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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972

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Academic literature on the topic 'Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972"

1

Paiva, Felipe. "Aprendendo a voar." Revista de História, no. 177 (December 17, 2018): 01–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2018.138760.

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A característica mais marcante do político e ideólogo ganês Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972) é seu pan-africanismo radical. O significante África tinha para ele o sentido de nação a ser construída e reconquistada. Este ímpeto pan-africano foi fruto de um amadurecimento visível em sua trajetória. Nela, o educador ganês James Aggrey (1875-1927) desempenhou papel fundamental. Por meio de uma crítica da obra de Nkrumah e dos discursos e escritos de Aggrey abordamos neste artigo a relação intelectual entre ambos.

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Afari-Gyan, K. "Kwame Nkrumah, George Padmore and W.E.B. Du Bois." Contemporary Journal of African Studies 5, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/contjas.v5i2.4.

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From 1945 Kwame Nkrumah (1909-1972) developed close relations first with George Padmore (1902-1959), a Trinidadian, and then with Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois (1868- 1963), an African-American who became a Ghanaian citizen soon before he died. As men of thought and action, they exerted great influence on the affairs of their day; and, through their writings, they continue to exert considerable influence on contemporary thinking in the black world. They all lie buried in Ghana. This essay seeks to explore the basis of their relationship.* Originally published in Research Review, Vol 7, Nos. 1 & 2, 1991

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Lundt, Bea. "Vom Nehmen und Geben afrikanischer Kulturgüter in (post)-kolonialer Perspektive. Rezensionsaufsatz über Neuerscheinungen zur Restitutionsdebatte." Zeitschrift für Weltgeschichte 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 231–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/zwg01202210.

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Es ist der der 6. März 2022. Wie in jedem Jahr wird der Tag der Unabhängigkeitserklärung des Landes Ghana feierlich begangen. Laute Musik tönt vom Fischerhafen; Tanz und Jubel herrschen auf den zentralen Plätzen. Repräsentanten der Universität in Winneba, an der ich als Gastprofessorin Geschichte lehre, sind nach Cape Coast geladen, wo in diesem Jahr die zentrale Festveranstaltung stattfindet. Der eigentliche Jubiläumstag heute ist ein Samstag; damit ausgiebig gefeiert werden kann, ist daher auch der kommende Montag noch ein Feiertag. Heute vor 65 Jahren rief Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972), der erste Präsident des Landes, die Unabhängigkeit für die zuvor englische Kolonie Gold Coast aus, die jetzt Ghana genannt wurde. Ghana war damit das erste Land in Afrika südlich der Sahara, das sich aus kolonialen Fesseln befreite; die meisten anderen folgten im ,afrikanischen Jahr‘ 1960. Gleichzeitig mit der Unabhängigkeitsfeier wurde 1957 das ,Nationalmuseum‘ in Accra eröffnet und ein ,Museums and Monuments Board‘ (GMMB) eingerichtet. Als dessen Aufgaben wurden bestimmt

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Landricina, Matteo. "Bea Lundt / Christoph Marx (Eds.), Kwame Nkrumah 1909–1972. A Controversial African Visionary. (Historische Mitteilungen, Bd. 96.) Stuttgart, Steiner 2016." Historische Zeitschrift 307, no. 3 (December 5, 2018): 904–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2018-1597.

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Gavristova, Tatiana, and Natalia Krylova. "Africans in London: Chronicle of the Union of West African Students." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 65, no. 4 (December 10, 2023): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-65-4-93-106.

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Research interest in the problems of the young generation of the countries of the African continent, including students, has noticeably increased over the last decades. The student youth, called the “conscience of the nation” in African countries, for a long time has been one of the most organized streams of the democratic movement and continues to play a prominent role in national processes. However, the student movement is a very complex and contradictory phenomenon, feeding numerous hotbeds and centers of intense search for national identity and struggle for their rights and freedoms. The authors of this article saw their task in an objective examination of the experience of one of the most famous and authoritative student organizations, mainly in the historical and cultural context. The article is dedicated to the history of the Union of West African Students’ Union (WASU) – one of the largest organizations of African students who lived and studied in Great Britain in the first half of the 20th century. The historical and cultural perspective of representation was not chosen by the authors of the article by chance. The activities of the WASU are closely connected with the problems of the national liberation movement in West Africa, though it also performed various tasks to protect the interests and rights of students in London and in the UK and therefore holds a key place in the history of the African Diaspora. The authors examine in detail the stages of the ideological and political formation and development of the WASU – from the Union of Students of African Descent, which existed in London at the turn of the second and the third decades of the 20th century, to the extinction of the WASU in the early 1960s. The authors show that for all its weaknesses, mistakes, theoretical immaturity and eclecticism of ideological attitudes, it was the WASU that had formed the anti-colonial agenda in Africa implemented during the national liberation struggle at the turn of 1950–60s in most countries on the continent. In a number of countries in West Africa, after the declaration of independence, former members and leaders of the Union came to power. Among them are Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972), Benjamin Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904–1996), etc. The authors offer a new look at the phenomenon of African students, who were equally capable to fight for their interests and the interests of the nation and at the same time expressed conformist sentiments to the colonial authorities and post-colonial reality.

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Paiva, Felipe. "O mestre subterrâneo: as afinidades eletivas entre Marcus Garvey e Kwame Nkrumah." História da Historiografia: International Journal of Theory and History of Historiography 11, no. 28 (December 8, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.15848/hh.v11i28.1377.

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A característica mais marcante do político e ideólogo ganês Kwame Nkrumah (1909 - 1972) é seu pan-africanismo radical. O significante África tinha para ele o sentido de pátria-mãe, nação a ser construída e reconquistada. Este ímpeto pan-africano foi fruto de um amadurecimento visível em sua trajetória. Nela, o pensador jamaicano Marcus Garvey (1887 - 1940) desempenhou papel fundamental. Por meio de uma crítica da principal obra de Nkrumah relativa ao pan-africanismo, Africa Must Unite! (1963), abordamos neste artigo a relação intelectual entre ambos, procurando demonstrar tanto seus pontos de contato quanto seus atritos.

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Adem, Seifudein. "Kwame Nkrumah’s Political Kingdom and Pan-Africanism Re-Interpreted, 1909–1972, written by A.B. Assensoh and Yvette M. Alex-Assensoh." African and Asian Studies, August 30, 2022, 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341559.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972"

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Yoda, Lalbila. "Les fondements du discours politique de Kwame Nkrumah à l'heure des indépendances en Afrique anglophone." Montpellier 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988MON30022.

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La pensee politique de nkrumah est a placer dans le contexte colonial. Reaction a celui-ci, elle porte un jugement negatif sur toute entreprise coloniale parce qu'elle ne serait qu'une exploitation des peuples colonises. Pour pouvoir se developper pleinement, le colonise devrait se liberer du joug colonial. A cet effet nkrumah a concu le consciencisme philosophique, qui est une synthese des valeurs etrangeres, notamment islamiques et europeennes, qui ont influence l'afrique, et des valeurs africaines. Le consciencisme philosophique serait l'arme veritable pour la decolonisation. Mais le developpement ne peut se faire, aux yeux de nkrumah, sans l'unite nationale et continentale et sans l'adoption du socialisme scientifique. Celui-ci passe, d'abord, par la "democratie parlementaire" : la decision par le peuple de la forme de gouvernement qu'il desire par voie referendaire. Toute la theorie de nkrumah, profondement influencee par le marxisme leninisme et la revolution sovietique, reste inadaptee, meme si elle comporte des elements positifs tels que la justice sociale. L'actualite de sa pensee reside dans le fait que, les solutions qu'elle proposait aux problemes africains que l'on peut
Nkrumah's political thought has for setting the colonial context which it exposes. It passes a negative judgement on any colonial enterprise which is seen as a mere exploitation of the colonised people. In order to achieve full development a colonised people must get rid of colonial bondage first. According to nkrumah's philisophical consciencism, which is a synthesis between the foreign values (mainly islamic and european), which influenced africa, and the african ones, is the very weapon for decolonisation. Development, he further claims, can only be envisaged through national and continental unity under the guide of scientific socialism. The first step towards scientific socialism is the supremacy of the people through "parliamentary democracy" : a system based on a constitution approved by the entire people in a national referendum. Nkrumah's theory, strongly influenced by the marxist-leninist thought does not seem to suit the african realities despite some positive elements such as social justice. If his thought is still valid today in ghana as well as in the rest of africa it is because the problems he seeked to solve are still the lot of the continent

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Laronce, Cécile. "L'influence de Nkrumah dans la politique étrangère américaine : les États-Unis découvrent l'Afrique, 1945-1966." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010549.

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En 1957, au moment où s'amorce le grand mouvement d'indépendance en Afrique subsaharienne, l’Afrique demeure une entité mystérieuse pour le gouvernement américain. Pourtant un intérêt profond pour ce continent existe déjà dans différents milieux américains. Cet intérêt coexiste avec la présence de leaders nationalistes africains venus faire leurs études aux États-Unis dans les années 1930. C'est le cas de Kwame Nkrumah, né en 1909 en gold coast, une colonie britannique d’Afrique de l'ouest. Nkrumah parfait sa formation dans les universités américaines, prend une place importante dans le mouvement de libération africaine, et devient ainsi une figure politique de premier ordre lors de son retour en gold coast en 1947. Grace à son expérience, Nkrumah conduit son pays à l'indépendance le 6 mars 1957. A cette date, le Ghana, ancienne gold coast, inaugure le grand mouvement d'indépendance en Afrique subsaharienne. En s'intéressant à l'émergence du nouvel état africain, les officiels américains prennent conscience de l'existence d'un lien entre l'Amérique et l’Afrique. À partir de ces constatations, républicains et démocrates mettent tour à tour en œuvre une stratégie d'approche à l'égard du continent africain, d'autant plus motivée par la course aux alliances que nécessité la guerre froide. Mais très vite, le gouvernement américain est partage entre le fait de ménager les alliés européens dans la lutte contre le communisme, et le désir de nouer des alliances au-delà de l’Europe, étant donné la participation de nouveaux états à l’ONU. Finalement quelle que soit l'administration au pouvoir, l'approche du continent africain par les américains reste marquée par l'incertitude. Son aboutissement parfois dramatique concourt néanmoins à la reconnaissance de liens légitimes entre l'Amériques et l’Afrique subsaharienne
When independence reached sub-saharan Africa in 1957, this continent was still a mysterious entity for the american government. A fiew american missionary bodies and scholars had been interested in africa since the united states began. Since the 1930s, a small number of African scholars have migrated to the united states. One of them was kwame nkrumah. He was born in 1909 in gold coast, a british colony. Nkrumah got degrees from american universities, gained positions in the African liberation movement and assumed positions of leadership in his country on his return. The emergence in march 1957 of the new african state called ghana -the former gold coast- stimulated interest in numerous american officials and acquainted them with new problems and new countries spurred on by Afro-Americans. As a result, republicans and democrats found themselves increasingly committed to supporting african independence. But the united states was handicapped to some degree by the european suspicion about american involvement in new african states. The american government must proceed cautiously in africa seeking to dispel suspicion that it may be planning to establish spheres of influence and new monopolies and must seek to resolve the conflict between its desire to foster self-determination and self-government and that of maintaining its close relations with the nations that have joined it in the western european defense arrangements. For the american administration the emergence of africa remains a source of hope, skepticism, defeat and success sometimes. This significant development encouraged the beginning of solid relations between the United States and Africa

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Yapi, Akué Julien. "Simon Bolivar, Kwane Nkrumah et la problématique contemporaine de l'unité continentale des pays latino-américains et africains." Limoges, 2009. http://aurore.unilim.fr/theses/nxfile/default/9b38fcbf-0f13-4904-b249-c20f0ea67d66/blobholder:0/2009LIMO2002.pdf.

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L'idée d'Unité comme projet particulier s'intégrant dans un projet global qui est aujourd'hui l'alter-monde fascine les Latino-américains et les Africains au point de susciter des rassemblements qui occultent les différences et les différends. Si la relance de l'idée via la création d'organismes d'intégration à caractères économiques ou politiques est la preuve que l'unité est un rêve partagé, une question s'impose et se pose : pourquoi un projet porteur du destin continental a-t-il du mal à se matérialiser ? Au-delà des réponses coutumières, il est convenu dans cette thèse de prendre une mesure des expériences passées notamment celles que Simon Bolivar et Kwame Nkrumah ont tenté de réaliser au cours de la longue lutte de libération et de création des Etats-nations, de celles qui se sont présentées après eux et de celles qui se présentent aujourd'hui. L'analyse de ces expériences nous a permis de voir que la réalisation de l'unité s'est heurtée et continue de se heurter à des facteurs internes et externes à l'Amérique latine et à l'Afrique. Par exemple, l'attachement des Etats à leur souveraineté, le jeu des grandes puissances et surtout, l'échec du choix d'un modèle d'Etat unitaire. Ni le modèle européen, ni le modèle américain n'ont fourni de réponse idéale, les réalités de l'Amérique latine et de l'Afrique étant toutes autres. Cependant, face au défi majeur qu'est la mondialisation, Latino-américains et Africains continuent de rechercher un dénominateur commun qui leur permettrait de se constituer en une entité forte, capable de s'intégrer dans le monde en véritable partenaire du concert des nations.

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Gueye, Marie. "Kwame N'Krumah : le "Gold Coast Convention People's Party" et les rapports avec la Grande-Bretagne. Étude d'une pensée et d'une action." Paris 4, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040423.

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La rencontre entre Nkrumah et la Grande-Bretagne se fit à travers la colonisation britannique en Côte de l'or, son pays d'origine. Après des années d'étude aux États-Unis et en Grande-Bretagne il retourne chez lui en 1947 pour combattre la puissance britannique. En 1949 il fonde le Parti de la convention du peuple, et réclame l'autogestion à la Grande-Bretagne. Après trois années de conflit, il fut nommé "chef des affaires du gouvernement" par l'administration coloniale : ce fut le début de la collaboration entre l'administration britannique et Nkrumah pour diriger le pays. En 1957, la Côte de l'or est proclamée indépendante et baptisée Ghana, mais reste un dominion britannique. En 1961, Nkrumah change de constitution, le Ghana devient une république socialiste, et rejette la politique africaine de la Grande-Bretagne. En 1965, c'est la rupture entre les deux pays ; en 1966, Nkrumah est destitué par des militaires ghanéens ; mais il continue à combattre la Grande-Bretagne à travers ses écrits
The idea of the movement of independence has to be understood in relation to the contact with the British Empire. The first conflict between Nkrumah and Great Britain began in 1947, after his studies when he returned from United States and Britain. In 1945 he launched the Gold Coast convention people's party. After three years of conflict with the British Empire, he was nominated "leader of government business". Then it was the years of compromise with the British Empire. In 1957 the Gold Coast became independent, and called Ghana, a dominion within the commonwealth. In 1961, Nkrumah changes the constitution, and proclames Ghana a socialist republic. From then, up to 1965, he rejects British policy in Africa, as being a capitalist one. In 1966, he was overthrown by the army, but keeps on fighting British power through his works

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Boyer, Antoine de. "Un laboratoire pour la Révolution africaine : le Ghana de Nkrumah et l'espace franco-africain (1945-1966)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H063.

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A la suite du Congrès panafricain de Manchester (octobre 1945), puis de son indépendance en mars 1957, le Ghana a été jusqu'en 1966 le centre de dynamiques transnationales trouvant leur origine dans la transformation sociale et politique de l'espace franco-africain. Considérant que l'indépendance du Ghana était liée à la libération totale du continent africain, Kwame Nkrumah a travaillé à construire la jeune nation africaine en tant que porte-drapeau du panafricanisme et embryon d'une union d'États africains indépendants et affranchis des cadres hérités de la période coloniale. C'est dans ce but qu'il a tissé un réseau d'alliances politiques et accueilli nombre de militants et intellectuels francophones qui ont contribué à nourrir une réflexion sur la transformation des empires, le panafricanisme, le néo-colonialisme, la lutte armée et la Révolution africaine. La construction d'un appareil de propagande à même de produire et de diffuser un imaginaire panafricain mobilisateur tant à l'intérieur qu'à l'extérieur du pays a été l'une des principales réalisations de l'époque. Dans le même temps, de grandes difficultés ont été rencontrées dans l'organisation politique des populations migrantes originaires de l’espace franco-africain et résidant au Ghana. Devenu un carrefour de la Révolution africaine, le Ghana a été progressivement amené à devenir un laboratoire où se discutaient et se construisaient une praxis et une idéologie reposant sur l'analyse des conditions politiques issues des indépendances africaines. La jeune nation a ainsi offert un lieu favorable à l'observation et l'étude du croisement des dynamiques qui ont traversé les anciens empires britannique et français
Following the Pan-African Congress in Manchester in October 1945 and then its independence in March 1957, until 1966, Ghana became the center of transnational dynamics, which had their roots in the social and political transformation of French Africa. Convinced that the independence of Ghana was linked to the total liberation of the African continent, Kwame Nkrumah worked towards building this young African nation as a standard bearer of Pan-Africanism and as the nucleus of a union of independent African States, which would be freed from the structures inherited from the colonial period. To this end, Ghana formed a number of political alliances, and provided shelter and work for many francophone militants and intellectuals who, in turn, contributed to the reflex ions on the transformation of empires, Pan-Africanism, neo-colonialism, armed struggle and the African Revolution. The establishment of a propaganda machine able to produce and to widen a Pan-African imagined community in order to mobilise inside as well as outside Ghana was one of the main realizations of the period. Meanwhile, there were great difficulties regarding the political organization of the migrant populations coming from French Africa and living in Ghana. As a crossroads of the African Revolution, Ghana was progressively pushed to become a testing ground where a praxis and an ideology based upon an analysis of the political conditions coming from the newly independent African states were being discussed and built. The young nation proved to be a place where the intersection of the dynamics, which crossed both the former French and British empires, can be observed and studied

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Gudeta, Selamawit Tadesse. "Political unification before economic integration : a critical analysis of Kwame Nkrumah's arguments on the United States of Africa." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24525.

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Kwame Nkrumah was the first African leader to pursue the idea of Africa’s continent-wide unity with fervour. Many thought that African unity will only be the pooling of poverty and that Nkrumah’s dream was impossible. Nkrumah was known for his philosophy "Seek ye first the political kingdom and all things shall be added unto it". He thought that political unity should precede economic unity, which would naturally follow. Even though the newly independent African states agreed on the necessity of unity, his philosophy was not welcomed when the Organisation of African Unity was established in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) in 1963. Rather, delegates opted for incremental political integration leading to economic integration –an aspiration that Africa is still struggling to bring to fruition. This study demonstrates that Nkrumah’s idea of political unity before economic integration was and still is valid for Africa’s continent-wide unity. To this end, the study will use textual sources and use diachronic and integrative approaches as analytical tools.
Political Sciences
M.A. (International Politics)

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Books on the topic "Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972"

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Smertin, Yuri. Kwame Nkrumah. New York: International Publishers, 1987.

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Arhin, Kwame. A view of Kwame Nkrumah, 1909-1972: An interpretation. Accra: Sedco, 1990.

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Rooney, David. Kwame Nkrumah: The political kingdom in the Third World. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989.

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Kwame, Arhin, and Kwame Nkrumah Symposium (1985 : Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana)., eds. The Life and work of Kwame Nkrumah: Papers of a symposium organized by the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon. Trenton, N.J: Africa World Press, 1993.

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Kwame, Arhin, and Kwame Nkrumah Symposium (1985 : Institute ofAfrican Studies, University of Ghana), eds. The Life andwork of Kwame Nkrumah: Papers of a symposium organized by the Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Legon. Trenton, N.J: Africa World Press, 1993.

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Hadjor, Kofi Buenor. Nkrumah and Ghana: The dilemma of post-colonial power. Trenton, N.J: African World Press, 2003.

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Owusu, Robert Yaw. Kwame Nkrumah's liberation thought: A paradigm for religious advocacy in contemporary Ghana. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2006.

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Agyeman, Opoku. Nkrumah's Ghana and East Africa: Pan-Africanism and African interstate relations. Rutherford: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1992.

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Lundt, Bea, and Christoph Marx, eds. Kwame Nkrumah 1909–1972. Franz Steiner Verlag, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/9783515115759.

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Kwame Nkrumah. New York: Chelsea House, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nkrumah, Kwame, 1909-1972"

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Smulewicz-Zucker, Gregory R. "Nkrumah, Kwame (1909–1972)." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_320-1.

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Smulewicz-Zucker, Gregory R. "Nkrumah, Kwame (1909–1972)." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 2077–84. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_320.

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"Kwame Nkrumah – The African Socialist (1909–1972)." In A Critical Analysis of the Contributions of Notable Black Economists, 48–53. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315263960-5.

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"FRANCIS NWIA KOFI KWAME NKRUMAH (1909-1972)." In Africlopedia: 50 claves para entender un continente, 145–50. Universidad del Externado, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18msq32.24.

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