important barrier identified for excluding oral health is the inability of the oral health workforce to influence the policy process in Nigeria since policymaking is largely a political issue. Oral healthcare professionals in Nigeria need to be actively engaged in the politics of policymaking in order to promote the inclusion of oral health in the health related policies of government. This should stimulate positive action concerning oral health in the Nigerian polity.
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Ajala, Aderemi Suleiman, and Olarinmoye Adeyinka Wulemat. "FROM KITCHEN TO CORRIDOR OF POWER: YORUBA WOMEN BREAKING THROUGH PATRIARCHAL POLITICS IN SOUTH-WESTERN NIGERIA." Gender Questions 1, no. 1 (September 20, 2016): 58–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-8457/1545.
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Since the 1990s, a number of socio-cultural agencies have played a significant role in the rise of Yoruba women in civil politics. Amongst these are the increasing value of monogamy and women’s greater access to Western education; the culture of first ladies in government; and female socio-economic empowerment through paid labour. Despite their increasing participation, women are still marginalised in elective politics. Using the ethnographic methods of key informant interviews, observation and focus group discussions and a theoretical analysis of patriarchy, this article examines gender relations in Yoruba politics and in the nationalist movement in south-western Nigeria. The rise of Yoruba women in politics in south-western Nigeria is discussed, along with the factors influencing women’s participation in civil politics. The study concludes that patriarchal politics still exists in the Yoruba political system. Factors inhibiting the total collapse of patriarchal politics in south-western Nigeria include the nature of Yoruba politics; women being pitted against women in politics; gender stereotypes and household labour. Thus, to make Yoruba politics friendlier to all, it would be desirable to create more political openings for women.
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Ogunbodede, Nife Elizabeth. "Making Women Count: an Appraisal of Women-centered Policies of Nigeria Political Parties." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 8, no. 2(23) (September 5, 2023): 417–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2023.8.2.417.
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This article examines the effectiveness of various policies and strategies aimed at promoting women’s participation in politics in Nigeria, implemented by advocacy groups, international organizations, political parties, and the Nigerian government. Despite the legal right of women to engage in politics and governance, cultural beliefs have hindered their active involvement in politics, leading to inadequate representation of women in politics. By liberal feminist theory, the study evaluates women’s responses to these initiatives, the challenges encountered in implementing them, and how political parties can enhance their effectiveness. The article suggests that legislative reform is necessary to enable women to achieve equal status to men in society, which will boost women’s political participation. Furthermore, it argues that Nigeria’s political parties have not done enough to encourage women’s participation in politics. Hence, political parties should establish a welcoming and inclusive environment accommodating women’s needs. To achieve this, political parties should organize party meetings at convenient and accessible times and places for women, eliminate obstacles that impede women’s par-ticipation in politics, develop gender-sensitive training programs to enhance women’s confidence and skills, and establish mentoring programs to support potential women candidates in navigating the political landscape.
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Eranga, Isaac Omo-Ehiabhi. "COVID-19 Pandemic in Nigeria: Palliative Measures and the Politics of Vulnerability." International Journal of Maternal and Child Health and AIDS (IJMA) 9, no. 2 (July 8, 2020): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21106/ijma.394.
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In a bid to slow the rate of spread of the virus, the Federal Government of Nigeria, on several occasions, imposed targeted lockdown measures in areas with rapid increase of Covid-19 cases. The states in which the federal government imposed the targeted lockdown included Lagos, Ogun, and the Federal Capital Territory in Abuja. Some States in the country imposed partial lockdown and closure of interstate boarders. Curfews have also been introduced in all the states nationwide. To alleviate the effects of the lockdown, the Federal Government of Nigeria rolled out palliative measures for targeted groups. However, lamentations have trailed the distribution of government palliatives by the masses. Citizens allege that the process of distribution of palliatives had been politicized.
Key words: • Corona virus • Covid-19 • Nigeria • Palliatives
Copyright © 2020 Eranga. Published by Global Health and Education Projects, Inc. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY 4.0) which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work, first published in this journal, is properly cited.
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Apuke, Oberiri Destiny, and Bahiyah Omar. "Television News Coverage of COVID-19 Pandemic in Nigeria: Missed Opportunities to Promote Health Due to Ownership and Politics." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211032675.
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This study examined Television news coverage of COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria from February 2020 to July 2020. The focus was on African Independent Television (AIT), a privately owned TV, and Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), a government-owned TV. We also interviewed ( n = 30) participants to understand their view on media coverage of the pandemic. We found that the TV stations paid adequate attention to the issues of COVID-19. However, the private media allocated more prominence to the coverage of COVID-19. By implication, the private media had more COVID-19 stories telecasted on its headline which also appeared as the first headline in many cases. Furthermore, they had more stories that were aired 61 seconds and above. The findings also showed that the government media outlet cited more of government officials while the private media dueled more on the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC). The private media had more negative tone stories, and most of its stories used visual and motion footages. Overall, our findings suggest that media ownership and politics play a large role in the coverage of COVID-19 in Nigeria. This has affected the attitude of the public as many of them no longer see the pandemic as something serious, but rather politically motivated virus to highlight the failings of the political party in power.
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Obasogie, Henry, and Ngozi Okeibunor. "Appraisal of Public Opinion in Foreign Policy Making: Nigeria and United States of America as a Focal Point." NIU Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2024): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.58709/niujss.v10i1.1794.
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Public opinion plays an unprecedented role in foreign policy making in Africa as well as in other advanced and sophisticated nations in the international system. However, in the United States of America and Nigeria, empirical evidence shows that public opinion has little or no significant effects on foreign policy decision-making. Several reasons abound for this, some of these reasons are the unwillingness of the political elites to embrace transparency, accountability, and inclusive governance. The study therefore examines the views of scholars on the role of public opinion in foreign policy making in the United States of America and Nigeria. The secondary source of data collection was adopted, data include archival materials, periodical publications, books, and the internet. Most of these materials were sourced through an extensive use of specialized library facilities of the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA). The research is descriptive and analytical. The study recommends that the American and Nigerian governments should encourage public opinion in foreign policy making. The researcher also recommend that scholars of International Relations should focus in their research on the role of Government in allowing the input of the public in both domestic and international politics. Keywords: Public Opinion, Foreign Policy, policy, United States of America, Nigeria.
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GEORGE, Kayode, and Toye MANUWA. "UNDERSTANDING “COMMON GOOD” AND ITS IMPACT ON THE NIGERIAN POLITICS." Caleb Journal of Social and Management Science 07, no. 02 (December 24, 2022): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26772/cjsms2022070204.
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The purpose of the study was to investigate the concept of the common good and its impact on Nigerian politics. To achieve this purpose, the descriptive research design was used with 150 undergraduates (in Political Science Department) randomly selected from three (3) tertiary institutions in Lagos State. The primary source of data collection was derived through a self-structured questionnaire given to the participants within the study area on the subject matter. The reliability of the instrument was determined using the Split-Half Method with a co-efficient of reliability of 0.82. Simple percentage analysis was used to analyze the 4 stated hypotheses at 0.05 alpha level. It was concluded that Nigeria needs a kind of governance that emphasizes public transparency and accountability, rule of law, popular participation and engagement, which are basic features of the common good. The researcher recommended that there is a need for politicians at all levels of government across political parties to create and preserve the conditions which allow people, either as groups or as individuals, to reach their fulfillment more fully and more easily through the concept of the common good. Also, the study recommended that in a multicultural society like Nigeria, Government needs to ensure that agreement on the common goods is reached by popular opinion, participation, and engagement.
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A.C.C. Ezeabasili, N. U. Dim, C.A.C Ezeabasili, and J. J. Obiefuna. "The Identification of Risks and its Criticality in the Nigeria Construction Industry." International Journal of Engineering and Management Research 11, no. 1 (February 5, 2021): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31033/ijemr.11.1.9.
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Failure in project delivering can be attributed to many risk events in the Nigerian Construction Industry. This risk could be as a result of the dynamic, sensitivity, and complexity of the construction Industry towards its environment, socio-political, economic, technology, and cultural variables in Nigeria. Nevertheless, the low level of Risk Management in Nigeria construction Industry, and the little understanding and knowledge of the subject by Project Stakeholders prompt this study.
A quantitative method of research was carried out, and among the sixty (60) questionnaires administered to clients, consultants, and contractors in the Nigerian construction industry, thirty-one (31) valid responses were obtained. The questionnaires were designed on the twenty (20) types of risks that were identified by construction professionals which were categorized into five namely; Government and Politics; Finance and Economical; Management and Technology; social and Cultural; Natural and Environmental Risks. And, findings made revealed that economic and financial risks surpass all other types in the Nigeria Construction Industry.
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Kolawole, Aliyu, M., and Ikedinma Hope Amoge. "Political Elites and Politics of Exclusion as Challenges of Governance in Oyo State, Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 3 (September 14, 2021): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i3.19005.
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This paper examined how political elites have excluded a number of people from partisan politics, and discussed the effect of the domineering role of political elites on good governance in Oyo state, Nigeria. The paper also examined the challenges that politics of exclusion pose on good governance in the study area. The study adopted primary and secondary data. For the primary data, in-depth interviews were conducted with ten purposively chosen respondents which comprised of former and serving lawmakers, party chairman, local government chairman, a labour leader, member of a social cultural group, and a serving commissioner. The secondary data was sourced from journal articles, books, newspapers and online publications. The primary and secondary data were content analyzed. The study found that political elites used the electorate to achieve their selfish political agenda; politics of exclusion is responsible for the poor participation of the people in partisan politics, undermining of democratic principles, and breeding of political violence in Oyo state, Nigeria. The study recommended that the Nigerian youths need to be more assertive to demand for accountability from political actors; while political elites should learn to do away with selfish interests. In addition, rule of law, freedom of the press and independence of the judiciary must be upheld in the country.
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Muhammad Koko, Nuruddeen Muhammad, Azmil Mohd Tayeb, and Siti Zuliha Razali. "Restructuring State - Local Relations in Nigeria: Issues and Perspectives." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 6, no. 8 (August 10, 2021): 406–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v6i8.908.
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Federations thrived where levels of government exist and function based on shared rule and self-rule concurrently. Thus, a key defining feature of federalism is the assignment of responsibilities between component units such that each unit is assigned specific responsibilities within its jurisdiction. However, in Nigeria, the disproportionate distribution of responsibilities and resources amongst the component units had resulted in a dysfunctional federation. By virtue of the provision of section 7 of 1999 Constitution, Supreme Court's judgements and extra-judicial pronouncements, local governments are under the "supervisory control" of the State Governments (SGs). However, the extent to which this supervisory control is exercised has been at the front burner of every discourse on Nigerian politics and particular governance challenges. While examining state-local governments relations from both legal and operational viewpoints, this paper illustrates how the SGs wore away the intent of the framers of the Constitution, which is to institute a system of local government that is properly organised, monitored supervised by the SGs. A qualitative research approach was used. Data was collected via official documents, relevant literature, and interviews from officials of the SGs and local governments and experts selected purposively and conveniently. The paper established that local governments are failing simply because the SGs have failed to perform their responsibilities per the spirit of the Constitution and other extant laws. The article finally advocates for an efficient and effective local government system premise on the federal decentralise system. In doing that, it is important to stress that the existing legal aspect does require slight adjustment especially granting the Houses of Assembly of State and state judiciary reasonable autonomy to checkmate the excesses of the SGs. Moreover, accomplishing this will significantly restructure and improve the operational aspect of the relationship for a virile local government system.
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., Evwierhurhoma, Daniel Ejiroghene, and Dr E. Amah. "Effect Of Globalization On Politics And Government: The Case Of Nigeria." International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP) 11, no. 5 (April 12, 2021): 409–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/ijsrp.11.05.2021.p11349.
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NWACHUKU, Azuka. "Politics and Census in Nigeria: Challenges and the Way Forward." International Journal of Public Administration Studies 3, no. 2 (January 30, 2024): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/ijpas.v3i2.13894.
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Population is very vital to the government for nation building of a country especially, Nigeria. Nigeria’s population has been contentious and politicized since colonial times. Census statistics embodies an essential database prerequisite for measuring the physical and social well-being of a nation’s population. Hence, for any country to realize its development potentials, it requires a comprehensive population database support to guide its socio-economic programs, planning and implementation. The fusses in Nigeria census steered the cancellation of the 1962 general population census which was repeated in 1963.The Population of an area is considered a political weapon, a condition desiderata for provision of amenities, infrastructure and in fact, guides wealth allocations and fiscal planning. Regrettably, Nigeria is yet to produce an acceptable and satisfactory demographic data for infrastructural development and nation building. Scholars of Nigerian history appear not to have paid adequate attention to nation building in Nigeria as a result of inaccurate population database. Hence, it is a perception of issues of politics and population census this paper tend to address. Qualitative research methodology was adopted for effective analyses. The paper concluded that inherent contemporary issues have continued to defeat the main aim of population census as an instrument for strategic planning and sustainable development. Lack of accurate census figures has contributed to Nigeria’s policy summersault and under development. It is unfortunate that in this 21st century Nigeria still does not have effective and reliable census data due to the fact that politicization, Falsification of population census result, religion rivalry, ethnicity stimulation and fluctuation of period of conducting census serves as a controlling force against accuracy of population census figures.
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Ezewudo, Ugochukwu Obumneme, Ikeagwuchi Ikechukwua Ukwuoma, and Favour Chukwuemeka Uroko. "BEYOND RELIGION AND ETHNICITY: Sit-At-Home and Freedom Agitations among the IGBO in South-Eastern Nigeria." MAHABBAH: Journal of Religion and Education 3, no. 2 (October 16, 2022): 165–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.47135/mahabbah.v3i2.52.
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The concept of "sit-at-home" is a recent term used by freedom agitators, particularly of Igbo extraction, to get the attention of the Nigerian government to grant sovereignty to the Indigenous people of Biafra. It is also a concept that challenges the authority of the government while asking it to end marginalisation and to release the leader of IPOB, Nnamdi Kanu, who was arrested and is presently in the custody of the Department of State Services (DSS). Sit-at-Home, particularly in Anambra, Enugu, Imo, Abia, and Ebonyi (South-Eastern states of Nigeria), has been given socio-political interpretation. Generally, politics is supposed to be the machinery for resolving conflict and governing the people sincerely. Unfortunately, it has become an agent of disunity in the Nigerian state. This has led to several agitations in the past, but they are more vocal in present times. The agitations for freedom have often triggered violence and conflict between the government and the freedom agitators, given room for the marginalisation of certain regions, and consequently proved Nigeria's government's inability to decide on behalf of the governed. The methodology used in the study is a qualitative phenomenological method. The study examines the challenges and implications of the concept for the socio-economic, socio-political, socio-cultural, and socio-religious lives of the people of southeastern Nigeria. The paper observes that this face-off could be resolved if the needs of the Igbo were critically examined and attained. The paper calls on the government to organise a dialogue and a referendum in order to end the menace in the South-Eastern region.
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Ololajulo, Babajide Olusoji. "‘We are all Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn’: Insecurity, Ethno-regional Hegemony and Resistance in Southwest Nigeria." Yoruba Studies Review 6, no. 2 (January 27, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/ysr.v6i2.130287.
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This article offers an interpretation of Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn, a security outfit established by the governors of Southwest Nigeria to tackle rising cases of insecurity in the region. In the light of existing discourse of identity politics in Nigeria; the inauguration of the outfit in early 2020 initially sets the southwest states on collision course with the federal government due to the fact that the police in Nigeria are centrally controlled. Drawing from online news reports and qualitative data obtained through interview the article argues that Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn together with the controversies that follow the launch illustrates a particular way in which the Yorùbá of southwest Nigeria construct and as well resist real or imagined ethno-regional hegemony. Although created to address insecurity, the shared meanings that grow out of Àmọ̀tẹ́kùn emphasize more complex significations: Yorùbá trailblazing tradition, succor from the suffocating silence and inactivity of the Nigerian state, possibility of political restructuring, and more importantly, resistance of ethno-regional hegemony.
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Olubela, Afolabi, Olufunmilayo Iyunade, and Adeola Ogunsanya. "Youth Engagement in Nigerian Politics: Age and Gender Differentials (as Perceived by Ijebu-Ode Community)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 421–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-421-429.
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The importance of youth involvement in political and developmental processes of society can hardly be exaggerated. However, despite the large percentage of young people in Nigeria and the historical importance of intergenerational continuity with an emphasis on national identity, very little is really known about the degree of youth engagement in the country’s politics. Therefore, this study, in the form of a descriptive survey, analyzes gender and age differentials of youth participation in Nigerian politics. A random sampling technique was used in selecting 200 youths from 5 political wards (40 from each ward) in Ijebu-Ode Local Government Area of Ogun State. Additionally, a self-structured questionnaire was designed and used for data collection, while a t-test and Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) were employed to test the three hypotheses at 0.05 level of significance. The study revealed no significant gender difference ( t = 1.56, P > 0.05) or age difference ( t = 1.44, P > 0.05) among the young population of Nigeria actively engaged in politics in the country. Conclusively, the authors recommend that efforts should be geared towards fighting illiteracy and unemployment in the country, as these are known to be main reasons for vandalism, senseless violence, anarchism, racketeering, and cultism among the Nigerian youth, while realistic political organizations under control and leadership of the young population should be formed.
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Strohm, Laura A. "The Environmental Politics of the International Waste Trade." Journal of Environment & Development 2, no. 2 (June 1993): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107049659300200209.
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To date, the international trade in toxic wastes has caused more significant political damage than actual environmental degradation. It has elicited a new dialogue about the concept of an “environmental factor” in comparative trade advantage. The realities of the waste trading system suggest that the current regime of Prior Informed Consent (PIC) is failing in all ways. Sovereign environmental risk assessment is compromised by information gaps and liability confusion. Our prescriptions for an international waste trading policy reflect the presence of three familiar underlying tensions in international negotiations, which yield lessons for international environmental policymaking. “This firm's exports to Nigeria, Togo, Senegal, Lebanon, Syria, and Turkey had all been authorized by officials of those countries! The Italian government should seek reparations from foreign governments that refused to honor their commitments….” Comments of Renato Pent of Jelly Wax Company, an Italian waste exporter, upon being billed by the Italian government for the costs of politically required waste re-importations.1
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Thurston, Alexander. "The Politics of Technocracy in Fourth Republic Nigeria." African Studies Review 61, no. 1 (March 5, 2018): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.99.
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Abstract:The technocrat, a supposedly apolitical figure who joins government on the basis of technical expertise, looms large in discussions of governance. The empowerment of technocrats has sometimes been taken as a barometer for Africa’s economic and democratic progress. Rejecting this conventional wisdom, this article argues that technocrats are inevitably trapped in a web of politics—politicians leverage the apolitical image of technocrats for political gain, and public debates implicate technocrats as targets of protest. This article pursues this argument through a case study of Nigeria, where technocrats were both politicized and politicizing figures during the rule of the People’s Democratic Party between 1999 and 2015.
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Omobowale, Ayokunle Olumuyiwa, and Akinpelu Olanrewaju Olutayo. "Chief Lamidi Adedibu and patronage politics in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 3 (July 16, 2007): 425–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002698.
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ABSTRACTSince the acceptance of multi-party democracy as the most viable alternative to autocracy and military rule in Africa, democratic rule has become the vogue. Nigeria's attempt at democracy was (and is) accompanied by patronage politics, whereby certain personalities exact great influence on the political process. This study spotlights Chief Lamidi Adedibu and his patronage style in Nigerian politics, and shows that Adedibu gained political ‘patronic’ prominence during Nigeria's Third Republic in the 1990s, through the provision of the survival needs of the poor majority who are, mostly, used as thugs for protection against challenges from opponents and for political leverage. Since then, he has remained a ‘valuable tool’ of ‘any government in power’ and politicians ready to provide the necessary goods for onward transmission to clients.
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Akpoghome, Theresa U., and Ufuoma Veronica Awhefeada. "Participation Of Women In Politics In Nigeria: Legal Frameworks, Challenges And Prospects." Law & Political Review 08 (2023): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.55662/lpr.2023.803.
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Since the beginning of recorded history, men have dominated the political landscape and the governance of Nigeria. This is not to claim that women have never before taken part in governance or politics at any level. Information reveals that there were great women in the past that ruled and dominated kingdoms but currently the statistics rather that grow has nosedived. Accordingly, this paper reiterates that the Sustainable Development Goal 16 recognizes women’s political participation and aims to achieve responsive, inclusive, participatory, and representative decision-making at all levels by 2030. In light of this, this paper attempts to discuss the extent of women’s political participation in Nigeria and offers solutions to their apathy. The paper concludes that the government should, as a matter of policy, make deliberate efforts to ensure that women are actively involved in politics and government because there cannot be an inclusive society without women participation.
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Chukwuemeka, Emma E. O., Ohagwu Anthony Chinwe, Agu Lilian Ebere, and Chinyere Ndukwe. "Local Government Elected Officers and Career Officers Dichotomy in Nigeria: How to Resolve the Imbroglio." NG Journal of Social Development 12, no. 1 (December 7, 2023): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ngjsd.v12i1.2.
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The local government system in Nigeria has the mandate to perform major functions which the higher tiers of government may not perform. To ensure that the development goals of the local government is achieved, it requires efficient manpower. The local government manpower includes the career civil servants and political office holders. How the two work in harmony has become a herculean task. Therefore the paper critically examined the roles of the career civil servants and politicians, and how the two can work to achieve the goals of the local government. The paper adopted documentaryresearch methodology, and content analysis technique was used. Team work was emphasized as a veritable tool to be used to foster grassroots development. Dichotomy between political office holders and local government career officers was critically interrogated. It is the position of the paper that politics and administration cannot be separated. Ultimately the paper is of the view that local government officers should eschew politics and mind their statutory duty of providing administrative services and guiding the political office holders on the nitty-gritty of local government administration and policy formulation. Therefore the two should work as partners in progress.
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Oghuvbu, Ejiroghene Augustine. "BOKO HARAM INSURGENCY AND THE INTERPLAYBETWEEN RELIGION AND POLITICS IN NIGERIA." International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.0435.
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This study examines the roles religion and politics play in the “boko haram” insurgency. In Nigeria, politics and religion occupy a central space. While the two individually generate a plethora of events of varying levels and implications for Nigeria, religion and politics often create a mixture of circumstances and occurrences. The boko haram insurgency is one of the many entities that represent the combustible nature of politics and religion in Nigeria. Its activities in the North-East have constituted a challenge to Nigeria’s security. The study adopts the human needs theory to explain boko haram insurgency and its effects on reli-gion and politics in Nigeria. The study employs the qualitative method and relies on sec-ondary sources of data. Specifically, the study draws data from books, book chapters, jour-nals, conference proceedings, newspapers, and online sources. These data are analysed with the use of thematic analysis, to structure the arrangement of the data retrieved by follow-ing the objectives of the study. The findings of the study reveal that corruption, radical islam, and poor governance played salient roles in the development of the boko haram sect. In line with these findings, the study recommends that the government must curtail and ultimately defeat the boko haram insurgency. The author recommends that the govern-ment intensifies its intelligence activities in order to fighting boko haram.
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Harry, Celestina Imade. "The Politics In Higher Education: The Contemporary Crises In Higher Education In Nigeria: A Consequence Of Fundamental Political Manipulations Of The Educational System (Military And Civilian Era)." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 3 (March 23, 2020): 203–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.73.7893.
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The Politics in Higher Education: The contemporary Crises in Higher Education in Nigeria is a consequence of fundamental political manipulations of the educational system – at both the federal and state levels. The government did not take the economy of the country into consideration. This had now made almost all the institutions of higher education of learning in Nigeria to face the financial constraints. For instance look at the specialized Universities of Agriculture at Abeokuta and Makurdi and the Faculties of Science and Technology in Nigerian universities are all facing the same financial problems as the Faculties of Arts and Social Sciences. Furthermore, libraries in most higher institutions of learning today are ill-equipped. Therefore, establishing higher institutions here and there without maintaining the already existing ones is not in the best interest for national development.
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Ohazuruike, Kennedy, and Micheal Udo Mbanaso. "Federalism and the Challenges of Democratization in Nigeria: Lessons from the Swiss Model." Journal of Global Social Sciences 1, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgss.v1i1.80.
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Switzerland, a country composed of four major language groups, is comprised of 26 cantons and many municipalities, with each canton being linguistically homogenous, has always been a model of a federal state that is practising an inclusive democracy. The Nigerian federation, on the other hand, has evolved from a colonial federal legacy that was based on three unwieldy component regions into a union of 36 states and 774 constitutionally entrenched localities. Pressures for fundamental federal reforms have remained a persistent, intense and divisive feature of contemporary Nigerian politics, characterised by ethnic, religious and regional contestations that frequently produce episodes of violence. The paper examines the impact of federalism and Democratization process in Nigeria with particular focus on governance, political representation and participation using the Swiss federalism as a model in a comparative perspective. Both primary and secondary sources of data are applied with the theory of Separation of Powers guiding the discourse in the paper. The findings suggest that the Swiss federation has been built into a state where governance is institutionalised, while diversity is seen as strength with the people and the cantons well represented through participation in decision making, whereas in Nigeria, the practice of federalism has thrown up many challenges of governance. The paper recommends that Nigeria should borrow a leaf from the Swiss model of federalism through the devolution of power and decentralisation of functions from the federal government to the states and local governments. Also, Nigeria could adopt the Swiss model of direct democracy, which would allow for more citizens' participation in decision making and governance.
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Egwuagu, Uloma Bridget, Desmond Okechukwu Nnamani, and Norah Uzodimma Okolie. "The overbearing role of state over local government and provisions of 1999 constitution: Where is local level autonomy in Nigeria?" Journal of Policy and Development Studies 15, no. 2 (June 13, 2024): 186–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jpds.v15i2.13.
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The provision of section 7 of 1999 Constitution by apex court judgment and extra-judicial pronouncements put local governments under the apron of state government. This control has been in the front burner of discourse in Nigerian politics since 1999 till date especially grassroots governance. The paper examines state-local relations from legal and operational view- points, illustrates how state government set aside the intent of 1999 Constitution that institute local government system properly organized, monitored supervised by state level. The paper adopted developmental theory as its framework as propounded by Lele, Zamani, Ola & Adamolekun. The data were collected through primary and secondary source; relevant data were analyzed supplemented with in- depth interview subjected to descriptive and infernal statistical analysis. Pearson Product Movement Correlation was used to analyze dependent and independent variables while t-test was employed to test the hypotheses. The paper found out that local level has failed because state government refuse has failed to perform their responsibilities in line with the tenets of the 1999 Constitution and other extant laws. There is need for an efficient and effective local government system on the premise of federal decentralized system. It has been noted that the existing legal framework require adjustment by granting local level, state assembly and state judiciary autonomy to checkmate the excess of state level. In accomplishing this will improve the interaction, cooperation and relation for a virile local government system in Nigeria.
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VON HELLERMANN, PAULINE, and UYILAWA USUANLELE. "THE OWNER OF THE LAND: THE BENIN OBAS AND COLONIAL FOREST RESERVATION IN THE BENIN DIVISION, SOUTHERN NIGERIA." Journal of African History 50, no. 2 (July 2009): 223–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370999003x.
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AbstractColonial forest reservation in the Benin Division of southern Nigeria was remarkably extensive, with reserves taking up almost 65 per cent of the Division by 1937. This paper explores both the various strategies employed by the colonial government in order to bring about large scale reservation and the role of reservation in changing land politics. In doing so, it provides nuanced insights into the interaction between the colonial government and local rulers under indirect rule. It shows that both Oba Eweka II (1914–33) and Oba Akenzua II (1933–79) supported reservation for strategic reasons, but also highlights the government's many underhand tactics in dealing with the Obas.
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BRAIMAH, Frederick I., and Zephaniah EDO. "STATES SOFT POWER UTILISATION IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: PROS AND CONS FROM THE NIGERIAN PERSPECTIVE." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND DEVELOPMENT ALTERNATIVES 5, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55190/whws9388.
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This article analyses the challenges that Nigeria is confronted with in regard to its potential and utilisation of soft power. The utilisation of soft power among state actors has become a dominant feature in international relations. The expensive nature of military actions, human loss, coupled with the fact that it does not always lead to compliance with international laws, has led to the popularity of soft power politics. For a developing country like Nigeria, which is the most populous country in Africa, the significance in annexing its soft power potential within and outside Africa cannot be overstated. The Twenty-First Century has witnessed massive investment from countries even with authoritarian government systems towards improving their soft power potential. How Nigeria utilizes its soft power potential will determine its level of development and influence in regional and global politics. The article outlines various challenges, such as corruption and insecurity that affect Nigeria's capacity to explore its soft power potential. Also, the article finds that Nigeria has massive soft power capacity and that there is a realistic potential to overcome the existing challenges in order to deploy its soft power. The article recommends, amongst others, that the “Nigeria-first” foreign policy should be skewed to attract foreign direct investments; also, it suggest that the departments of culture and tourism in the national and sub-national governments should formulate purposive courses of action that will usher a pragmatic development of Nigeria's soft power potential.
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Alabi, Soji. "Use of Song as a Communication Tool for Political Elections and Party Campaigns in Nigeria." International Journal of Research and Innovation in Social Science VII, no. VII (2023): 1385–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.47772/ijriss.2023.70809.
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Democratic governance is one of the legacies of colonial administration in Nigeria. Hitherto, the traditional system of government held sway in Nigeria. Different ethnic groups had (and still have) traditional means of recruiting leaders devoid of political campaigns. The King had total authority over his subjects before the advent of democracy. Haven accepted democracy, songs have been used as major components of party politics and campaigns. This paper traced the history of party politics in Nigeria and content analysed how songs have been used during campaigns by different parties from the first republic till date. Without traditional songs, campaigns become dull, unattractive and uninteresting. They are used for mobilization by politicians. The study found that traditional songs can be used to hold the government accountable to electorate; point out the expectations of the electorate; indicate areas where development is lacking; indicate direction of voting; praise, support and confer legitimacy on political leaders. However, songs with connotative meanings that tend to portray violence during campaigns should be avoided. The study recommended that traditional songs should continuously be used to either express the feelings of the electorate to approve or condemn the wrong doings of elected political leaders.
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Fasakin, Akinode. "Nigeria’s 2023 presidential elections: The question of legitimacy for the Tinubu administration." Journal of African Elections 22, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2023/v22i2a5.
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This article raises concerns about the legitimacy crisis likely to confront the government of Nigeria’s President Bola Tinubu, following the nature of the conduct and outcome of the 2023 presidential elections. While legitimacy is crucial to government and governance, citizens’ compliance and cooperation with the government, and how elections and their outcomes are perceived can influence the government’s legitimacy. The study reveals how INEC’S conduct, Tinubu’s personality crisis and the burdens facing the ruling APC in a pluralistic society, as well as the emerging youth category, would affect Tinubu’s legitimacy as Nigeria’s president. The analysis relies on careful observation of Nigerian politics and elections as well as the views expressed by experts, political parties, local and international observers and newspaper reports before, during and after the 2023 elections. It offers an empirical contribution to our understanding of the relationship between elections and the legitimacy of Nigeria.