Academic literature on the topic 'Nigerian Embassy'

AbstractAfrican religions are increasingly engaging the diaspora as new abodes and promising 'mission fields' particularly in the last decades. At least two genres of Christian movements can be clearly mapped: those existing as branches of mother churches headquartered in Africa; and those founded by new African immigrants with headquarters in diaspora, from where they are expanding within and back to Africa and elsewhere. The paper deals with an example of the second category, the Embassy of the Blessed Kingdom of God for All Nations founded in Ukraine by Nigerian-born Sunday Adelaja. While virtually all new African churches in diaspora seem to be dominated by African immigrants, the 'Embassy of God' is an exception with a non-African membership majority. We map its demography and social-ethnic composition, and examine to what extent their belief and ritual system appeal to a population that was until recently home to essentially communist ideas and worldview. We explore how the church is gradually inserting itself in new geo-cultural contexts as well as reconfiguring public roles. It shows how the leader's complex peregrinations demonstrate one instance of religious transnationalization of African churches in diaspora.

In the West African sub-region, the trend of trafficking in persons is widespread; and the phenomenon now attaining its peak unhindered, has actually portrayed Nigeria as a nation occupying a central position as an originating state, transit and destination for victims of trafficking. There is also evidence of internal trafficking from rural zones to cities. The menace of human trafficking in Nigerian state has taken an indescribable facet in the last two decades owing to the factors of; massive unemployment, poverty, recession in the economy, conflicts, globalization, existing weak legal system, and inadequate legislation, and political will. Trafficking in person is an organized crime and a modern form of slavery. The two methods used by traffickers to get their victims are deception and through force. Human trafficking has continued to strive in Nigeria because of shameful connivance among the Nigeria’s security agencies, Embassies, airline officials and human traffickers. The study adopts Marcus Felson and Lawrence Cohen’s Routine Activity and the Kevin Bales’ Modern Slavery theories (1979; 1999). 500 copies of questionnaire were administered to a set of purposively selected respondents with the In-Depth Interview Guide to elicit information on the subject. The study in its findings reveals that human trafficking has continued to strive in Nigeria because of connivance from the security, immigration, embassy, airline officials and traffickers while the menace has put Nigeria’s identity black in the global system. The study therefore recommended that the Nigerian government should swiftly endeavour to address the issue of massive unemployment and poverty in the state as well as create enabling environments for entrepreneurship for the citizenry; also the national laws, international conventions and protocols that have legal potencies to curb trafficking must be implemented or strengthened; and finally, fighting human trafficking in Nigeria requires more efforts to create public awareness of the crime, organize counseling, rehabilitation and re-integration program for the victims.

The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world, and into Asia. According to this narrative, Usama bin Laden, Ayman al-Za- wahiri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and other Sunni jihadis were merely putting into action the commands of medieval ‘ulama such as Ibn Taymiyya, the eighteenth century Najdi Hanbali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and modern revolutionary ideologues like Sayyid Qutb and ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam. To eradicate terrorism, you must eliminate or neuter Salafism, say its critics. The reality, of course, is far more complex than this simplistic nar- rative purports. Salafism, though its adherents share the same core set of creedal beliefs and methodological approaches toward the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith and Sunni legal canon, comes in many forms, from the scholastic and hierarchical Salafism of the ‘ulama in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim majority countries to the decentralized, self-described Salafi groups in Europe and North America who cluster around a single char- ismatic preacher who often has limited formal religious education. What unifies these different expressions of Salafism is a core canon of religious and legal texts and set of scholars who are widely respected and referenced in Salafi circles. Thurston grounds his fieldwork and text-based analysis of Salafism in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and home to one of the world’s largest single Muslim national populations, through the lens of this canon, which he defines as a “communally negotiated set of texts that is governed by rules of interpretation and appropriation” (1). He argues fur- ther that in the history of Nigerian Salafism, one can trace the major stages that the global Salafi movement has navigated as it spread from the Arab Middle East to what are erroneously often seen as “peripheral” areas of the Islamic world, Africa and parts of Asia. The book is based on extensive fieldwork in Nigeria including interviews with key Nigerian Salafi scholars and other leading figures as well as a wide range of textual primary sourc- es including British and Nigerian archival documents, international and national news media reports, leaked US embassy cables, and a significant number of religious lectures and sermons and writings by Nigerian Salafis in Arabic and Hausa. In Chapter One, Thurston argues that the Salafi canon gives individ- ual and groups of Salafis a sense of identity and membership in a unique and, to them, superior religious community that is linked closely to their understanding and reading of sacred history and the revered figures of the Prophet Muhammad and the Ṣaḥāba. Salafism as an intellectual current, theology, and methodological approach is transmitted through this can- on which serves not only as a vehicle for proselytization but also a rule- book through which the boundaries of what is and is not “Salafism” are determined by its adherents and leading authorities. The book’s analytical framework and approach toward understanding Salafism, which rests on seeing it as a textual tradition, runs counter to the popular but problematic tendency in much of the existing discussion and even scholarly literature on Salafism that defines it as a literalist, one-dimensional, and puritani- cal creed with a singular focus on the Qur’an and hadith canon. Salafis, Thurston argues, do not simply derive religious and legal rulings in linear fashion from the Qur’an and Prophetic Sunna but rather engage in a co- herent and uniform process of aligning today’s Salafi community with a set of normative practices and beliefs laid out by key Salafi scholars from the recent past. Thurston divides the emergence of a distinct “Salafi” current within Sunnis into two phases. The first stretches from 1880 to 1950, as Sun- ni scholars from around the Muslim-majority world whose approaches shared a common hadith-centered methodology came into closer contact. The second is from the 1960s through the present, as key Salafi institutions (such as the Islamic University of Medina and other Saudi Salafi bodies) were founded and began attracting and (perhaps most importantly) fund- ing and sponsoring Sunni students from countries such as Nigeria to come study in Saudi Arabia, where they were deeply embedded in the Salafi tra- dition before returning to their home countries where, in turn, they spread Salafism among local Muslims. Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north, as with other regions such as Yemen’s northern Sa‘ada governorate, proved to be a fertile ground for Salafism in large part because it enabled local Muslims from more humble social backgrounds to challenge the longtime domi- nance of hereditary ruling families and the established religious class. In northern Nigeria the latter was and continues to be dominated by Sufi or- ders and their shaykhs whose long-running claim to communal leadership faced new and substantive theological and resource challenges following the return of Nigerian seminary students from Saudi Arabia’s Salafi scho- lastic institutions in the 1990s and early 2000s. In Chapters Two and Three, Thurston traces the history of Nigerian and other African students in Saudi Arabia, which significantly expanded following the 1961 founding of the Islamic University of Medina (which remains the preeminent Salafi seminary and university in the world) and after active outreach across the Sunni Muslim world by the Saudi govern- ment and Salafi religious elite to attract students through lucrative funding and scholarship packages. The process of developing an African Salafism was not one-dimensional or imposed from the top-down by Saudi Salafi elites, but instead saw Nigerian and other African Salafi students partici- pate actively in shaping and theorizing Salafi da‘wa that took into account the specifics of each African country and Islamic religious and social envi- ronment. In Nigeria and other parts of West and East Africa, this included considering the historically dominant position of Sufi orders and popular practices such as devotion to saints and grave and shrine visitation. African and Saudi Salafis also forged relationships with local African partners, in- cluding powerful political figures such as Ahmadu Bello and his religious adviser Abubakar Gumi, by attracting them with the benefits of establishing ties with wealthy international Islamic organizations founded and backed by the Saudi state, including the Muslim World League. Nigerian Salafis returning from their studies in Saudi Arabia actively promoted their Salafi canon among local Muslims, waging an aggressive proselytization campaign that sought to chip away at the dominance of traditional political and religious elites, the Sufi shaykhs. This process is covered in Chapter Four. Drawing on key sets of legal and exegetical writ- ings by Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and other Salafi scholars, Nigerian Salafis sought to introduce a framework—represented by the canon—through which their students and adherents approach re- ligious interpretation and practice. By mastering one’s understanding and ability to correctly interpret scripture and the hadith, Salafis believe, one will also live a more ethical life based on a core set of “Salafi” principles that govern not only religious but also political, social, and economic life. Salaf- ism, Thurston argues, drawing on the work of Terje Østebø on Ethiopian Salafism, becomes localized within a specific environment.As part of their da‘wa campaigns, Nigerian Salafis have utilized media and new technology to debate their rivals and critics as well as to broad- en their own influence over Nigerian Muslims and national society more broadly, actions analyzed in Chapter Five. Using the Internet, video and audio recorded sermons and religious lectures, books and pamphlets, and oral proselytization and preaching, Nigerian Salafis, like other Muslim ac- tivists and groups, see in media and technology an extension of the phys- ical infrastructure provided by institutions such as mosques and religious schools. This media/cyber infrastructure is as, if not increasingly more, valuable as the control of physical space because it allows for the rapid spread of ideas beyond what would have historically been possible for local religious preachers and missionaries. Instead of preaching political revo- lution, Nigerian Salafi activists sought to win greater access to the media including radio airtime because they believed this would ultimately lead to the triumph of their religious message despite the power of skeptical to downright hostile local audiences among the Sufi orders and non-Salafis dedicated to the Maliki juridical canon.In the realm of politics, the subject of Chapter Six, Nigeria’s Salafis base their political ideology on the core tenets of the Salafi creed and canon, tenets which cast Salafism as being not only the purest but the only true version of Islam, and require of Salafis to establish moral reform of a way- ward Muslim society. Salafi scholars seek to bring about social, political, and religious reform, which collectively represent a “return” to the Prophet Muhammad’s Islam, by speaking truth to power and advising and repri- manding, as necessary, Muslim political rulers. In navigating the multi-po- lar and complex realm of national and regional politics, Thurston argues, Nigerian Salafi scholars educated in Saudi Arabia unwittingly opened the door to cruder and more extreme, militant voices of figures lacking the same level of study of the Salafi canon or Sunni Islam generally. The most infamous of the latter is “Boko Haram,” the jihadi-insurgent group today based around Lake Chad in Nigeria, Chad, and Niger, which calls itself Jama‘at Ahl al-Sunna li-l-Da‘wa wa-l-Jihad and is led by the bombastic Abubakar Shekau. Boko Haram, under the leadership first of the revivalist preacher Mu- hammad Yusuf and then Shekau, is covered at length in the book’s third and final part, which is composed of two chapters. Yusuf, unlike mainstream Nigerian Salafis, sought to weaponize the Salafi canon against the state in- stead of using it as a tool to bring about desired reforms. Drawing on the writings of influential Arab jihadi ideologues including Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the apocalyptic revolutionary Juhayman al-‘Utaybi, the lat- ter of whom participated in the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Yusuf cited key Salafi concepts such as al-walā’ min al-mu’minīn wa-l-bara’ ‘an al-kāfirīn (loyalty to the Believers and disavowal of the Disbelievers) and beliefs about absolute monotheism (tawḥīd) as the basis of his revival- ist preaching. Based on these principle, he claimed, Muslims must not only fulfill their ritual duties such as prayer and fasting during Ramadan but also actively fight “unbelief” (kufr) and “apostasy” (ridda) and bring about God’s rule on earth, following the correct path of the community of the Prophet Abraham (Millat Ibrāhīm) referenced in multiple Qur’anic verses and outlined as a theological project for action by al-Maqdisi in a lengthy book of that name that has had a profound influence on the formation of modern Sunni jihadism. Instead of seeing Boko Haram, particularly under Shekau’s leadership, as a “Salafi” or “jihadi-Salafi” group, Thurston argues it is a case study of how a group that at one point in its history adhered to Salafism can move away from and beyond it. In the case of Shekau and his “post-Salafism,” he writes, the group, like Islamic State, has shifted away from the Salafi canon and toward a jihadism that uses only stripped-down elements from the canon and does so solely to propagate a militaristic form of jihad. Even when referencing historical religious authorities such as Ibn Taymiyya, Thurston points out, Boko Haram and Islamic State leaders and members often do so through the lens of modern Sunni jihadi ideologues like Juhay- man al-‘Utaybi, al-Maqdisi, and Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi, figures who have come to form a Sunni jihadi canon of texts, intellectuals, and ideologues. Shekau, in short, has given up canonical Salafism and moved toward a more bombastic and scholastically more heterodox and less-Salafi-than- jihadi creed of political violence. Thurston also pushes back against the often crude stereotyping of Af- rican Islamic traditions and movements that sees African Muslims as being defined by their “syncretic” mix of traditional African religious traditions and “orthodox” Islam, the latter usually a stand-in for “Arab” and “Middle Eastern” Islam. Islam and Islamic movements in Africa have developed in social and political environments that are not mirrors to the dominant models of the Arab world (in particular, Egypt). He convincingly points out that analysis of all forms of African Islamic social and political mobi- lization through a Middle East and Egypt-heavy lens obscures much more than it elucidates. The book includes useful glossaries of key individuals and Arabic terms referenced in the text as well as a translation of a sermon by the late, revered Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani that is part of the mainstream Salafi canon. Extensive in its coverage of the his- tory, evolution, and sociopolitical and religious development of Salafism in Nigeria as well as the key role played by Saudi Salafi universities and religious institutions and quasi-state NGOs, the book expands the schol- arly literature on Salafism, Islam in Africa, and political Islam and Islamic social movements. It also contributing to ongoing debates and discussions on approaches to the study of the role of texts and textual traditions in the formation of individual and communal religious identity.
 Christopher AnzaloneResearch Fellow, International Security ProgramBelfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University& PhD candidate, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

The alarming rate of employment crisis among the youths is one of the manifestations of insecurity in Nigeria which has negatively eaten deep into developmental project of Nigeria. Youths are generally considered as the bedrock, prime-mover and cornerstone for achieving progressive development in any nations, Once, youths are denied opportunity to gainful employment they easily turn to negative innovations that may be detrimental to nation development. Unemployment as a social milieu will negate socio-political, economic and educational development of the nation. However, average Nigerian goes to sleep at night with one eye closed while other opened which may lead to poor manpower development, physical harassment delinquency, criminal activities, psychological trauma as a result of civil unrest among others.. Content systematic method of analysis was adopted in reviewing relevant publications from different search engines such as EMBASE, PDF, Scholarly Google, Scopus, JSTORS to supports the outcome of the inquiry. Social Contract Theory by Auguste Comte, Classical and neo-classical theories by Schumpeter, Boulding, were adopted to justify the causes, consequences and solutions to youths unemployment in Nigeria. On this ground, the following recommendations were made the Nigerian government, philanthropists and Non-governmental organizations should learn more on the value associated with social contract as the main determinant of social development Also, more recreational vocational and formal learning centers should be institutionalized to make room for employment accessibility, flexibility and employability among youths for creativity among others.

IntroductionBladder cancer (BC) is the 10th common cancer worldwide and ranks seventh in Nigeria. This scoping review aims to identify the gaps in clinical care and research of BC in Nigeria as part of the development of a larger national research programme aiming to improve outcomes and care of BC.Methods and analysisThis review will be conducted according to Arksey and O’Malley scoping review methodology framework. The following electronic databases will be searched: Medline (using the PubMed interface), Ovid Gateway (Embase and Ovid), Cochrane library and Open Grey literature. Two independent reviewers will screen titles and abstracts and subsequently screen full-text studies for inclusion, any lack of consensus will be discussed with a third reviewer. Any study providing insight into the epidemiology or treatment pathway of BC (RCTs, observations, case series, policy paper) will be included. A data chart will be used to extract relevant data from the included studies. Results will be reported according to the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses extension for scoping reviews. A consultation process will be carried out with a multidisciplinary team of Nigerian healthcare professionals, patients and scientists.Ethics and disseminationThe results will be disseminated through peer-reviewed publications. By highlighting the key gaps in the literature, this review can provide direction for future research and clinical guidelines in Nigeria (and other low-income and middle-income countries), where BC is more prevalent due to local risk factors and healthcare settings.

The Diplomatic relations between Nigeria and USSR (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) now Russia started over 55 years ago. Russia, being the legitimate heir to the USSR in 1961, opened its Embassy in Lagos with Ambassador Feodor Pavlovich Dolya as the Head of the Mission, Nigeria reciprocated in 1962 in Moscow with Ambassador C.O Ifeagwu as the Head and till this day, both countries have maintained cordial political, economic and cultural relationships but not without some disagreements. However, Soviet involvement in Nigeria, just like in many other African countries diminished greatly in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev’s perestroika (reconstruction) of the middle 80s. With the Cold War continuing and the Soviet economy in shambles, the USSR had little incentive to continue its active presence in Africa. By the time of Soviet Union disintegration in 1991, the country had lost much of its influence and prominence in Nigeria and Africa. Nigeria is a focus of this paper as this article examines Russia/Nigeria diplomatic ties from the historical point of view relying on diplomatic theory as a tool to trace the existing diplomatic ties between the two countries.

ABSTRACT IMPACT: This work highlighs the significant burden of Trauma in Nigeria and will help inform policy decisions on improving Nigeri’s current Trauma care system OBJECTIVES/GOALS: To evaluate trauma care delivery at the pre-hospital, hospital and health systems level in Nigeria in order to identify the burden of trauma, gaps in the delivery of trauma care, and interventions, implemented or recommended, to improve upon the limitations to trauma care delivery. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: A two-concept search - one being trauma and the other being Nigeria - of the Pubmed (Medline) and Embase databases, in addition to Global Index Medicus and grey literature was performed between September 2018 and September 2019. The search yielded 3,970 articles that underwent title screening and 331 articles that underwent abstract screening. 101 articles were identified for full text screening and the majority were extracted for inclusion into the review. The extracted literature was grouped into 4 categories - articles outlining the burden of trauma in Nigeria, and articles outlining the delivery of trauma care at the pre-hospital, hospital and health systems level. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: Results were classified as an identified challenge or an intervention, recommended or implemented, to address Nigeria’s trauma care system. There was a highlighted need for pre-hospital infrastructure, training of frontline providers, continued competency assessments of frontline providers, in-hospital diagnostic resources, and trauma care surveillance systems to guide health policy. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF FINDINGS: There is a significant burden of trauma in Nigeria. Coordinated interventions and policies at the pre-hospital level, the hospital level, as well as the health systems level are needed in order to address the gaps in Nigeria’s current trauma care system.

Background: Although non-occupational Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) post-exposure prophylaxis (nPEP) has been proven to be efficacious in preventing HIV, it remains an underutilized prevention strategy in Nigeria. We aimed to conduct an overview of research studies on nPEP and practice in Nigeria from 2002 to 2018 examining: sociodemographic characteristics of study sample, awareness, knowledge and prior use of nPEP, reasons for HIV nPEP, timeliness in presenting for PEP, antiretrovirals (ARVs) used for nPEP, side effects and adherence, monitoring and follow-up visits, adherence to guidelines and recommendations for nPEP by healthcare institutions and the strength of evidence of reviewed studies.
 Methods: An electronic search on PubMed, PubMed Central (PMC), cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature (CINAHL), Scopus, Medline, Embase and Google Scholar for published studies on nPEP from January 2002 to December 2018. We conducted our search using different combinations of the keywords:

ObjectiveA review of the implementation outcomes of clean cookstove use, and its effects on blood pressure (BP) in low-income and middle-income countries (LMICs).DesignSystematic review of studies that reported the effect of clean cookstove use on BP among women, and implementation science outcomes in LMICs.Data sourcesWe searched PubMed, Embase, INSPEC, Scielo, Cochrane Library, Global Health and Web of Science PLUS. We conducted searches in November 2017 with a repeat in May 2018. We did not restrict article publication date.Eligibility criteria for selecting studiesWe included only studies conducted in LMICs, published in English, regardless of publication year and studies that examined the use of improved or clean cookstove intervention on BP. Two authors independently screened journal article titles, abstracts and full-text articles to identify those that included the following search terms: high BP, hypertension and or household air pollution, LMICs, cookstove and implementation outcomes.ResultsOf the 461 non-duplicate articles identified, three randomised controlled trials (RCTs) (in Nigeria, Guatemala and Ghana) and two studies of pre–post design (in Bolivia and Nicaragua) met eligibility criteria. These articles evaluated the effect of cookstove use on BP in women. Two of the three RCTs reported a mean reduction in diastolic BP of −2.8 mm Hg (−5.0, –0.6; p=0.01) for the Nigerian study; −3.0 mm Hg; (−5.7, –0.4; p=0.02) for the Guatemalan study; while the study conducted in Ghana reported a non-significant change in BP. The pre–post studies reported a significant reduction in mean systolic BP of −5.5 mm Hg; (p=0.01) for the Bolivian study, and −5.9 mm Hg (−11.3, –0.4; p=0.05) for the Nicaraguan study. Implementation science outcomes were reported in all five studies (three reported feasibility, one reported adoption and one reported feasibility and adoption of cookstove interventions).ConclusionAlthough this review demonstrated that there is limited evidence on the implementation of clean cookstove use in LMICs, the effects of clean cookstove on BP were significant for both systolic and diastolic BP among women. Future studies should consider standardised reporting of implementation outcomes.

In this study the authors wanted to find out what role networking and knowledge play for a Swedish company that wants to enter the Nigerian market. This was done by using a qualitative approach and conducting interviews with HQS AB a Swedish company that entered Nigeria, the Swedish Trade Council and the Nigerian Embassy. No studies have previously been done about the internationalization process for a Swedish firm entering Nigeria therefore this essay provides empirical findings that can be useful for Swedish firms that want to enter Nigeria and for researchers within international business. The result from this study indicate that HQS AB had a successful market entry to Nigeria mainly because networking help them get in touch with partners that could add value by providing valuable connections that eventually helped HQS AB to start their business in Nigeria. Moreover, by attaining tacit knowledge in Nigeria, HQS AB managed to handle challenges in Nigeria such as the complex bureaucracy system and the business culture in the country.

The incessant complaints by civil society organizations and the general public in Nigeria against exploitative charges by tour operators and travel agencies on hapless Hajj and Umrah pilgrims call for careful examination. Previously, some of these unscrupulous tour operators have hidden under the excuse of the high cost of visas to charge exorbitant fees. However, with the recent clarification from the Saudi Arabian Embassy in Nigeria that both Hajj and Umrah visas are free, it is clear that some travel agencies have been exploiting Nigerian pilgrims. This chapter is conducted in order to address this issue. Consequently, the chapter attempts to provide relevant insights on Islamic tourism in Nigeria with specific emphasis on the reasons behind the high cost and variations in the prices of Umra packages among travel agencies in Kano State of Nigeria. It is an exploratory study that uses a qualitative approach through in-depth interviews with senior officers of selected travel agencies in Kano. Findings from the study reveal that Umra pilgrims in Kano pay higher and different fares. It has also been established that there are variations in Umra prices due to some direct and indirect factors that determine Umra package fares. Consequently, it is recommended that there is a need for the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria (NAHCON) to properly regulate Umra pilgrimage like that of Hajj and to embark on an aggressive enlightenment campaign to educate potential and present Umra pilgrims on the necessary factors that affect the price of a typical Umra package and how they can identify a registered travel agency from a quack one so as to protect themselves against undue exploitation.