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Journal articles on the topic 'Nigeria. President (1999- : Obasanjo)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 March 2023

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1

Ampiah, Kweku. "Nigeria's Fledgling Friendship with Japan: The Beginning of a 'Special Partnership'?" African and Asian Studies 4, no. 4 (2005): 547–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905775826215.

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AbstractSince the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo as President of Nigeria Japan's attitude towards the West African state seems to have been positively transformed. The relationship between the two countries kicked-off with panache after the President's first visit to Tokyo in April 1999 as President elect to renew acquaintances. The two countries are now bound together in a "Special Relationship", which provides them with a coherent framework for regular and constructive consultations. The recent developments replace a period of immobilist diplomacy between Tokyo and Abuja especia

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2

Njoku, Raphael Chijioke. "Deconstructing Abacha: Demilitarization and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria after the Abacha Era." Government and Opposition 36, no. 1 (2001): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00054.

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As Recent Demilitarization And Democratic Trends World-Wide have shown, the exit of a dictator of the calibre of Abacha (1993–98) in Nigeria may foster a strong desire among successors for transition to a more democratic order. As in Chile after General Augusto Pinochet, and in Spain after Franco, General Abdulsalam Abubakar, who succeeded General Sani Abacha, presided in Nigeria over a programme of transition to civilian rule. This culminated in the election of General Olusegun Obasanjo (retired) in February 1999, and his subsequent official take-over of government in May 1999. However, since

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3

Enweremadu, David U. "Nigeria's Quest to Recover Looted Assets: The Abacha Affair." Africa Spectrum 48, no. 2 (2013): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971304800203.

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After a successful transition to democratic rule in 1999, Nigeria launched a high-profile campaign aimed at securing the repatriation of looted public funds being held in foreign banks. This campaign was championed by President Olusegun Obasanjo, a long-standing critic of corrupt military regimes and co-founder of the global anti-corruption NGO Transparency International, throughout his eight-year tenure. By the time Obasanjo left office in May 2007, he had secured the recovery of approximately 2 billion USD in assets and triggered some vital international initiatives against money laundering.

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4

Chukwuma Nwosu, Dr Okwudili, and Emmanuel Ugwuerua. "Rotational Presidency And Political Corruption In Nigeria: A Critical Evaluation Of President Obasanjo And Umoru Musa Yar’ Adua’s Regime, 1999-2010." IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science 19, no. 12 (2014): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/0837-191255057.

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5

Saliu, Hassan A., and Solomon I. Ifejika. "Revolutionizing Public Procurement Practice in Nigeria: Assessing the Impact of Word Bank’s Country Procurement Assessment Report 2000." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 5, no. 2 (2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/0202.50.0210.

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Systemic corruption, misappropriation, and massive wastages of limited public financial resources historically characterized Nigeria’s public procurement practice and system. Consequently, with the restoration of democratic rule in the country in 1999, the President Obasanjo-led government commissioned the World Bank to evaluate the nation’s public procurement system in 2000. The end result of the exercise was the Country’s Procurement Assessment Report (CPAR), which indicated that Nigeria had lost several hundreds of billions of Naira over the years owing to fragrant abuse of procurement proc

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6

Suberu, Rotimi T. "The Supreme Court and federalism in Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 46, no. 3 (2008): 451–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003376.

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ABSTRACTSince Nigeria's transition from military to civilian rule in 1999, the country's Supreme Court has risen from a position of relative political obscurity and institutional vulnerability into a prominent and independent adjudicator of inter-governmental disputes in this chronically conflicted federation. Examined here is the Court's arbitration, during President Olusegun Obasanjo's two civilian constitutional terms (1999–2007), of fifteen different federal-state litigations over offshore oil resources, revenue allocation, local governance and public order. The Court's federalism decision

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7

Vincent Aghaegbunam, Onodugo, Nwakoby Ifeoma, Ofoegbu Grace N., Egbo Obiamaka P., and Okoyeuzu Chinwe. "Empirical Assessment of Public Sector Reform in Nigeria: A Trend Analysis between 2000 and 2015." Sumerianz Journal of Economics and Finance, no. 311 (November 21, 2020): 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47752/sjef.311.205.210.

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This study assessed the impact of public sector reforms programmes on the human resources management and civil service of the Nigerian public service. Data for the study were mainly secondary data complemented with primary data collected from stakeholders in the public service that have experienced various reforms in their career. Findings suggest that the impact of reforms on HRM and CSR were largely marginal. The positives of the reforms are mainly in the areas of improvement in salaries and functionality of pension and retirement benefits by making it contributory. These improvements in emo

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8

Ihonvbere, Julius O. "The 1999 Presidential Elections in Nigeria: The Unresolved Issues." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503151.

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One can say with certainty that all the contradictions that had bedeviled previous democratic experiments in Nigeria were present and magnified in the February 27, 1999 election: divided loyalties, manipulation of primordial identities and loyalties, corruption and other election malpractices, lack of political discipline, and limited attention to serious structural questions.Why did Chief Olu Falae lose the election to General Olusegun Obasanjo? Several reasons can be advanced. First, Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party (PDP) clearly had more money. Obasanjo was able to donate N 130 million

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9

Ojo, George Adekunle, Samuel Adebayo Omotunde, and Samuel Oluwole Akintoye. "Discourse Strategies in Chief Olusegun Obasanjo’s Letter to President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 18, no. 10 (2022): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2022.v18n10p50.

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The paper sets out to investigate the discourse strategies deployed by former President Olusegun Obasanjo in his open letter to President Jonathan on December 12, 2013 which was published in most of the nation’s major newspapers. The work adopts M.A.K Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar as its theoretical framework because of the great importance which the model attaches to meanings and functions of a linguistic expression in relation to its context of usage. The researchers, through content and qualitative analysis, identify the discourse strategies used by the encoder of the speech to hav

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10

Benson Ohihon, Igboin. "‘THE PRESIDENT OF NIGERIA HAS NO FINAL SAY’: SHARIA LAW CONTROVERSIES AND IMPLICATIONS FOR NIGERIA." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 8, no. 2 (2014): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0802265o.

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The unusual response of former President Olusegun Obasanjo (of Nigeria) to the adoption of shariah law in northern Nigeria that it “will soon fizzle out” was as intriguing and philosophical as the formal adoption of shariah law itself. This is against the backdrop of his antecedence in handling burning national matters. The critical issues bordered on whether the adoption of sharia was political or religious since it was through the parliament rather than the mosque. The paper examined the President’s responses against the prevalent political factors and showed that its implications have conti

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11

Anda, Michael. "Foreign Policy Decision-Making in Nigeria. By Ufot B. Inamete. Selinsgrove, PA: Susquehanna University Press, 2001. 313p. $48.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (2002): 882–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402260475.

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This elaborate study analyzes the Nigerian foreign policy decision-making structures and processes from 1960 (when Nigeria became an independent country) until 1999. Using Graham Allison's conceptual models of decision making (the rational-actor model, the organizational process model, and the bureaucratic politics model), Ufot Inamete examines how foreign policy decision making during the Balewa, Ironsi, Gowon, Muhammed/Obasanjo, Shagari, Buhari, Babangida, Shonekan, Abacha, Abubakar, and Obasanjo governments manifested both changes and continuities (p. 289). Importantly, theory from Allison'

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Olanrewaju, John S., and Agaptus Nwozor. "Hegemonic Rivalry in a Peripheral Region: An Assessment of Nigeria–South Africa’s Role in African Politics." Insight on Africa 14, no. 1 (2021): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09750878211042618.

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Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa is evident in her foreign policy articulation of African Centre Piece. From 1960, Nigeria has championed the project of Africa through different diplomatic engagements across the continent of Africa most especially under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s civilian administration. Nigeria’s unwavering support against the apartheid regime in South Africa led to the termination of apartheid government in 1994. However, the post- apartheid politics in Africa as well as the post-Cold War politics changed the dynamics of African politics. Nigeria’s claim as the gian

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13

Walker, Judith-Ann. "Civil Society, the Challenge to the Authoritarian State, and the Consolidation of Democracy in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050314x.

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The victory for democracy resulting from General Olusegun Obasanjo’s election in February 1999 is as hollow as it is contrived. For many analysts and political aspirants, Obasanjo’s victory is not a triumph for democracy but merely a eulogy to formal military rule. Obasanjo is viewed as the “ordained” military successor with more continuity to the tradition of authoritarian rule than to genuine democracy. His known autocratic leadership style and his less-than-progressive stance on the media and women make him difficult to accept as a champion of democracy. Furthermore, the legality of his vic

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14

Enemuo, Francis C. "Elite Solidarity, Communal Support, and the 1999 Presidential Election in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503023.

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Modeled after the U.S. presidency, the office of the president of Nigeria is easily the most powerful position in the land. The president is both the chief of state and the head of government. The authority of the nation’s chief executive expanded greatly during the patrimonial regimes of General Ibrahim Babangida and General Sani Abacha. Indeed, not only was power concentrated in the hands of these despots, its exercise was also marked by massive corruption, brazen nepotism, and sustained brutality. Against this background, it was perhaps natural that the presidential election of February 27,

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15

Ukoh, Francis N. Ukoh, and Rita A. Ngwoke. "Immunity Clause under the 1999 Constitution of Nigeria: A Dire Need for Reform." Journal of Politics and Law 14, no. 2 (2020): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v14n2p47.

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Immunity clause as enshrined under section 308 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria has generated protracted controversies for and against its inclusion in the rubrics of Nigerian constitutional laws. This paper considers widespread corruption by Nigerian leaders, shielded by the immunity clause. It explains the need for reform to curtail the anomaly wherein absolute executive immunity is provided for leaders in Nigeria. The paper maintains that there should be equality before the law, hence, the possible prosecution and appearance of a sitting President, Vice President,

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16

Ofo, Nat. "Amending the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999." African Journal of Legal Studies 4, no. 2 (2011): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/170873811x577302.

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AbstractThe amendment of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 has not been free of controversies. The latest controversy dogging the amendment relates to whether or not it is necessary for the President to assent to the Bill of the National Assembly amending the Constitution, even after the amendment has been ratified by at least two-thirds of the Houses of Assembly of the States of the Federation. There are two schools of thought on this issue; each with sound arguments in support of their respective position. A dispassionate and realistic consideration of the issue has be

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17

Ileka, Justin C. "An Examination of the Presidential Power to Veto or Assent to Bills in Nigeria." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 10, no. 6 (2022): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol10n66782.

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ABSTRACT: This paper examines the prerogative given the executive arm of the government to give assent to Bills passed by the legislature along with its corollary power to veto Bills passed by the legislature. This executive prerogative is expressly provided for in the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended, which established the legislative, judicial, and executive branches of the government. This prerogative of assent or veto is exercisable by the President of the Federation in respect of Bills passed by the National Assembly or by the Governor of a State with respe

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18

Sambo, Usman. "Executive immunity clause and its effects on the fight against corruption in Nigeria." African Social Science and Humanities Journal 3, no. 4 (2022): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/asshj.v3i4.227.

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The Nigerian 1999 Constitution enshrined an outrageous and controversial clause known as the ‘Immunity Clause’ in Section 306 of the Constitution which provides maximum protection for the executive office holders at the Federal and State levels. Hence, the President, Vice President, Governors and their Deputies are immune from any investigation or sanction during their tenure in office even if they commit an offence or a breach of trust such as corruption. This study analysed critically the provision of the immunity clause and its effects on engendering corruption by the executive office holde

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Okeke, GN, and CE Okeke. "An Appraisal of the Functional Necessity of the Immunity Clause in the Political Governance of Nigeria." Journal of African Law 59, no. 1 (2015): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855315000030.

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AbstractImmunity is an exemption conferred on a person in order to protect him from litigation or persecution. The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 as amended accords immunity to the president, vice-president, governors and deputy governors only. The import of this constitutional conferment is that no civil or criminal proceedings should be instituted against them while in office. This singular feature of the immunity clause emphasizes the functional necessity of the immunity which the constitution canvasses for these political office holders. A trial relating to any crime

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20

Onyeaku, Chukwuka, and Tonye Clinton Jaja. "Teaching Constitutional Law Using Real-life Examples: An Example from the Practice of Assent to Bills Passed by the National Assembly After the Tenure of Office of the President and the Assembly." Asian Journal of Legal Education 7, no. 2 (2020): 140–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322005820914567.

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As a matter of tradition and necessity, teachers of constitutional law within Nigeria (and elsewhere) are often compelled to refer to case law to provide illustrations of principles of constitutional law as enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended). However, in some instances, where the said constitution does not provide explicit provisions, teachers of constitutional law are compelled to cite foreign case law as persuasive precedents. Still there are instances wherein there are neither foreign case law nor indigenous case law as precedents. In such si

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Innocent, Eme O. "ADDRESSING EXECUTIVE-LEGISLATURE CONFLICT IN NIGERIA." Journal of Security Studies and Global Politics 1, no. 1 (2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33865/jssgp.001.01.0024.

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This paper examined the phenomenon of executive dominance over the legislatures both at the national and state levels in Nigeria. The paper argues that legislatures in Nigeria generally are faced with the crisis of executive belligerence, which itself is a hangover of the military rule and decreed two party states between 1960 and 1999. This culture of executive dominance appears more endemic and destructive to democracy. The data for this study was generated from Focus Group Discussion, in-depth desk review and other documentary sources. The technique of content analysis will constitute our d

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Oluwapelumi Odunayo Osadola and Phebe Oluwatoni Ojo. "Use of Executive Orders in Nigeria by the Executive Branch of Government in Time of Emergency." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 2, no. 3 (2020): 669–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v2i3.317.

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Executive Orders are not invoked as a matter of course by the President or Governors heading the Executive Cabinet. These orders are exercisable when heads of the executive branch of government see for their needfulness and for smooth running of their governmental programmes or policies. Every Executive order must carry the force of law for it to be valid or to be duly recognised by the other branches of government which if not, the latter may question its constitutionality. The advantages of executive orders are very innumerable to mention however it has been said that the use of executive or

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Omisore, Bernard Oladosu. "Strategies to Improve the Competence of Public Service Officials In Nigeria." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 3, no. 4 (2014): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v3i4.4929.

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Public services play a central role in the well-being, sustainability and growth of communities, cities, and nations. Nigeria’s quest to attain the United Nation’s Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will be a mirage without the public officers taking the driving seat to lead the process. Improvement in the capacity and ability of public service officials can be harnessed to improve a range of public services (e.g. health, policing, education, environment, local government, policy-making, etc.). The changing global economy, technology, politics, and increased expectations for government perfor

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Ekanade, Olumide Victor. "Federalism, intergovernmental relations and the headmaster complex in Nigerian federalism 1999-2007." Abibisem: Journal of African Culture and Civilization 6 (December 1, 2013): 204–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajacc.v6i.863.

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Between 1960 and 1999, the Nigerian ‘federal ’ state had had twenty eight years of military leadership. Thus rather than being ruled as a federal state, the military ruled it as a unitary state with total disregardfor the fine tenets of federalism. However, the post 1999 military period provided a conducive climate for robust debates and discourses in the political and legal climes on issues of allocation of tax powers and expenditure responsibilities and the custody of the federation’s funds. Here the state governments contested the overbearing influence and jurisdictional competence of the c

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Mrabure, Kingsley Omote. "Appraising the vexed question of absolute immunity on state executives under Nigerian law." UCC Law Journal 2, no. 1 (2022): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ucclj.v2i1.898.

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Absolute immunity conferred on State Executives is covered by section 308 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) which provides immunity from trials in civil and criminal matters, except in electoral matters on the President and his Vice, the Governors of the States and their Deputies. The sole justification for this is that these State Executives should enjoy absolute immunity to enable them to perform official duties without distractions. However, recent conducts of some State Executives have rekindled the need to amend section 308 by depriving them immunity

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Oguntola Laguda, Danoye. "RELIGION, LEADERSHIP AND STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF THE 2011 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN NIGERIA." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 2 (2015): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/225.

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The crisis of leadership today in Nigeria provides a formidable challenge to political and other social scientists. Between 1999 and 2015 several elections have been held with many leaders elected and sworn into office; with interactions between religion and politics the ongoing subject of academic analysis (Abubakar 1984; Igboin 2012; Kukah 1998; Oguntola-Laguda 2008; and so forth). Political office holders often drew on religious ideas, practices and symbols as a tool of negotiation with the electorate during political campaigns. As a result, candidates were often selected based on their rel

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Kerry, Happiness P. "Electoral fraud and democratic election: a comparison of Nigeria 2019 elections and United States 2020 elections." Journal of Global Social Sciences 2, no. 7 (2021): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgss.v2i7.27.

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The 2020 elections in the United States’ 2020 elections were full of controversies despite recording the highest voters turnout since 1900. These electoral disputes are due to claims made by the then President, Donald Trump. Though the supreme court dismissed the claims of electoral fraud, the impact has left the American citizens more polarised at the national, state, and congressional levels. Scholars have argued that electoral fraud has existed since modern democratic development in the mid and late 19th century and is still occasionally an issue in some well-established democracies, while

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Lar, Isaac Barko. "From tragedy to triumph: a critique of selected poems in Idris Amali’s Generals without War." Transfer. Reception Studies 6 (December 30, 2021): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/10.16926/trs.2021.06.13.

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This critical analysis tagged From Tragedy to Triumph: A Critique of selected Poems in Idris Amali’s “Generals without War” is best understood in the context of Nigerian literary history. Barely five years after independence from Britain, a few soldiers from the Nigerian army headed by Major Chukwuma Nzeogwu staged the January 15, 1966 coup. Since then, it was a tale of one military regime toppling the other. The democratic government of President Shehu Shagari was inaugurated on October 1, 1989 only for General Muhamadu Buhari to displace him in the December 31, 1983 military putsch. General

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Esoimeme, Ehi Eric. "A critical analysis of the anti-corruption policy of the federal executive council of Nigeria." Journal of Money Laundering Control 22, no. 2 (2019): 176–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-06-2017-0021.

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Purpose This paper aims to examine the anti-corruption policy of the Federal Executive Council of Nigeria, to determine whether the policy is working and/or has produced unintended effects. The Federal Executive Council is the body comprising all the Ministers of the Federation, including the President and Vice President. Design/methodology/approach The analysis took the form of a desk study, which analysed various documents and reports such as the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index, 2008-2016, the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), the Eco

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Ilemona, John,. "A Study of the Nigerian Foreign Policy under President Olusegun Obasanjo, 1999-2007." International Journal of Humanities & Social Studies 8, no. 2 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.24940/theijhss/2020/v8/i2/hs2002-043.

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ONODUGO, Vincent, Ifeoma NWAKOBY, Grace OFOEGBU, Obiamaka EGBO, and Chinwe OKOYEUZU. "EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT OF PUBLIC SECTOR REFORM IN NIGERIA: A TREND ANALYSIS BETWEEN 2000 AND 2015." African Journal of Business and Economic Development, February 19, 2021, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.46654/ajbed.1218.

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This study assessed the impact of public sector reforms programmes on the human resources management and civil service of the Nigerian public service. Data for the study were mainly secondary data complemented with primary data collected from stakeholders in the public service that have experienced various reforms in their career. Findings suggest that the impact of reforms on HRM and CSR were largely marginal. The positives of the reforms are mainly in the areas of improvement in salaries and functionality of pension and retirement benefits by making it contributory. These improvements in emo

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Dauda, Muritala. "Corruption and Government Mechanisms in Nigeria: Diagnosis and Treatment." Journal of Techno-Social 14, no. 1 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.30880/jts.2022.14.01.002.

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As widely perceived by many that corruption and other unethical conducts have become a destructive cankerworm that has eaten deep in every nation’s economy. Although, the scenario is not common only to Nigeria but the manner at which the ill-gotten wealth individuals were being celebrated in country is highly alarming. Nigeria is known for its series of anti-corruption mechanisms put in place by the government in order to curtail the menace in the society. Upon the establishment of the Military Legislations to curb the menace in 1975 under Generals Murtala Ramatu Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo

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Onyeonoru, Ifeanyi P., and Kehinde Kester. "Social Dialogue Under Globalization in Nigeria: Does Democracy Add Value?" Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 5, no. 1 (2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/7002/50(0120).

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Social dialogue as an aspect of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is aimed at promoting industrial democracy by encouraging consensus building among social partners in the work place. The significance lies, among others, in minimising conflicts to enable harmonious industrial relations. This study utilized specific case illustrations to examine the inclination of the Nigerian government towards social dialogue in government-labour relations, with particular reference to the Obasanjo era 1999-2007— a period associated with the globalization of democracy. The cases included the minimum

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Ojonemi, Salisu, Ali Yakubu, and Grace Apeh. "OBASANJO’S ADMINISTRATION ANTI-CORRUPTION CAMPAIGN IN NIGERIA AND SALIENT GOVERNANCE IMPLICATIONS." International Journal of Advanced Academic Research, 2015, 154–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.46654/ij.24889849.s6103.

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Anti-corruption campaign among successive administration has been attempting to curb the hydra-headed monster and clog in the wheel of the development progress of developing countries at large and Nigeria in particular. Essentially, the poverty and menace of poor development programmes’ delivery, which Nigeria witnessed in the pre-1999 era made the Obasanjo Administration to fight the war headlong. The methodology adopted is qualitative with the usage of secondary data and observation as conscious citizens of the country who witnessed the activities of the administration against corrupt practi

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"The Dominance of Oil Investment and Food Security in Nigeria under the President Obasanjo Civilian Administration." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, May 1, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n9p515.

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"Stratocracy Theory of Governance and Development in Nigeria: Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo Administrations as a Model." International Affairs and Global Strategy, January 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7176/iags/68-05.

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Oshewolo, Segun. "UNPACKING NIGERIA’S PEACE EFFORTS DURING THE SECOND CYCLE OF THE LIBERIAN CONFLICT." AUSTRAL: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations 8, no. 15 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2238-6912.88399.

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Although peace operations have been a major instrument of Nigeria’s foreign policy continentally and globally, this study analyzed the country’s peace campaigns in Liberia under president Olusegun Obasanjo. The paper observed inter alia that Obasanjo’s peace efforts in Liberia were influenced by his recognition of Nigeria as a leading actor in the stabilization efforts in the region. While there were some encumbrances, Nigeria’s peace campaigns in Liberia were successful as revealed by the data sources. Nigeria’s major accomplishments included the eventual signing of a comprehensive peace agre

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Alubo, Ogoh. "Democracy and Challenges of Participation and Exclusion in Nigeria." Annals of the Social Science Academy of Nigeria 22, no. 1 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/ssan/191802.22.0110.

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Democracy is cherished because of the opportunities it offers people to contribute to issues affecting their lives. This reasoning accounts for the celebration when this form of government was restored in Nigeria in 1999 after protracted military dictatorships. In 2019 there were further jubilations over 20 unbroken years of democracy, the first since independence in 1960; issues of inclusion and exclusion were not mentioned. Yet, there are widespread exclusion of ethnic minorities and women through which their participation in running for office is circumscribed by circumstances of birth. Exp

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Abdulai, Emmanuel Saffa. "The Questioned Legality of Foreign Military Intervention in Members’ state in the Economic Community of West African States!" IALS Student Law Review, October 20, 2020, 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14296/islr.v7i2.5200.

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A military coup in the Republic of Mali, a West African nation, leading to the resignation, arrest and detention of the democratically elected sitting president in August, 2020. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) sent an envoy demanding for restoration of constitutionally order and democracy. It was in the same direction that, on the 19th January 2017, ECOWAS, launched operation ‘Restore Democracy in Gambia’ and mobilized a standby force - from six nations - to militarily intervene in a member state, if diplomacy failed to persuade former President Yayah Jammeh to step down

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Eme-Uche, Dr Uche, and Okechukwu Eme. "The Politics of Exclusion & Governance in Nigeria: A Thematic Analysis of the Buhari Administration." International Journal of Social Science and Human Research 06, no. 02 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v6-i2-42.

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This study's overarching purpose is to explore the challenges of imbalance and exclusion in our national life between/among states, social and ethnic/religious groups in light of the recent appointments made by the Buhari administration on diversity in Nigeria. This is due to the fact that people who have been excluded have continued to worry over President Muhammadu Buhari's previous nominations. It is an established fact that good governance is characterized by transparency, responsiveness, participation, the rule of law, equity, and accountability. Its fundamental beliefs consist of accommo

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"Interview with His Excellency Mr Abdou Abarry." International Review of the Red Cross, May 12, 2022, 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383121000904.

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Ambassador Abdou Abarry, Permanent Representative of Niger to the United Nations (UN), presented his credentials to UN Secretary-General Antonío Guterres on 4 June 2019. Mr Abarry had previously been the Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union (AU) Commission and AU Head of Office in the Democratic Republic of the Congo since 2014. Prior to that, he headed the AU Liaison Office to the Economic Community of West African States in Abuja, Nigeria, beginning in 2011. A career diplomat, Mr Abarry was Ambassador to Belgium from 2003 to 2011, accredited concurrently to Greece,

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Pausé, Cat, and Sandra Grey. "Throwing Our Weight Around: Fat Girls, Protest, and Civil Unrest." M/C Journal 21, no. 3 (2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1424.

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This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any

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