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Journal articles on the topic 'Nigerian pidgin'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Onwuemene, Michael C. "Limits of Transliteration: Nigerian Writers' Endeavors toward a National Literary Language." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 114, no. 5 (October 1999): 1055–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/463464.

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The multiethnic and multilingual character of Nigeria compelled the country's writers to use some form of English, but standard imperial English was not long acceptable to patriotic Nigerians. So Nigeria must develop for its literature an English whose norms were created by Nigerians in response to the special circumstances in their country. Such an English (Nigerian Pidgin) existed at the time of independence, but because it was maligned, the first generation of Nigerian writers sought a more respectable English literary medium. Hence they devised the strategy of “transliteration”—introducing ethnic-language tropes and idioms into the English text. But transliteration was a flawed approach, and its literary output, in a language only marginally different from imperial English, remained inappropriate in Nigeria. Even so, the strategy served the desired goal by demystifying standard English. As a result, Nigerian Pidgin is coming into its own as a literary medium, and Nigerian writers are taking greater liberties in their reconstitution of English.

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2

Rukaye, OHWONOHWO Titus, and CHIEDU Rosemary Ebele. "Pidgin Language at Present: The Alternative Language for Nigerian Contemporary Performing Artists." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 4, no. 2 (February 27, 2021): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2021.4.2.8.

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Pidgin language (PL) is cardinal o many Nigerians especially in the South-South region, where the language is mostly used. The pidgin language is mostly employed to solve the issues of language difficulties in terms of usage. This is because of the enormous population of illiterates in Nigeria. The pidgin language is for everybody: the educated, uneducated, rich, poor, etc. The way it is used in Nigeria and elsewhere does not require one going to school to study it before one can actually speak it. It is a fast-growing language in Nigeria. New lexical items are brought into the province of the language daily especially by Nigerian musicians from the Niger-Delta and Lagos areas. The pidgin language that has been frowned at decades ago is now a contemporary communicative instrument used by different people and for different purposes. This paper, therefore, seeks to demonstrate that pidgin language plays a prevailing role than English Language in Nigeria these days. The paper goes further to state that in the absence of the pidgin language, disseminating messages through songs will not get to the actual target.

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3

Mowarin, Macaulay. "Bilingual Verbs in Nigerian Pidgin—English Code Mixing." Studies in English Language Teaching 2, no. 1 (March 7, 2014): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/selt.v2n1p14.

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<p><em>This paper discusses bilingual verbs, which are intermediate forms that cannot be fully identified with neither Nigerian pidgin nor English, in Nigerian pidgin- English code mixed utterances. The process involved in the derivation of bilingual or hybrid verbs is analogous to hybrid forms in biology. The conceptual framework of this study is Myers-Scotton (1993, 2002). Matrix language frame and the types of hybrid verbs discussed in this study include, the insertion of bare verbs from English to Nigerian pidgin; the adjoinment of auxiliary /helping verbs, as well as the negative particle, in Nigerian pidgin to inserted main verbs from English which is the embedded language. Lastly, is the presence of hybrid verbs in Nigerian pidgin’s serial verb constructions. The essay concludes that bilingual/hybrid verbs constitute an integral part of the grammatical approach to code switching.</em><em></em></p>

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4

Mensah, Eyo Offiong. "Proverbs in Nigerian Pidgin." Journal of Anthropological Research 69, no. 1 (March 2013): 87–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/jar.0521004.0069.105.

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5

Odebunmi, Akin. "“The baby dey CHUK CHUK”." Pragmatics and Society 3, no. 1 (February 13, 2012): 120–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ps.3.1.05ode.

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Nigerian Pidgin is a popular informal communicative code in Nigerian social, economic and political experience. It is sometimes spoken in formal situations in the hospital setting when participants find it pragmatically convenient. Despite its communicative significance, little research has been carried out on the use of Pidgin in conversational interactions in Nigerian hospitals, a gap this study fills by investigating how Pidgin is used in constructing emotions relating to social and medical conditions in hospitals. Seventy five (75) interactions between doctors and clients in Nigerian Pidgin were sampled; the data analysis was based centrally on relevance theory. Nigerian Pidgin evokes negative and positive emotions. Negative emotions manifest as pain and fear, while positive emotions appear as excitement and relief. Doctors and clients gain access to each other’s intentions through their shared knowledge of Pidgin, their co-construction of ailments, and their contextually based local interactional resources. They thus negotiate emotions as cue-dependent variables that are steered with the help of cognitive processes.

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6

Zabus, Chantal. "Informed Consent: Ezenwa–Ohaeto between Past and Future Uses of Pidgin." Matatu 33, no. 1 (June 1, 2006): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-033001025.

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The essay shows how Ezenwa–Ohaeto's poetry in pidgin, particularly in his collection (1988), emblematizes a linguistic interface between, on the one hand, the pseudo-pidgin of Onitsha Market pamphleteers of the 1950s and 1960s (including in its gendered guise as in Cyprian Ekwensi) and, on the other, its quasicreolized form in contemporary news and television and radio dramas as well as a potential first language. While locating Nigerian Pidgin or EnPi in the wider context of the emergence of pidgins on the West African Coast, the essay also draws on examples from Joyce Cary, Frank Aig–Imoukhuede, Ogali A. Ogali, Ola Rotimi, Wole Soyinka, and Tunde Fatunde among others. It is not by default but out of choice and with their 'informed consent' that EnPi writers such as Ezenwa–Ohaeto contributed to the unfinished plot of the pidgin–creole continuum.

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7

Ekiye, Ekiyokere. "Suggesting Creoles as the Media of Instruction in Formal Education." East African Journal of Education Studies 2, no. 1 (June 14, 2020): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajes.2.1.167.

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Creole and Pidgin languages are spoken by not less than 50 million people around the globe, but literacy is usually acquired in other languages, especially those languages introduced by the former colonial powers. This paper suggests that Pidgin and Creole languages should be elaborated for use as the media of instruction in formal education, particularly in contexts where up to 85 per cent of the population speak them. Pidgins and creoles researchers have labelled pidgin and creole languages as “developing” and they highlight their capacity to perform the same functions as their developed European lexifiers, English and French. The central argument is that pidgin and creole languages have the potential to express complex realities and function officially in formal education despite the negative attitudes towards them by their speakers. The attitudes towards pidgin and creole languages in education, the part of political and linguistic entities in adopting Nigerian Pidgin and Mauritian Kreol as the medium of teaching literacy in their respective countries are the central issues of focus.

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8

Owolabi, Dare. "Potential words in English: examples from morphological processes in Nigerian English." English Today 28, no. 2 (May 17, 2012): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078412000156.

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It is now common knowledge that the English language has become part of Nigeria's linguistic family, albeit as a second language that has been ‘home-grown…adapted and tamed to suit the Nigerian environment’ (Adegbija, 2004: 19). Summarizing Alamin A. Mazrui (2004), Akere (2006: 9) describes this domestication as ‘the transformation of English as an alien medium, to make it respond to local imagery, figures of speech, sound patterns and the general cultural milieu of the region’. This has been the practice of many writers where English is the colonial masters' language and is now adopted as a second language, but with ‘local colour’, as noted by Emenyonu (2006: xi). This dynamic and creative variety has helped Nigerians express their world view in a more international medium. In addition, there are more ‘pragmatic’ sub-varieties, including what Omolewa (1979: 14–15) calls ‘working English’. This is, however, different from the widespread Pidgin English, which continues to serve as the linguistic bridge across the linguistic Babel of Nigeria. While Pidgin is greatly influenced by the immediate local languages, thus making uniformity difficult to achieve, the emerging Nigerian English (henceforth NE) is not as heavily dependent on indigenous local languages. According to Igboanusi (2002: 4), ‘NE has its origin in British English, and the lexicon of NE has therefore shown a strong British influence.’ In other words, while Pidgin is common among the uneducated and spoken by the educated when necessary, NE is spoken by the educated and the level of education determines the variety of NE used by individuals. NE should be seen as an autonomous variety, showing acceptable departures from the rules of standard diction, pronunciation and grammar. The contact of English with indigenous languages in Nigeria is bound to lead to greater deviation from the standard in the future. Since Nigeria has one of the largest populations of speakers of English as a second language in the world (Akere, 2009; Jowitt, 2009), this is bound to have implications for English as a global language.

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9

Chiamaka Unachukwu, Ogechi, Goodluck C. Kadiri, and Amaka Grace Nwuche. "The Influence of the Nigerian Pidgin English on Eha-Amufu Secondary School Students’ Usage of the Standard English." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 9, no. 4 (July 31, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.9n.4p.1.

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The use of Pidgin English in the Nigerian context has gone beyond verbal communication to become more of a mode of behaviour as its expression has moved from informal conversation to formal situations. The above scenario necessitated this study which investigates Eha-Amufu secondary school students’ usage of the Standard English in view of the use of the Nigerian Pidgin English (NPE). The study sets to find out what informs the usage and the extent the Nigerian Pidgin English has affected the use of the Standard English of these students using the affective filter hypothesis from Stephen Krashen’s 2003 Second Language Acquisition (SLA) theory. Using the questionnaire and essay writing as research instruments, data were collected from a sample of 200 students and willing teachers from four selected secondary schools in Eha-Amufu. Findings reveal that the use of the Nigerian Pidgin English is traceable to homes and peer group influence and has grossly affected the students’ Standard English usage. The finding that students do not use Nigerian Pidgin English in their written essays was largely contradicted by the avalanche of the Nigerian Pidgin English expressions found in the written essays of the students which also reveal its adverse effect on the Standard English both in spelling and contextual usage. This research, therefore, concludes that a deliberate and conscious effort at instilling in the minds of Eha-Amufu students the knowledge of the adverse effect of NPE usage on their academic performance and the danger of its persistent use will go a long way in mitigating the adverse effects of Nigerian Pidgin English usage on the Standard English usage among them.

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10

Faraclas, Nicholas. "Nigerian Pidgin and the Languages of Southern Nigeria." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 3, no. 2 (January 1, 1988): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.3.2.03far.

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Although several linguists have noted the similarities between the Atlantic Creoles and West African languages, none has systematically compared the structures of a geographically and genetically balanced sample of West African languages with a creolized language of the Atlantic Basin. This study examines the structural similarities between Nigerian Pidgin and all of the languages of southern Nigeria for which fairly comprehensive descriptions have been written to date. The results show that linguistic work on West African languages has progressed to the point where claims regarding the influence of these languages on Atlantic Creoles can be substantiated with concrete evidence from a truly representative sample of languages.

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11

Florence Agbo, Ogechi, and Ingo Plag. "The Relationship of Nigerian English and Nigerian Pidgin in Nigeria: Evidence from Copula Constructions in Ice-Nigeria." Journal of Language Contact 13, no. 2 (December 11, 2020): 351–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-bja10023.

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Abstract Deuber (2006) investigated variation in spoken Nigerian Pidgin data by educated speakers and found no evidence for a continuum of lects between Nigerian Pidgin and English. Many speakers, however, speak both languages, and both are in close contact with each other, which keeps the question of the nature of their relationship on the agenda. This paper investigates 67 conversations in Nigerian English by educated speakers as they occur in the International Corpus of English, Nigeria (ice-Nigeria, Wunder et al., 2010), using the variability in copula usage as a test bed. Implicational scaling, network analysis and hierarchical cluster analysis reveal that the use of variants is not randomly distributed over speakers. Particular clusters of speakers use particular constellations of variants. A qualitative investigation reveals this complex situation as a continuum of style, with code-switching as one of the stylistic devices, motivated by such social factors as formality, setting, participants and interpersonal relationships.

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12

Unuabonah, Foluke Olayinka, Folajimi Oyebola, and Ulrike Gut. "“Abeg na! we write so our comments can be posted!”." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 31, no. 3 (March 8, 2021): 455–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.19038.unu.

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Abstract This paper examines three borrowed pragmatic markers from Nigerian Pidgin into Nigerian English, abeg, sef and na, with a view to exploring their meanings, frequencies, spelling adaptability, syntactic positions, collocational patterns and discourse-pragmatic functions in Nigerian English. The data which were extracted from the International Corpus of English-Nigeria and the Nigerian component of the corpus of Global Web-based English were analysed quantitatively and qualitatively, using the theory of pragmatic borrowing. The results indicate that the three pragmatic markers differ distinctly in their frequency across text types, syntactic position, the range of pragmatic meanings, the number of spelling variants and their collocations: abeg is used as a mitigation marker which can also function as an emphasis marker, sef is an emphasis marker but has additive and dismissive functions, while na is used purely as an emphasis pragmatic marker. The study shows the influence of Nigerian Pidgin on Nigerian English.

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13

Obi, EI. "Language Attitude and Nigerian Pidgin." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 3, no. 4 (November 27, 2014): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v3i4.3.

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14

Emike, Acheoah John, Jamilu Mohammed Magaji, and John Baidu. "Nigerian Pidgin English in Nation-Building." Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no. 11 (November 30, 2019): 720–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sjhss.2019.v04i11.006.

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15

Mensah, Eyo, and Roseline Ndimele. "Linguistic creativity in Nigerian Pidgin advertising." Sociolinguistic Studies 7, no. 3 (April 28, 2014): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/sols.v7i3.321.

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16

Osoba, Joseph Babasola. "Analysis of Discourse in Nigerian Pidgin." Journal of Universal Language 16, no. 1 (March 2015): 131–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22425/jul.2015.16.1.131.

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17

Babasola Osoba, Joseph. "Power in Nigerian Pidgin (NP) Discourse." Journal of Universal Language 19, no. 1 (March 2018): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22425/jul.2018.19.1.1.

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18

HEYD, THERESA. "The metacommunicative lexicon of Nigerian Pidgin." World Englishes 34, no. 4 (August 7, 2015): 669–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/weng.12164.

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19

Ezenwa-Ohaeto. "Bridges of Orality: Nigerian Pidgin Poetry." World Literature Today 69, no. 1 (1995): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40150860.

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20

Agheyisi, Rebecca N. "The Standardization of Nigerian Pidgin English." English World-Wide 9, no. 2 (January 1, 1988): 227–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.9.2.06agh.

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21

Adegbija, Efurosibina. "The Candidature of Nigerian Pidgin as a National Language." ITL - International Journal of Applied Linguistics 105-106 (January 1, 1994): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/itl.105-106.01ade.

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Abstract This paper examines arguments for and against the candidature of Nigerian Pidgin as an official language. Potent buttressing arguments include its widespread use at the grassroots level; its apparent cultural neutrality; and the ease in acquiring it. Arguments against its candidature include its stigmatization; its lack of a cultural base; queries over its bona fide indigenous status; its being a threat to the mastery and use of "standard" English, especially in the educational domain, and its low language development status. The fact that attitudes towards Nigerian Pidgin are completely negative is pinpointed as the most powerful argument against its candidacy as national language. The paper concludes with the observation that on purely linguistic sgrounds, there is no reason why Nigerian Pidgin cannot function as a national language. However, on social grounds, it may, at the moment, not be able to effectively fulfil this role. A language that has no esteem within its major constituency is most unlikely to be awarded such esteem simply because it has been pronounced a national language. It is therefore suggested that serious corpus and status planning efforts are prerequisites for the acceptance of Nigerian Pidgin as a national language and the changing of attitudes towards it; these tasks, it is pointed out, are gargantuan and bedevilling hurdles.

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22

Emike, Acheoah John, Olaleye ., Joel Iyiola, and Hamzah Abdurraheem. "Translation, Nigerian Pidgin and Pedagogy: Critical Perspectives." Scholars International Journal of Linguistics and Literature 02, no. 07 (September 30, 2019): 160–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sijll.2019.v02i07.003.

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23

Motanya, Charles Chukwuma. "Nigerian Pidgin: A Means of Human Development." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 18, no. 2 (July 20, 2017): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v18i2.10.

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24

Tagliamonte, Sali A., Shana Poplack, and Ejike Eze. "Plural Marking Patterns in Nigerian Pidgin English." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 12, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.12.1.04tag.

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This paper examines the pluralization system of Nigerian Pidgin English (NPE). Extrapolating from proposals in the literature on English-based créoles as well as other vernaculars, we utilize quantitative methodology to assess the contribution of syntactic, semantic, and phonological features to variability in plural marking. Although the English plural marker -s is most robust in the data, its patterning reflects neither English grammar nor a conventional functionalist distribution. Instead, surface variability in NPE is conditioned by two factors: animacy and nominal reference. Our findings suggest that these are substratal features whose effects are sensitive to speaker position on the créole continuum. This is strong empirical confirmation that the grammar underlying variable linguistic elements may be inferred from the distribution and conditioning of surface variants, even when none of them originate from that grammar.

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25

Ezekwe, Angela Chitoo. "Nigerian Pidgin(NP) for Peace, Unity and Sustainable Development in Nigeria." AFRREV IJAH: An International Journal of Arts and Humanities 7, no. 2 (July 16, 2018): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijah.v7i2.7.

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26

Adetuyi, C. A., O. O. Jegede, and A. A. Adeniran. "Linguistic Features of Pidgin in Stand-Up Comedy in Nigeria." World Journal of English Language 8, no. 2 (August 23, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v8n2p1.

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This study is aimed at looking at how comedians are able to create humour through the use of Pidgin in stand-up comedies. It has been observed Pidgin creates a kind of relaxed environment when it is being used in a social setting because of its informal and non-restrictive nature. This study was carried out by identifying and categorizing the features of Pidgin in selected Nigerian comedy shows, interpreting the contents expressed by the features, and by relating the contents to the humorous opinions as expressed in the comedy shows. The data (five Nigerian stand-up comedy videos where Pidgin was adopted) for this research were downloaded on YouTube channel on the Internet and analysed using Halliday’s Systemic Functional linguistics (particularly the interpersonal metafunction). This was done to reveal how language reflects social relationship between the comedian and his audience and how this language expresses humour. The analysis revealed that pidgin is an informal language, and so its informality creates an equal social relationship in an informal setting which aids laughter. Comedians are able to express humour in Pidgin because it is a no man’s native language, and as such, they could use it creatively to achieve their aim - humour. The unserious and informal nature of the language and its method of presentation make their stories humorous. In conclusion, this study offers sociolinguists and discourse analysts an insight into a field that has not been maximally explored.

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27

Okpadah, Stephen Ogheneruro. "Social Reality and Cultural Propagation in Funke Akindele-Bello’s Jenifa’s Diary." Przegląd Krytyczny 3, no. 1 (May 6, 2021): 99–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pk.2021.3.1.6.

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Apart from originating contemporary norms and cultures among its viewers, Nigerian television series portray new and emerging constructions and practices that the populace is able to identify with. Recently, one television series that has become popular in Nigeria is Jenifa’s Diary. Its popularity stems from its incorporation of the Nigerian English, the British English and the indigenous Yoruba language, as well as the antics and codification(s) of the eponymous character, Jennifer. Her utility of a distinctive English language which deviates from the Nigerian Pidgin and the British English, has made this series popular among viewers. This has created a new linguistic culture and also appropriated what I term the Jenifanlingua franca. It is not a rarity to see children, teenagers and adults communicate in the same manner as Jennifer. Against this backdrop, this paper examines Funke Akindele-Bello’s television series Jenifa’s Diary as Nigerian social reality and a medium for cultural propagation. This study examines socio-cultural nuances in Jenifas Diary. The research is qualitative as it utilises the literary and content analysis methods. The study reveals that Jenifa’s Diary captures the plight of the African been to in the Western world and that the television serial is rich with its incorporation of the Nigerian Pidgin English, the British English and some indigenous Nigerian languages such as the Yoruba language, as well as the antics and codification(s) of the eponymous character, Jennifer. While Jenifa’s Diary and other Nigerian television series are products of social realities, they also create spaces for new socio-cultural landscapes. The study has been able to explain the imperative of television series on the Nigerian socio-cultural space. Cineastes should produce television serials that will educate and stimulate the populace towards becoming better people in the society.

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28

Osoba, Joseph Babasola. "The Use of Nigerian Pidgin in Political Jingles." Journal of Universal Language 15, no. 1 (March 31, 2014): 105–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22425/jul.2014.15.1.105.

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29

Ndolo, Ike S. "The Case for Promoting the Nigerian Pidgin Language." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 4 (December 1989): 679–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020504.

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Nigeria is a nation of tremendous socio-cultural diversities – in historical background, ethnicity, religion, belief, and especially language, which more often than not is the strongest factor giving identity, harmony, and continuity to ethnic groups, shaping the perceptions of their members. John Paden sees language as ‘a major mechanism of social communication between sub-systems …and… of expressing values, culture and ethnicity within a sub-system’.1 It is easy to see, in this light, how the most difficult problems of the entire political fabric of Nigeria are related to its great diversity of language.

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30

IGBOANUSI, HERBERT. "Empowering Nigerian Pidgin: a challenge for status planning?" World Englishes 27, no. 1 (February 2008): 68–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.2008.00536.x.

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31

Haynes, Jonathan. "Nationalism from Below: State Failures, Nollywood, and Nigerian Pidgin." Global Storytelling: Journal of Digital and Moving Images 1, no. 1 (July 15, 2021): 87–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/gs.657.

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The Nigerian film industry known as “Nollywood” was shaped (and even created) by profound weaknesses of the Nigerian state, but it inherited and carried forward one of the state’s major accomplishments: the creation of a national culture on and through television. This mission was reinterpreted in the context of a low-budget feature-film industry grounded in the informal sector of the economy. Twenty-five years on, governmental failures continue to structure the industry, even as new distribution technologies and the transnational corporations that have entered with them have created a whole new sector of production alongside the original one and have fractured the audience along class lines, adding to original linguistic and cultural divisions. Still, through its storytelling, Nollywood remains a powerful unifying cultural force on the national and Pan-African levels. In this context, Nigerian Pidgin is more important than ever as a linguistic medium of communication and as a symbol of national, regional, and Pan-African unity and communicability.

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32

DIOP, Samba. "Nollywood: Indigenous Culture, Interculturality, and the Transplantation of American Popular Culture onto Postcolonial Nigerian Film and Screen." Communication, Society and Media 3, no. 1 (December 12, 2019): p12. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/csm.v3n1p12.

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Nigeria, the Giant of Africa, has three big tribes: Yoruba, Igbo, and Hausa. It was a British colony which was amalgamated in 1914. The country became independent in 1962 and was right away bedeviled by military coups d’états and a bloody civil war (1967-1970). In 1999, the country experienced democratic dispensation. In the 1990s, the Nollywood nascent movie industry—following in the footpath of Hollywood and Bollywood—flourished. The movie industry grew thanks to four factors: Rapid urbanization; the hand-held video camera; the advent of satellite TV; and, the overseas migrations of Nigerians. Local languages are used in these films; however, English is the most prominent, along with Nigerian pidgin broken English. Many themes are treated in these films: tradition and customs, religion, witchcraft and sorcery, satire, urban and rural lives, wealth acquisition, consumerism, etc. I discuss the ways in which American popular culture is adopted in Nigeria and recreated on screen. Nigeria and USA share Federalism, the superlative mode, and gigantism (houses, cars, people, etc.), and many Nigerians attend American universities. In the final analysis, the arguments exposed in this paper highlight the multitude of ways in which Nigerians navigate the treacherous waters of modernity and globalization.

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33

Mann, Charles C. "Reviewing ethnolinguistic vitality: The case of Anglo‐Nigerian Pidgin." Journal of Sociolinguistics 4, no. 3 (August 2000): 458–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9481.00124.

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34

Babalola, Adesoji. "Morphological Features of Nigerian Pidgin in the Football Commentary." Journal of Universal Language 22, no. 1 (March 2021): 27–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22425/jul.2021.22.1.27.

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35

Uwen, God’sgift Ogban, and Eno Grace Nta. "Nigerian English Usage in Literature: A Sociolinguistic Study of Wole Soyinka’s The Beatification of Area Boy." English Linguistics Research 10, no. 1 (March 27, 2021): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v10n1p56.

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This paper examined the imbalances created by social situations and captured in the English language usage by the characters in Wole Soyinka’s The beatification of area boy. The play, set in the busy city of Lagos, is a theatrical typification of the Nigerian society that creates variety differentiation in language use. The sociolinguistic data for the analysis were extracted from the primary text. The findings indicate that, in the play, Soyinka succinctly displays characters as linguistic pointers to showcase the peculiarities in Nigerian English usage that differentiate the linguistic behaviours of Nigerians from other Englishes. The study reveals the categorisation of the ‘spoken’ varieties into Nigerian Pidgin, Incipient bilingual, Local colour variety and the Nigerian literary variety. These features which manifest at the phonological, semantic, lexical, syntactic and pragmatic levels altogether combine to represent the typical linguistic situation in a non-native speaker environment. The linguistic variations, when juxtaposed with sociolinguistic variables, explicitly express the domestic adaptations and modifications in English language usage suggestive of the playwright’s representation of the Nigerian multilingual society.

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Ugot, Mercy, Offiong Ani Offiong, and Oyo Ekpo Oyo. "Nigerian Pidgin Variations in the Ikom-Ogoja Axis of Cross River State, Nigeria." International Journal of Applied Linguistics & English Literature 2, no. 2 (March 5, 2013): 223–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.2n.2p.223.

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Adamu, Hassan, Syaheerah Lebai Lutfi, Nurul Hashimah Ahamed Hassain Malim, Rohail Hassan, Assunta Di Vaio, and Ahmad Sufril Azlan Mohamed. "Framing Twitter Public Sentiment on Nigerian Government COVID-19 Palliatives Distribution Using Machine Learning." Sustainability 13, no. 6 (March 22, 2021): 3497. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13063497.

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Sustainable development plays a vital role in information and communication technology. In times of pandemics such as COVID-19, vulnerable people need help to survive. This help includes the distribution of relief packages and materials by the government with the primary objective of lessening the economic and psychological effects on the citizens affected by disasters such as the COVID-19 pandemic. However, there has not been an efficient way to monitor public funds’ accountability and transparency, especially in developing countries such as Nigeria. The understanding of public emotions by the government on distributed palliatives is important as it would indicate the reach and impact of the distribution exercise. Although several studies on English emotion classification have been conducted, these studies are not portable to a wider inclusive Nigerian case. This is because Informal Nigerian English (Pidgin), which Nigerians widely speak, has quite a different vocabulary from Standard English, thus limiting the applicability of the emotion classification of Standard English machine learning models. An Informal Nigerian English (Pidgin English) emotions dataset is constructed, pre-processed, and annotated. The dataset is then used to classify five emotion classes (anger, sadness, joy, fear, and disgust) on the COVID-19 palliatives and relief aid distribution in Nigeria using standard machine learning (ML) algorithms. Six ML algorithms are used in this study, and a comparative analysis of their performance is conducted. The algorithms are Multinomial Naïve Bayes (MNB), Support Vector Machine (SVM), Random Forest (RF), Logistics Regression (LR), K-Nearest Neighbor (KNN), and Decision Tree (DT). The conducted experiments reveal that Support Vector Machine outperforms the remaining classifiers with the highest accuracy of 88%. The “disgust” emotion class surpassed other emotion classes, i.e., sadness, joy, fear, and anger, with the highest number of counts from the classification conducted on the constructed dataset. Additionally, the conducted correlation analysis shows a significant relationship between the emotion classes of “Joy” and “Fear”, which implies that the public is excited about the palliatives’ distribution but afraid of inequality and transparency in the distribution process due to reasons such as corruption. Conclusively, the results from this experiment clearly show that the public emotions on COVID-19 support and relief aid packages’ distribution in Nigeria were not satisfactory, considering that the negative emotions from the public outnumbered the public happiness.

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Sarah, Balogun, and Murana Muniru Oladayo. "Code-Switching and Code Mixing in the Selected Tracks of the Hip Hop Music of Flavour and 9ice." International Journal of English and Comparative Literary Studies 2, no. 3 (April 22, 2021): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/ijecls.v2i3.255.

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This article attempts a comparative analysis of code-switching and code-mixing in the Nigerian music industry, using the lyrics of Flavour and 9ice as a case study. Although the English language is the national language in Nigeria and the language used by most of the musicians for the composition of their songs, and due to the linguistic plurality of Nigeria, most of these musicians tend to lace their songs chunks of words and phrases from their mother tongue or at least one of the three major languages in Nigeria, which are Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba. The Markedness Model by Myers-Scotton (1993) is used as the framework to interrogate the switching and mixing in the codes used by these selected musicians and we find that while most code-switching is done in three languages – English, Nigerian Pidgin and the artist’ first language (mother tongue) – their mother tongue plays the prominent role. Code-switching or code-mixing in these songs, therefore, becomes a depiction of the Nigerian state with its diverse languages and it provides the links between the literates and the illiterates thereby giving the artiste the popularity desired. The study concludes that the unique identity created by code-switching and code-mixing in the Nigerian music industry has a positive influence on music lovers, helping artists to achieve wide patronage and reflecting the ethnolinguistic diversity of the Nigerian nation.

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Olaluwoye, Layo. "Surface Features of Code-switching in ‘The Nigerian Online Community’ Page on Facebook." AGOGO: Journal of Humanities 4 (February 14, 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46881/ajh.v4i0.222.

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Existing studies on code-switching have mainly been carried out among English/Chinese bilinguals. Studies on English/Yoruba/Pidgin English bilinguals with emphasis on code-mixing and code-switching on the Internet have been grossly insufficient. Therefore, this study reveals the surface features of code-switching among Yoruba/English/Pidgin English bilinguals in the Nigerian Online Community on Facebook. For theoretical framework, we relied on insights from Halliday’s (1994) functional theory of language. Five types of surface features were identified: simplified lexicon and sentences, non-adherence to the use of tones/diacritics, inconsistencies of spellings and words, unnecessary lengthening of letters, and tolerance of surface errors. The study has revealed the distinctive features of code-switching in the Nigerian Online Community page on Facebook. These linguistic features have thrown more light on the characteristics of the language use on the Facebook forum and how the posters use the codes in their speech repertoire to achieve this

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Yakpo, Kofi. "Inheritance, contact, convergence." English World-Wide 40, no. 2 (June 13, 2019): 202–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.00028.yak.

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Abstract This article provides a comparative analysis of the suppletive allomorphy of two personal pronouns in the five African English-lexifier Creoles (AECs) Krio (Sierra Leone), Pichi (Equatorial Guinea), Ghanaian Pidgin English, Nigerian Pidgin, and Cameroon Pidgin. The alternation of the 3sg object forms =àm (a clitic) and ín (a non-clitic) is conditioned by a tonal obligatory contour principle (ocp), a vowel height ocp, animacy, and focus in different constellations across the five AECs. In addition, an epenthetic /r/ is recruited in four of the AECs to ensure that the ocp is not breached. The analyses suggest that pronominal suppletion in the AECs has been fashioned by processes of change and differentiation typical of geographically extensive language families, such as migration from linguistic homelands, acquisition by non-founder populations, interlectal cross-diffusion, as well as contact and convergence with adstrate, substrate, and superstrate languages.

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Taofeek Dalamu. "A Functional Approach to Advertisement Campaigns in Anglo-Nigerian Pidgin." Studies in Linguistics ll, no. 44 (July 2017): 155–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17002/sil..44.201707.155.

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DEUBER, DAGMAR, and LARS HINRICHS. "Dynamics of orthographic standardization in Jamaican Creole and Nigerian Pidgin." World Englishes 26, no. 1 (February 2007): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-971x.2007.00486.x.

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Mensah, Eyo. "The New Language Policy of the Nigerian Army: National Integration or Linguistic Imperialism?" Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 3 (November 21, 2018): 331–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618812912.

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I argue in this paper that the new language policy of the Nigerian Army recognizes and promotes the dominant languages as resources for military training, intelligence gathering and peace building, while the dominated languages are marginalized, alienated and relegated, thus the policy infringes on the fundamental linguistic rights of speakers of minoritized languages in the army. I further maintain that the Nigerian Army’s exclusive language policy is harmful to the army as a national institution and call for explicit status planning of the Nigerian Pidgin to serve as the language of wider communication in the army in response to its emerging sociolinguistic challenges.

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Ozulu, Ngozi O. "Problems of Translating Nigerian Authors: The Case of Chinua Achebe’s No Longer at Ease." Meta 37, no. 2 (September 30, 2002): 370–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/003776ar.

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Abstract Effort was made to identify some specific problems involved in translating Nigerian authors, with Chinua Achebe’s No Longer at Ease as a case study. It was discovered that the translation of some terms or phrases were inadequately rendered in French due to the problem of creating a suitably Africanized French stylistically, semantically, and pragmatically equivalent to its Anglophone counterpart. Hence, the problems encountered and identified were the peculiarity of Nigerian English, aspectual problems and non-uniformity in the orthography of Nigerian Pidgin and of course the existence of regionalized and africanized terms or Africanisms which have not found their ways into the dictionaries.

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Akaruese, Christopher Ufuoma. "An analysis of the auxiliary structure of basic Nigerian pidgin sentences." UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 17, no. 2 (August 22, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v17i2.6.

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Tosin Caroline, Alege. "Face Management, Common Ground and Intention in Nigerian Pidgin Health Talk." Communication and Linguistics Studies 4, no. 2 (2018): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.cls.20180402.15.

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Adetunji, Akin. "The interactional context of humor in Nigerian stand-up comedy." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.23.1.01ade.

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Research in the pragmatics of Nigerian humor is almost nil. This article, therefore, highlighted the major pragmatic strategies used by Nigerian stand-up comedians to involve their audiences in the creation of the interactional context of humor. Data comprised fifteen randomly-sampled extracts from the video compact disc recordings of the routines of five stand-up comedians. Analysis revealed the saliency of linguistic coding, stereotyping, formulas, call-and-response, self-deprecation, and shared experiences which not only involved both comedian and audience in humor production and consumption but which additionally reduced the stage authority of the comedian to the barest minimum. It was concluded that Nigerian stand-up comedy’s interactional tenor could be uniquely hinged on linguistic coding, essentially the code-alternation of Nigerian Pidgin (especially) and English Language.

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Unuabonah, Foluke Olayinka. "“So you know ehn … ” The use of bilingual interjections in Nigerian English." Intercultural Pragmatics 17, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 151–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ip-2020-0008.

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AbstractThis paper investigates four bilingual interjections: na wa, shikena, ehn, and ehen, with the objective of exploring their sources, meanings, frequencies, spelling stability, positions, collocational patterns and discourse-pragmatic functions in Nigerian English. The data which were obtained from the Nigerian component of the Global Web-based English corpus were analyzed quantitatively and qualitatively, using the theory of pragmatic borrowing. The results indicate that na wa, which is loaned from Nigerian Pidgin, is actually a modified form of a Hausa expression, na wahala, shikena is borrowed from Hausa, while ehn and ehen are loaned from Yoruba. Na wa is an emotive interjection, shikena and ehen are cognitive interjections, while ehn can function both as phatic and as emotive interjections. Both ehn and ehen also function as pragmatic markers. The study thus extends research on the discourse-pragmatic features of Nigerian English.

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Chiluwa, Innocent. "Nigerian English in informal email messages." English World-Wide 31, no. 1 (January 14, 2010): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.31.1.02chi.

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This study applies a sociolinguistic and discourse-analytical methodology to the study of features and manifestations of Nigerian English in computer-mediated communication, particularly informal emails. The data comprise 133 email samples consisting of messages received or sent within a seven-year period, i.e. between 2002 and 2009, from typical Nigerian environments, as well as by the youth, adults and the elderly. Analyses reveal that the rise of new media technologies and digital communication has provided a resource for the use and dissemination of Nigerian English alongside Nigerian cultures. The study shows that Nigerian English in informal emails comprises the construction of local thoughts through a range of characteristic properties. In non-standard Nigerian English features like misuse of words, grammatical inconsistencies and a mixture of local pidgin also exist. The study of Nigerian English in informal emails reveals that email samples provide resourceful data for the study of English regional varieties in computer-mediated communication. It also shows that a variety of English is a cultural medium for expressing language habits and socio-cultural practices.

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Anchimbe, Eric A. "Lexical strategies in verbal linguistic victimisation in Cameroon." English Today 28, no. 2 (May 17, 2012): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078412000144.

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The aim of this illustrative paper is to show how words and expressions are coined or changed in Cameroonian speech in English and French in order to insult or stereotype other groups of people. Taken along official language lines, ethnic boundaries and social divides, these lexical elements reproduce some aspect of the addressee's history, social stance, academic achievement, professional background, linguistic and political belonging, and even gender. The expressions are from four major sources: French, English, Pidgin English and various indigenous languages. Some of them capture common social phenomena in the society. For example, Pidgin English supplies a descriptive name for a woman who moves in with a man to whom she is not married, i.e. come-we-stay. This appellation focuses more on the woman and the relationship rather than on the man. Such coinages are also common elsewhere in Africa. For instance, Nigerian Pidgin English supplies the appellation face-me-I-face-you for cramped up residential apartments in which rooms face each other on the corridor. Lexical strategies for naming and derogation are common in these two societies where groups compete with each other for their voices to be heard and respected.

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