To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Nobility, rome.
Journal articles on the topic 'Nobility, rome'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Nobility, rome.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Kolsky, Stephen. "Culture and Politics in Renaissance Rome: Marco Antonio Altieri's Roman Weddings." Renaissance Quarterly 40, no. 1 (1987): 49–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861834.
Full textAbstract:
What induced Marco Antonio Altieri, a Roman noble, to write a treatise on wedding ceremonies, at the beginning of the sixteenth century? It is the purpose of this article to suggest some possible answers to this question, and in so doing, to focus on the problems facing the Roman nobility in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. Those problems have received little attention from historians. The present contribution can only hope to shed some light on the ideological concerns of one “committed” Roman noble. It does not aspire to an overall study of the Roman nobility. When necessary, however, it will refer to more general trends in the city of Rome during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Altieri's Li nuptiali is worthy of study if for no other reason than that it represents an important, perhaps unique, departure from the kind of writing associated with Renaissance Rome.
2
Christol, Michel. "Entre Nîmes et Rome : sur les traces d’une famille nîmoise, les Sammii." Revue des Études Anciennes 123, no. 2 (2021): 597–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.2021.7000.
Full textAbstract:
The revision of an incomplete inscription from Nîmes makes it possible to study the Sammii family, which is attested most of all at the end of the first and beginning of the second centuries. The family reached the highest levels of the provincial nobility, but its importance can also be appreciated through a series of Roman inscriptions, which allows us to measure the networks of relationships it had established within the upper levels of society in the city of Nîmes, in particular with the senatorial family of the Aemilii.
3
Cameron, Alan. "Anician Myths." Journal of Roman Studies 102 (August 22, 2012): 133–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007543581200007x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper discusses the widely held view that politics in fifth- and sixth-century Italy were largely driven by rivalry between the two great families of the Anicii and the Decii, supposedly following distinctive policies (pro- or anti-eastern, philo- or anti-barbarian, etc.). It is probable that individual members of these (and other) families had feuds and disagreements from time to time, but there is absolutely no evidence for continuing rivalry between Decii and Anicii as families, let alone on specific issues of public policy. Indeed by the mid-fifth century the Anicii fell into a rapid decline. The nobility continued to play a central rôle in the social and (especially) religious life of late fifth- and early sixth-century Italy. Their wealth gave them great power, but it was power that they exercised in relatively restricted, essentially traditional fields, mainly on their estates and in the city of Rome. The quite extraordinary sums they spent on games right down into the sixth century illustrate their overriding concern for popular favour at a purely local level. In this context there was continuing competition between all noble families rich enough to compete. Indeed, the barbarian kings encouraged the nobility to spend their fortunes competing with each other to the benefit of the city and population of Rome.
4
Voigt, Jörg. "Römische Kurie und Karriere." Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 100, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 261–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/qufiab-2020-0014.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper discusses the cleric Nikolaus Graurock († 1493), who came to Rome at a young age to embark upon a remarkable career. His connection to the Hospital and Fraternity of Santa Maria dellʼAnima was the first important support used by this man of legal and diplomatic talents, who thus became acquainted with the customs of the Curia and of Rome and was able to quickly build up a personal network. His membership of the familia of cardinal Latinus Orsini, who came from a family of the high nobility with influence in Rome and Italy, was also fundamental. In the 1450 s, Graurock was one of the key figures – especially in the „Lüneburg Prelate War“ – in the exchange between the Curia and representatives from northern Germany. Thanks to his position, however, Nikolaus Graurock also promoted the careers of others, including relatives. During his long stay in Rome he came into closer contact with those humanists who played an increasingly important role at the papal court from the second half of the 15th century onwards and whose works he later disseminated in Germany. This example of a mid-level cleric thus offers fundamental insights into the career opportunities that Rome and the Curia offered in the 15th century.
5
Tarwacka, Anna. "THE CENSORIAL MARK IN ANCIENT ROMAN MARITAL MATTERS." Zeszyty Prawnicze 19, no. 1 (April 17, 2019): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2019.19.1.13.
Full textAbstract:
This article is on the administration of the censor’s mark on Roman citizens who contracted inappropriate marriages in republican Rome. An examination of the source texts has led me to conclude that marriages contracted by members of the nobility with freedwomen or women with a bad reputation were considered unacceptable and were liable to a censor’s mark. That is why authors writing on Augustus’ reform of the marriage laws say that the Emperor permitted all the citizens except senators to marry a freedwoman.
6
CAFÀ, VALERIA. "The via Papalis in early cinquecento Rome: a contested space between Roman families and curials." Urban History 37, no. 3 (November 15, 2010): 434–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000556.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT:On the definitive return of the pope to Rome in 1420, following the so-called Avignonese captivity, the city underwent major modifications. The ‘romanam curiam sequentes’, the court and administration that followed the traditionally itinerant pope, settled in the city, leading to Rome's population doubling in the space of a few years. Furthermore, with the support of the pope, the members of the curia came to take possession of spaces, offices, roles and rituals that had previously been the reserve of the local Romans. This article considers the reaction of the community of the local nobility (here described summarily as Roman families) to the encroaching presence of the curia within the specific context of the development of the built form of the via Papalis. It is argued that the via Papalis, one of the most important and prestigious streets in Rome, became the theatre within which these two communities played out their conflict through the medium of built and ephemeral architecture.
7
Santangelo, Federico. "Roman Politics in the 70sb.c.: a Story of Realignments?" Journal of Roman Studies 104 (May 23, 2014): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435814000045.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper revisits the political history of the Roman Republic in the third decade of the first centuryb.c.Its central contention is that the dominant feature of the period was neither a reshuffle of alliances within the ‘Sullan’ senatorial nobility nor the swift demise of Sulla's legacy. Attention should be focused instead on some crucial policy issues which attracted debate and controversy in that period: the powers of the tribunes, the corn supply of Rome, the rôle of the Senate, the revival of the census, and the full inclusion of the Allies into the citizen body. The political strategy of M. Aemilius Lepidus (cos. 78b.c.) and its medium-term repercussions also deserve close scrutiny in this connection.
8
SY, Moussa Aleyri Salam. "L’aristocratie sénatoriale face au Principat d’Auguste." Afrosciences Antiquity Sunu-Xalaat A1, no. 1 (December 6, 2023): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.61585/pud-asasx-a1n109.
Full textAbstract:
The upheavals that accompanied the social, traditional and political structures and the assertion of Augustus' personal power in Rome during the transition from Republic to Principate had resulted in the loss of most of the prerogatives of the optimates, the conservative wing of nobilitas. Even though, at least in appearance, the princeps was supposed to be the executor of the Senate's will, in reality he instituted a true monarchy. This new political system stripped the ruling class of the defunct Republic of many of its privileges in the management of the Empire. The Senate, the flagship institution embodying aristocratic power and nobility, was almost stripped of most of its prerogatives. Privileges inherited from the early days of the Republic now eluded the senatorial aristocracy, to the benefit of the princeps and his clan. This new situation is symbolized by the creation of new aristocratic families by Augustus, to strengthen the backbone of his power and reward his supporters after his victory at Actium. Given this new reality, there was bound to be discontent and conflict, especially among aristocrats of ancient stock. As a result, all emperors, from the Julio-Claudians to the Antonines, had to face opposition and harsh criticism, in private or in public, in the Senate, in the streets or in theaters, and so on. Reactions that could.
9
Dochhorn, Jan. "Der Vorwurf des Tempelraubs in Röm 2,22b und seine politischen Hintergründe." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 109, no. 1 (February 6, 2018): 101–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2018-0005.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: Paul accuses a fictive Jewish interlocutor in Rom 2,22b, claiming that he, although abhorring idols, commits temple robbery. The present article argues that Paul here alludes to traditions pertaining to the prehistory of measurements taken by Tiberius against Jews in Rome in 19 AD: According to Josephus, Ant XVIII 81–84, a Jew claiming to be a teacher of the law persuaded a lady belonging to Roman nobility to donate money for the temple, which he and his companions then embezzled. Josephus narrates this incident along with gossip pertaining to similar events among the worshippers of Isis. We can assume that the juxtaposition of scandalous stories about both the cult of Isis and Judaism witnessed by Josephus is traditional – and might be presupposed in Rom 2,22b.
10
Bradley, Guy. "Mobility and Secession in the Early Roman Republic." Antichthon 51 (2017): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2017.10.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractOne consequence of the globalisation of the modern world in recent years has been to focus historical interest on human migration and movement. Sociologists and historians have argued that mobility is much more characteristic of past historical eras than we might expect given our modern nationalistic perspectives. This paper aims to contribute to this subject by surveying some of the evidence for mobility in central Italy and by examining its implications for early Rome. I will focus primarily on the plebeian movement, which is normally seen in terms of an internal political dispute. Our understanding of the ‘Struggle of the Orders’ is conditioned by the idealising view of our literary sources, which look back on the early Republic from a period when the plebeians provided many of the key members of the nobility. However, if we see the plebeian movement in its contemporary central Italian context, it emerges as much more threatening and potentially subversive. The key plebeian tactic – secession from the state – is often regarded as little more than a military strike. Instead, I argue that it was a genuine threat to abandon the community, and secessions can be seen as ‘paused migrations’. This paper also considers two other episodes that support this picture, the migration to Rome of Attus Clausus and the Claudiangensand the proposed move to Veii by the plebs.
11
Langlands, Rebecca. "Latin Literature." Greece and Rome 62, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 224–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383515000091.
Full textAbstract:
James Uden's impressive new study of Juvenal's Satires opens up our understanding not only of the poetry itself but also of the world in which it was written, the confusing cosmopolitan world of the Roman Empire under Trajan and Hadrian, with its flourishing of Greek intellectualism, and its dissolution of old certainties about identity and values. Juvenal is revealed as very much a poet of his day, and while Uden is alert to the ‘affected timelessness’ and ‘ambiguous referentiality’ (203) of the Satires, he also shows how Juvenal's poetry resonates with the historical and cultural context of the second century ad, inhabiting different areas of contemporary anxiety at different stages of his career. The first book, for instance, engages with the issues surrounding free speech and punishment in the Trajanic period, as Rome recovers from the recent trauma of Domitian's reign and the devastation wrought by the informers, while satires written under Hadrian move beyond the urban melting pot of Rome into a decentralized empire, and respond to a world in which what it means to be Roman is less and less clear, boundaries and distinctions dissolve, and certainties about Roman superiority, virtue, hierarchies, and centrality are shaken from their anchorage. These later Satires are about the failure of boundaries (social, cultural, ethnic), as the final discussion of Satires 15 demonstrates. For Uden, Juvenal's satirical project lies not so much in asserting distinctions and critiquing those who are different, as in demonstrating over and again how impossible it is to draw such distinctions effectively in the context of second-century Rome, where ‘Romanness’ and ‘Greekness’ are revealed as rhetorical constructions, generated by performance rather than tied to origin: ‘the ties that once bound Romans and Rome have now irreparably dissolved’ (105). Looking beyond the literary space of this allegedly most Roman of genres, and alongside his acute discussions of Juvenal's own poetry, Uden reads Juvenal against his contemporaries – especially prose writers, Greek as well as Roman. Tacitus’ Dialogus is brought in to elucidate the first satire, and the complex bind in which Romans found themselves in a post-Domitianic world: yearning to denounce crime, fearing to be seen as informers, needing neither to allow wrongdoing to go unpunished nor to attract critical attention to themselves. The Letters of Pliny the Younger articulate the tensions within Roman society aroused by the competition between the new excitement of Greek sophistic performance and the waning tradition of Roman recitation. The self-fashioned ‘Greeks’ arriving in Rome from every corner of the empire are admired for their cultural prestige, but are also met by a Roman need to put them in their place, to assert political, administrative, and moral dominance. This picture help us to understand the subtleties of Juvenal's depiction of the literary scene at Rome; when the poet's satiric persona moans about the ubiquitous tedium of recitationes, this constitutes a nostalgic and defensive construction of the dying practice of recitatio as a Roman space from which to critique Greek ‘outsiders’, as much as an attack on the recitatio itself. Close analysis of Dio Chrysostom's orations helps Uden to explore themes of disguise, performance, and the construction of invisibility. Greek intellectual arguments about the universality of virtue are shown to challenge traditional Roman ideas about the moral prestige of the Roman nobility, a challenge to which Juvenal responds in Satires 8. Throughout his study, Uden's nuanced approach shows how the Satires work on several levels simultaneously. Thus Satires 8, in this compelling analysis, is not merely an attack on elite hypocrisy but itself enacts the problem facing the Roman elite: how to keep the values of the past alive without indulging in empty imitation. The Roman nobility boast about their lineage and cram their halls with ancestral busts, but this is very different from reproducing what is really valuable about their ancestors and cultivating real nobility – namely virtue. In addition, Uden shows how Juvenal teases readers with the possibility that this poem itself mirrors this elite hollowness, as it parades its own indebtedness to moralists of old such as Sallust, Cicero, and Seneca, without ever exposing its own moral centre. In this satire, Uden suggests, Juvenal explores ‘the notion that the link between a Roman present and a Roman past may be merely “irony” or “fiction”’ (120). Satires 3's xenophobic attack on Greeks can also be read as a more subtle critique of the erudite philhellenism of the Roman elite; furthermore, Umbricius’ Romanness is revealed in the poem to be as constructed and elusive as the Greekness against which he pits himself. Satires 10 is a Cynic attack upon Roman vice, but hard-line Cynicism itself is a target, as the satire reveals the harsh implications of its philosophical approach, so incompatible with Roman values and conventions, so that the poem can also be read as mocking the popularity of the softer form of Cynicism peddled in Hadrianic Rome by the likes of Epictetus and Dio Chrysostom (169). Both Juvenal's invisibility and the multiplicity of competing voices found in every poem are thematized as their own interpretative provocation that invites readers to question their own positions and self-identification. Ultimately Juvenal the satirist remains elusive, but Uden's sensitive, contextualized reading of the poems not only generates specific new insights but makes sense of Juvenal's whole satirical project, and of this very slipperiness.
12
SNEDKOVA, E. V., and N. V. BUGAEVA. "AN ARISTOCRAT IN THE “RESTORED REPUBLIC”: POLITICAL CAREER OF MARC VALERIUS MESSALLA CORVINUS." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 64, no. 2023, №4 (May 16, 2024): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-64-4-15-38.
Full textAbstract:
Using the example of the political activity of Marcus Valerius Messalla Corvinus, the article examines one of the variants of the relationship between the old republican nobility and Augustus during his principate. Messalla Corvinus was a representative of the oldest Roman aristocratic family of Valerii, one of the leaders of republicans in the epoch of civil wars and, later, a prominent fi gure of political and cultural life of Rome. For the fi rst time, the authors attempt to contextualize his career in a diffi calt era full of change. Th e study demonstrates one of the models of how the relationship between Augustus and the republican aristocracy was structured. It attempts, on the one hand, to understand the tactics of the princeps, to determine the ratio of pressure and encouragement to cooperation, and, on the other hand, to establish the limitations of the republican nobility and their independence. Th e article evaluates Messalla’s actions in the provinces, his appointment as a prefect of the city (praefectus urbi) and subsequent refusal to fulfi l this position, Messalla’s performance of the offi ce of a water commissioner (curator aquarum), his memoirs, and his contribution to Augustus’ “building program”. Domestic and foreign researchers have oft en characterized Messalla Corvinus’ activities as a “bridge” between two epochs in the history of the Roman state. However, in the opinion of the authors, Messalla appears to be a more independent and extraordinary personality, who was capable of not only having his own opinion, but also making his own choices, which sometimes diverged from the policy of the princeps. Noble origin, outstanding talents, ambitious aspirations and at the same time moderate claims together with skillful political calculation could provide Messalla Corvinus not only with the highest social and political position, but also with the independence in the “restored republic”, when the course of events ruined some and elevated others.
13
Luiten, Loek. "‘LIKE A LILY AMONGST THE THORNS’: PATTERNS OF NOBLE POWER AND VIOLENCE BETWEEN FARNESE AND ORSINI, 1378–1447." Papers of the British School at Rome 87 (March 19, 2019): 245–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246218000387.
Full textAbstract:
Violence and peace-making in medieval Italy have often been analysed in urban environments. But what happened if two powerful baronial families clashed in the countryside? This paper, by looking at the feud between the Farnese and Orsini di Pitigliano during the Western Schism, illuminates various patterns of conflict and conciliation. Such conflicts witnessed the participation of relatives, allies, and subjects who shared in the sense of community and honour of their lords. The various motivations for actors to become involved on behalf of or in opposition to barons are analysed here in detail. The events of the Farnese–Orsini feud on the micro-level are linked to wider developments on the Italian peninsula and European politics. In the second part of this paper the successful conclusion of the feud is analysed in light of the return of the papacy to Rome. The meticulous detail in which the peace agreement was hammered out then provides further insight into the strategies employed by baronial families to maintain the peace. In all, this paper therefore contributes to the study of violence and peace-making as well as of the Italian nobility during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
14
Slater, W. J. "Pantomime Riots." Classical Antiquity 13, no. 1 (April 1, 1994): 120–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011007.
Full textAbstract:
It is argued that there is no simple or single reason for the riots caused by pantomimes in early imperial Rome, and especially in 14 and 15 A.D. Theatrical passion has been suggested as the main cause, but other factors must be considered: the meaning of the theater as a symbol of order, the peculiar importance of the equestrian order in the architecture of the theater; the position of the main Roman theaters in their relation to the exercise grounds of the iuvenes; the complex relationships of the equestrian iuvenes with the pantomime artists. It is pointed out that it is not always easy to define a pantomime, or to know the nature of the program; but competition was certainly involved. It is argued that the policies of Tiberius toward the theater and the iuvenes were particularly productive of discontent, which led to repeated legislation to control it. The role of Drusus is probably crucial. A central role is also played by the theater claques, and the acclamations of the equestrians, the theater being their principal venue. Various connections between the equestrian iuvenes and the theater are considered. One key is the physical training of Roman youth, which had become affected by Greek concepts of gymnasium dancing, perhaps under the influence of rhetoric. This in turn made it possible for young Romans to develop quasi-pantomime skills, which they could demonstrate in their iuvenalia. Second, it is suggested that the Baths of Agrippa and their decoration can be seen as an indication of such a change in official policy, and their position next to the theaters is stressed. Third, the personal relations between pantomimes and the nobility is documented, and the importance of the private stage in Rome. Finally, the legislation of the Tabula Larinas is considered, as it affected nobles on the stage or in the arena, and other legal implications of this conflict between the senate and the youth are sketched.
15
Berezkin, A. V., and S. Y. Kritskaya. "COGNOMINA OF BOTH PLINIES: GAIUS PLINIUS SECUNDUS AND GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 2(53) (2021): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-2-108-117.
Full textAbstract:
This article provides information on the actual naming of two Roman writers and statesmen: Gaius Plinius Secundus, and Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus. Modern researchers make some mistakes in the names of both Plinies. The history of these names sheds light on legal relations in Ancient Rome (family law, especially the order of adoption, the right of Roman citizens on three names – ius trium nominum) and on the evidence of the folk laughter culture (sniper data cognomina of citizens). Medieval and modern traditions of a generic or family naming have their roots in the Roman law. The Roman name was closely related to social status, indicating the antiquity of the genus or personal privileges, for example, the senatorial class, which included the ancient patrician clans or plebeian nobility, as well as a freeborn citizen or a freedman, a slave or a foreigner–peregrine, etc. Geographic area, family relations, and personal excellence were also taken into account. I. Kajanto, as one would expect from a classifier as a pioneer, goes on formal grounds, referring cognomina, Felix and Faustus, to the category of “wish” or “praise”, and Secundus to the order of birth. Our method of studying in a sociocultural context reveals cognomen Secundus as “happy”.
16
Shvab, Larysa, and Yulia Tokarska. "Innovations of socio-religious thought in Ukraine at the beginning of the 17th century." History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 53 (June 21, 2022): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2021.53.43-53.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the polemical socio-religious thought in Ukraine after the Union of Brest and the Union of the Kyiv Metropolitanate with Rome, aimed at finding the lost Orthodox tradition and reviving the idea of “God’s protection” of the city of Kyiv in the Russian Orthodox intellectual tradition of the early 17th century. After-union period in Ukrainian realities is characterized as crisis in the sense of decline of religious life, Russian bourgeoisie and fraternal movement and deviation from the policy of support of the Orthodox princely families. The entire plan of church reform, cultural and national revival of the “Commonwealth of the Russian People” was undermined in its foundations. Therefore, the intellectual religious thought of the early 17th century took into account the memory of the “good old days”, when national (regional) identity based on the Orthodox tradition was searched. However, from the point of view of the continued existence of the Orthodox Church, the defeat was only partial, as K. Ostrozkyi and his supporters among the nobility, clergy and burghers managed to preserve the Orthodox Church structure. The Cossacks demanded a rethinking of this new reality by intellectuals of the post-Brest era and Ukrainian polemicists were forced to look for an independent base for their socio-religious thought. The way out of the crisis was understood by Petro Mohyla, who was ready to recognize the primacy of the Pope in order to preserve the internal independence of the Church.
17
Castrillón Vizcarra, Alfonso. "Ecos de una polémica no olvidada." Illapa Mana Tukukuq, no. 16 (December 26, 2019): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31381/illapa.v0i16.2565.
Full textAbstract:
ResumenLa limpieza de la bóveda Sixtina a partir de los años 80 creó entre los estudiosos del arte y los restauradores una polémica que no termina todavía. Arthur C. Danto en cuyo libro ¿Qué es elarte?, pone en tela de juicio la restauración conducida por Gianluigi Colalucci, cree que el hecho de haber limpiado la bóveda de sustancias extrañas le ha quitado la nobleza a la obra de Miguel Ángel, confundiendo la pátina con la suciedad acumulada a través de los años. Castrillón piensa que con toda razón se puede argumentar que al quitar la suciedad y devolverle los colores originales a la obra del pintor florentino, se ha procedido a buscar la verdad que es también una necesidad ética del público observador. El artículo va acompañado de una entrevista que el autor realizó el 2 de octubre del 2019 en Roma al Profesor Colalucci.Palabras clave: Capilla Sixtina, Miguel Ángel, restauración, Gianluigi Colalucci
AbstractThe cleaning of the Sistine vault from the 80s created a controversy between art scholars and restaurateurs that has not yet ended. Arthur C. Danto in whose book “What art is?” the restoration ofthe equipment led by Gianluigi Colalucci is questioned. Danto, believes that the fact of having cleaned the vault of strange substances has taken away the nobility of Michelangelo's work, confusing the patina with the dirt accumulated over the years. Castrillón thinks that one can rightly argue that by removing the dirt and returning the original colors of the Florentine painter's work, one has proceeded to seek the truth that is also an ethical necessity of the observing public. The article is accompanied by an interview that the author carried out on October 2, 2019 in Rome to Professor Colalucci.Keywords: Sistine Chapel, Michelangelo, restoration, Gianluigi Colalucci
18
Shvab, Larysa, and Yulia Tokarska. "Innovations of Socio-Religious Thought in Ukraine in the Early 17th Century." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 43 (June 15, 2021): 261–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2021.43.261-272.
Full textAbstract:
The article analyzes the polemical socio-religious thought in Ukraine after the Union of Brest and the Union of the Kyiv Metropolitanate with Rome, aimed at finding the lost Orthodox tradition and reviving the idea of “God’s protection” of the city of Kyiv in the Rus Orthodox intellectual tradition of the early 17th century. After-union period in Ukrainian realities is characterized as crisis in the sense of decline of religious life, Rus bourgeoisie and fraternal movement and deviation from the policy of support of the Orthodox princely families. The entire plan of church reform, cultural and national revival of the “Commonwealth of the Rus People” was undermined in its foundations. Therefore, the intellectual religious thought of the early 17th century took into account the memory of the “good old days”, when national (regional) identity based on the Orthodox tradition was searched. However, from the point of view of the continued existence of the Orthodox Church, the defeat was only partial, as Konstiantyn Ostrozkyi and his supporters among the nobility, clergy and burghers managed to preserve the Orthodox church structure. The Cossacks demanded a rethinking of this new reality by intellectuals of the post-Brest era and Ukrainian polemicists were forced to look for an independent base for their socio-religious thought. Completely accepting neither the specific Byzantine coverage of the principles of religious-ecclesiastical ethos, nor Catholic, nor Moscow with its self-confident dogmatism and limited polemics with other confessional world, Rus intellectuals had to delve into the very foundations of a particular ideology and reconsider its value from a domestic and ecclesiastical-legal point of view. There were no winners or losers in this verbal duel. The way out of the crisis was understood by Petro Mohyla, who was ready to recognize the primacy of the Pope in order to preserve the internal independence of the Church.
19
Fontana, Sergio, and Fabrizio Felici. "Importazioni italiche in Tripolitania nella prima e media età imperiale." Libyan Studies 34 (2003): 65–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900003411.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe present contribution considers Italic imports into Tripolitania between the end of the 1st century BC and the 3rd century AD with special reference to the city of Lepcis Magna and its territory. The imports consist mainly of fine ceramic tableware and amphorae. The archaeological context is varied and highlights the diverse use of Italic goods. A wealth of information has been derived from the study of subterranean tombs excavated in the suburbs of Lepcis by the Libyan Department of Antiquities and by the University of Rome III mission. The assemblages consist of grave goods dated to between the middle of the first century BC and the 3rd century AD. Here we consider a sample of ten subterranean tombs not all of which have been published. They are located in the necropolis of the western suburbs of Lepcis with the exception of a tomb at Gelda, in the southern suburbs, and the Ganima tombs in the countryside to the east of Lepcis. Burial in subterranean tombs apparendy was reserved for the nobility while the majority of the population were buried in surface cemeteries often nearby. A contextual study of the early and middle Imperial period of the villa of Wadi er-Rsaf—excavated between 1995 and 1998—provided more data. Further surface reconnaissance surveys of various sample areas near Lepcis were carried out by the same mission in 1999-2000. Special emphases is placed on the survey in the Silin area on the coast some 15 km west of Lepcis and another inland in W Tareglat, now semi-desert, 40 km SE of Lepcis. The quality of the documentation is uneven but good enough to reveal the presence of Italic goods in different contexts: the ritual setting of a necropolis, everyday life in a prosperous suburban home, and rural settlements in the hinterland.
20
Lahodych, Volodymyr. "Made the Sclavenes a Feast for the Sword»: Campaign of Magister Prisk in 589." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 71 (2023): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2023.71.01.
Full textAbstract:
A feature of the military affairs of the Eastern Roman Empire in the second half of the sixth century was the regular change of heads of military and administrative structures. Despite the need to restore the fortifications on the Danube-Mesia limes, to provide military formations in the Danube possessions of Rome, the successor emperors of Justinian I (527–565) often ignored this factor in favour of strengthening the defence capability of the border with Sassanian Persia. This policy of Justin II (565–578), Tiberius II (578–582) and Maurice (582–602) in the Balkans led to the activation of the nomadic Avars community. In the late 90s of the 6th century, the latter claimed to be the hegemon in Central and Eastern Europe. Until that time, the Nomads had received annual payments from the Empire to maintain peace in the region. With the accession of Mauritius to the throne in Constantinople in 582, the nomadic tribal nobility continued to expand towards the Empire’s Balkan possessions. By the end of the autocrat’s reign, the conflict with the Avars was permanent. In view of this, the emperor attempted to restore the Roman military formations previously deployed in the Balkans. Changes also occurred in the structure of command of the units. Thus, during 588–597, the position of presentational master of Thrace was held by the commander Priscus. In this position, the commander managed to conduct successful campaigns against nomadic troops and the Sclavians. The techniques used by the commander during clashes with barbarians would become a textbook for the military affairs of the Empire in a few decades. Nevertheless, Priscus proved to be an overly independent commander. The military master’s negotiations with the Avar Khagan Bayan I (562–602) led to the commander’s resignation and replacement by brother of Maurice, Peter.
21
I., Pohranychna. "ARCHITECTURAL HERITAGE OF ANDREA PALLADIO – AS EDUCATION MATERIAL FOR JAKUB KUBICKI." Vìsnik Nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu "Lʹvìvsʹka polìtehnìka". Serìâ Arhìtektura 2, no. 2 (November 2020): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/sa2020.02.147.
Full textAbstract:
The article covers the Architectural heritage of Andrea Palladio – as education material for Jakub Kubicki reviews artistic heritage of Andrea Palladio and analyzes its influence on the works of Jakub Kubicki. It is known that comprehensive and manysided heritage of Andrea Palladio was education material for many architects, and in the XVII century it became the basis for similarly-named architectural trend – Palladianism. Andrea Palladio (1508-1580) – is a famous architect of the Renaissance era, the author of many architectural tractates that describe the principles and stages of private estates and residences formation in detail. His works were based on symmetry, perspective and objects of value of classical place of worship of Ancient Greece and Rome. In general, Andrea Palladio, having studied traditions of folk architecture as well as likes of nobility, created model types of estates and at the same time showed almost unlimited amount of possible variations, became a founder of “architectural fashion” of Classicism era. That promoted the spread and establishment of the Palladian school where the architecture of Antique period (of Ancient Rome and, later, of Ancient Greece) was interpreted to the demands of the era, and Palladian types of country estates and city palace were used during two more centuries. Creative method or style of every architect of a certain period shapes a style of the era. In the works of architects there are reflected important issues and problems of theory and practice of architectural life of the time. J. Kubicki is also among the architects whose works attract attention with a high level of excellence. He became a mediator between the pure classicism and Empire style of the XVIII century. Although the architect was the representative of mature Classicism with the influence of Palladian school, his works have their own fingerprint and are characterized by such typical elements in the projects as sharp axial plan and symmetry of facades of palaces; simple rectangular forms in plan of a palace that were be supplemented by prominent risalits; main entrance was accentuated by portico with colonnade; the use of classical order elements that were decorated with sculptures and military emblems in façade decoration. Interior arrangement in the palaces was symmetrical, two-path, with gorgeous living-room and entrance hall that contained stairs. Interiors were profusely decorated with moulding and highlighted with colors (hence the name blue living room, gold or red room).
22
Luiten, Loek. "In Support of Pontifical Power: The Papacy and the Papal States’ Baronial Nobility, 1417–49." Renaissance Quarterly 76, no. 3 (2023): 807–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2023.405.
Full textAbstract:
This article addresses the baronial nobility's much-neglected role in supporting the reestablishment of pontifical power in the wake of the Western Schism. In doing so, this article stresses how acts of noble revolt were complemented by extensive patterns of collaboration in the Papal States’ government, armies, and relations with other principalities. The nobility proved to be a fundamental source of support—a support that was theorized around and expressed in the language of fealty and devotion. In light of this, my analysis further contributes to the study of the perseverance of noble power and ubiquity of transregional factions in late medieval societies.
23
Józsa, Attila. "The Role of Nobility." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 16, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2019-0015.
Full text
24
Kudryavtsev, A. А. "Derbent in the history of Zoroastrianism in the Caucasus." Гуманитарные и юридические исследования 10, no. 2 (2023): 237–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2409-1030.2023.2.7.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. For many centuries, the Caucasus has acted as a bridge, through which there was an intensive exchange not only of economic achievements, but also of the ideology of the highly developed regions of the Mediterranean, Minor and Central Asia. Materials and Methods. The research was conducted on the basis of interdisciplinary approaches and generally accepted historical methods. For the first time in Russian and foreign historiography, a study was conducted based on the analysis of ancient and medieval Greco-Roman, Armenian, Albanian, Georgian and Derbent authors, materials of Persian epigraphy and data from archaeological excavations conducted by the author in Derbent in 1970–1995. Analysis. In the III–V centuries AD, the Caucasus became the scene of a fierce confrontation between Rome and Sasanian Iran for the possession of this very important geopolitical region, in the history of which the Caucasian passages played a special role, and the most important of them was Derbent. By the 5th century A. D., the local elite and the population of Armenia, Caucasian Albania, and Georgia were already largely Christianized and oriented towards Christian Byzantium. The attempts of the Sassanids to plant Zoroastrianism here, which was the state religion of Iran, led to a number of major anti-Iranian uprisings of the peoples of the Caucasus against the «teachings of magicians», the success of which largely depended on the orientation of the Derbent rulers who controlled the Derbent Passage – the main «Gate» of the Caucasus. The Christian rulers of Armenia, Caucasian Albania, and Georgia, who led anti-Iranian uprisings in the Caucasus in the second half of the fifth century A. D., managed to extend their power to Derbent and attracted nomadic tribes of Southeastern Europe and North Caucasian highlanders to fight the Persians. The anti-Sasanian demonstrations in the Caucasus, under the banner of the struggle against Zoroastrianism, were most closely connected with Derbent. Results. Derbent in the VI century turned not only into a powerful fortification complex, but also into a developed early medieval city with a multi-ethnic population, mainly professing Christianity, while representatives of the Persian nobility, garrison and administration were Zoroastrians.
25
Ágústsson, Jóhannes. "‘Il grosso pacco della musica’: The Galuppiana Consignments for August III and Count Heinrich von Brühl in Warsaw, 1757–1761." Muzyka 65, no. 2 (July 15, 2020): 62–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/m.447.
Full textAbstract:
The Sächsische Landesbibliothek – Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Dresden (SLUB), holds one of the world’s largest collections of sacred and secular works by the Italian composer Baldassarre Galuppi, “il Buranello”, whose operatic music was very popular in the mid-1750s with the Saxon elector and Polish king August III and other members of his court. This impressive collection of Galuppiana includes numerous copies of liturgical works from the copying house of the Venetian priest and notorius forger Iseppo (Giuseppe) Baldan. Recently, several compositions falsely attributed to Galuppi by Baldan have turned out to be the works of Antonio Vivaldi, including an excellent setting of Dixit Dominus (RV 807).
This article demonstrates that the Galuppi-Baldan manuscripts were sent in several batches from Venice to Warsaw (and not Dresden, as originally thought) during the Seven Years’ War (1756–1763), when August III resided in the Polish capital. The Saxon prime minister count Heinrich von Brühl and his musically gifted daughter Maria Amalia also stayed in Warsaw during this period, as did Brühl’s secretary and musical director Friedrich August von Koenig, who arranged for the purchases from Galuppi and Baldan. The fact that operas were also being sent from Rome to Warsaw during the war shows that the nobility in the Polish capital was up-to-date with all the latest Italian music. Reports of performances of Galuppi’s music in Warsaw is presented through official documents and letters written by Friedrich August de Rossi, secretary of Italian affairs at the Saxon-Polish court. This includes a description of a serenate performed at the fifty-seventh birthday of Brühl in August 1757, and evidence is provided which strongly suggests that the music, the so-called “Endimione” serenate, was specially composed by Galuppi for this occasion. Finally, details of the musical manuscripts being sent from Warsaw to Dresden in 1763 and the cataloguing of the collection is presented, in addition to an account of a previously unknown visit of Galuppi to the Saxon capital in 1765.
26
Pius, Reet. "Familienkapellen auf dem Kirchhof und dem Gutshoffriedhof." Baltic Journal of Art History 13 (October 9, 2017): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2017.13.07.
Full textAbstract:
The 1772 cemetery reform of Catherine the Great, Empress of Russia, resulted in great changes in the cemetery culture of Russia’s Baltic provinces. The ban on burials in churches and the vicinity of churches resulted in the rapid development of cemetery parks outside of settlements. The strong political relations of Estonia’s manor owners with the Russian central government resulted in the nobles being given the privilege to establish burial plots in the churchyards, but in Livonia, this was strictly prohibited. Simultaneously with the parish cemeteries, the owners of private manors established family cemeteries on their manors. The new cemeteries were not only places to bury the dead, but, inspired by contemporary poets, they were seen as family altars, which were visited regularly and which was accessed by path that was attuned to contemplation.The cemetery is complex, which includes a garden, chapel and allée, and if possible, a body of water. Noble trees were planted along the path leading to the cemetery. Oaks were preferred, which due their mighty shape were considered to be the symbol of family and nobility. Influenced by the poetry of the Enlightenment, evergreens – silver firs, thuja trees, and spruces – were called “sad trees”. The French poet Jacques Delille, whose works were popular among the Baltic Germans, sees women as mourners. And many family cemeteries were established at the initiative of women. Examples of Ancient Greek architecture, in the form of temples with porticos or antas, or the small-scale copies of the Pantheon from Ancient Rome, dominated in cemetery architecture. The chapel was comprised of underground burial chambers and above-ground memorials. A so-called memorial altar was located in the end wall of the chapel, which have survived until the present day in a few places. The Barclay de Tolly monument is the most majestic in Estonia.Already in the 1830s, the family chapels became memorials and burials no longer took place there. However, chapels continued to be built until in Estonia until the early 20th century.
27
Lytvynova, Tetiana. "“White Planters” of “White Slaves”: the Nobility of the Left- Bank Ukraine on the Eve of the Great Reform." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 44–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.16.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the historiographical estimation of the participation of the nobility of the Left Bank Ukraine in the preparation of the peasant reform of 1861. An attempt is made to overcome the simplified ideas about the peculiarities of serfdom on the Left Bank and outlined the main ways to overcome historiographical inertia in the perception of noble-peasant interaction in the pre-reform period. The main focus is on identifying the basic stereotypes about the role and position of the nobility in the social transformations of the mid-nineteenth century. The position on the readiness of the social elite for the emancipation of the peasantry is substantiated. The author’s concept is based on the statement that in the analysis of the problems of serfdom it is necessary to take into account regional features. It is inappropriate to divide, as is usually done, the nobles into those who resisted the liberation of the peasants, and a few supporters of the reform. The author considers the mood of representatives of various groups of the nobility of the Left-Bank Ukraine on the eve of the reform of 1861, their positions are illustrated by various sources. The article emphasises that there is no need to generally blame those members of the regional nobility who did not want to unconditionally agree to the terms of the reform proposed by the government. During the abolition of serfdom, aristocratic reformers were outraged by the distrust, over-regulation, and guardianship of the imperial bureaucracy. They were convinced that this contradicted the very spirit of reform and the nobility’s idea of freedom of economic activity. This approach will help to avoid uniformity, involvement in the analysis of the actions of the nobility of the Left-Bank of Ukraine in the atmosphere of preparation and implementation of reform and will understand the pre-reform social and intellectual situation in its entirety.
28
Prelipcean, Laura. "Dialogic Construction and Interaction in Lodovico Domenichi’s La nobiltà delle donne." Renaissance and Reformation 39, no. 2 (July 27, 2016): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v39i2.26854.
Full textAbstract:
Lodovico Domenichi (1515–64), one of the major polymaths of sixteenth-century Italy, is currently enjoying a marked revival in the critical literature. Although he has been studied in the context of his contemporary printing and publishing activities, the dissemination of works in the vernacular, the promotion of women’s writings, and the religious crisis of that time, little attention has been devoted to him as a writer. In 1549 Domenichi published a dialogue on and for women, La nobiltà delle donne (The nobility of women). This work allowed him to contribute to the advancement of the women’s cause in Italy. This article investigates how Domenichi modelled the speakers, facilitated their dialogic interaction, and delivered his defence of women. Finally, it sheds light on the role that the female moderator, Violante Bentivoglia, played during the five-day conversations and how she influenced the intellectual and cultural environment dominated by men.
Lodovico Domenichi (1515–1564), un des plus grands humanistes italiens et reçoit actuellement un intérêt renouvelé parmi la littérature critique. Bien que son œuvre ait été étudiée dans le contexte de ses activités simultanées d’impression et d’édition, de la circulation de ses ouvrages en langue vernaculaire, de la promotion des écrits féminins et de la crise religieuse de l’époque, très peu de chercheurs se sont penchés sur son travail d’écrivain. En 1549, Domenichi a publié un dialogue sur les femmes et à leur intention, intitulé La nobilità delle donne (La Noblesse des Femmes). Cet ouvrage lui a permis de faire avancer la cause de femmes en Italie. Cet article explore comment Domenichi a construit ses protagonistes et facilité leur dialogue, tout en présentant sa défense des femmes. Enfin, on y met en lumière le rôle modérateur que tient Violante Bentivoglia pendant ces cinq jours de conversation et comment elle influence un environnement intellectuel et culturel dominé par les hommes.
29
Capilla Aledón, Gema Belia. "Tradición popular, poesía cortesana e historia: Alfonso el Magnánimo y Lucrezia D’Alagno (1448-1458). Una revisión historiográfica." Aragón en la Edad Media, no. 32 (April 5, 2021): 79–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_aem/aem.2021325212.
Full textAbstract:
Resumen: Alfonso el Magnánimo, Rey de Aragón (1416-1458) consiguió su título de primer soberano aragonés de Nápoles en 1442, por la fuerza de las armas y tras más de dos décadas de guerra con los Anjou y sus potencias aliadas en el Mediterráneo, Génova y Roma principalmente. En su ansiado grial pasó sus últimos años de vida dedicado, entre otros, a los estudios humanísticos y la vida cortesana. En 1448 —y hasta el fallecimiento del monarca en 1458—, entró en escena una dama de la nobleza campana: Lucrezia D’Alagno (1430-1479). Figura controvertida sobre la que difieren tradición popular, poesía e historia —y un caso de estudio poco analizado en profundidad—, madama Lucrezia fue el gran amor y la compañera del soberano en sus últimos años de vida. El objetivo del presente trabajo consiste, por tanto, en sacar a la luz esta fructífera relación uniendo todas las fuentes conservadas —tradición popular, poesía de corte, trabajos especializados— a fin de ofrecer al lector, con el mayor rigor posible, quién fue la mujer que estuvo junto al soberano en sus últimos diez años de vida. Palabras clave: Alfonso el Magnánimo, Lucrezia D’Alagno, Reino de Nápoles, Corona de Aragón, Baja Edad Media, Revisión historiográfica. Abstract: Alfonso the Magnanimous, King of Aragon (1416-1458) obtained his title of first Aragonese sovereign of Naples in 1442, by force of arms and after more than two decades of war with the Anjou and their allied powers in the Mediterranean, Genova and Rome mainly. In his longed-for grail, he spent his last years of life dedicated to humanistic studies and court life, among others. In 1448 — and until the death of the monarch in 1458 —, entered the scene a lady of the Neapolitan nobility: Lucrezia D’Alagno (1430-1479). Controversial figure, on which popular tradition, poetry and history differ — and a case study little analyzed in depth —, madamma Lucrezia was the great love and companion of the sovereign in his last years of life. Therefore, the aim of this article, is to bring into light this fruitful relationship by uniting all the conserved sources — popular tradition, court poetry, specialized works — in order to offer the reader, as strictly as possible, who was the woman who stood by the sovereign in his last ten years of life. Keywords: Alfonso the Magnanimous, Lucrezia D’Alagno, Kingdom of Naples, Crown of Aragon, Late Middle Ages, Historiographical Review.
30
Т., Kotenko. "The formation of human rights and freedoms in the teachings of philosophers of ancient Greece and Rome." Almanac of law: The role of legal doctrine in ensuring of human rights 11, no. 11 (August 2020): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2020-11-23.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the historical stages of the creation, development, and formation of a human rights institute. The ideological and theoretical heritage of Ancient Greece and Rome, which is the basis for the study of ideas about justice, social equality, and human freedom, is analyzed based on the analysis of the fundamental ideas of the most famous thinkers of antiquity. It was the philosophers of antiquity who initiated the concept of "natural law", which was formed over the centuries by the desire of man to understand the world, determine his place in society and politics. From the time of antiquity, the concept of human rights gradually began to emerge; Subsequently, the concept of equality, freedom of person, person, and citizen were formed. Ancient philosophers came up with the idea of law in general and the idea of human rights under the requirements of their time and conditions of social development. Over time, the ancient perception of social equality, justice, dignity, independence, and freedom of man became the starting point and benchmark of European political culture. The early period of the development of political and legal doctrines in ancient Greece is associated with the time of the formation of ancient Greek statehood. It was at this time that an attempt was made to give rationalist ideas about ethical and legal order in human affairs and relations instead of mythological ones. It should be noted that ancient Greek views on human rights were formed in mythological ideas about the origin of policies and divine justice. That is why rights come from the divine order of justice, which became the basis for the category equality. Only what corresponded to the concept of equality (within the concept of justice) was understood as right. In ancient Greek politics, customs and mono-norms gradually transformed towards protecting the dignity of citizens. The polite democracy gave impetus to the emergence of freedom, which promoted the emergence of equal political rights among the citizens of this policy. In the Greek city-state, the law first emerged as a specific phenomenon, and the life of the policy began to be compulsory for everyone. Subsequently, the Pythagoreans (VI –V centuries BC) formulated an important role in shaping the idea of legal equality and justice, using numerical proportions, that is, the ratio of certain parameters. The provision that "fair is to pay another equal" essentially introduces the coupon principle. Subsequently, this reflected Solon (7th-6th centuries BC) in his reforms. It eliminated debt slavery and, as a result of the compromise between nobility and demos, introduced a moderate censorship democracy in Athens. All citizens of the policy should equally be protected by the law and obey its mandatory rules (1). Recognized the law as a requirement of legal equality of free citizens of the policy, slaves did not apply the legal rules. Equality was considered in two respects: equality in law and equality before the law. Developed by Roman lawyers provisions in which a person acts as a subject of law, determine the legal status of a person, establish the freedom and formal equality of people under natural law, define Roman citizenship as a special legal status of a person, the distribution of the right to private and public, etc. contributed to the awareness of legal the importance of human rights in the context of the systematic doctrine of the legal nature of the relationship between the individual and the state. Roman law, extending to a state which it regarded as the object of its study along with positive law, ensured a legal relationship between the state and the individual, which was crucial for the development of the institution of the protection of individual rights in the world at that time (14, p. 119). In relation to individuals, the state was not above the rule of law, but directly its component part, which has all the basic properties of a law. The basis of a just and legal relationship between the individual and the state recognized the law, not the state. The individual and the state must be law-abiding subjects of legal relations, that is, act according to the rules of law. Conclusion. To sum up, we can point out that the first theoretical developments and statutory provisions of the law go back to ancient times. The thinkers of Ancient Greece and Rome initiated the basic concepts of justice, equality, autonomy. It was then that ideas about political rights, lawmaking, democracy, and the personal responsibility of citizens were formed. However, freedom was not universal, it did not belong to slaves, and they were not the subjects of relations in the policy. The population of the policies was divided into different social and ethnic groups and accordingly had different legal status. Such inequality was the norm, so the priority was given to a policy or state that was enshrined in legislation. However, in Ancient Greece, there were also certain individual rights of citizens such as the right to speak; private property rights; the right to participate in government; the right to hold office; to participate in national meetings; the right to participate in the administration of justice; the right to appeal against illegal acts, etc. In Ancient Rome, this list was supplemented by the right to bargain, freedom of movement, the right of the people's tribune to veto, the ban on torture, the adversarial process of the lawsuit, etc. Keywords: Antiquity period, city-policies, human rights, legal equality, society, justice.
31
Laužikas, Rimvydas. "Consumption of Drinks as Representation of Community in the Culture of Nobility of the 17th–18th Centuries." Tautosakos darbai 51 (June 27, 2016): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51554/td.2016.28882.
Full textAbstract:
Drinks and customs related to their consumption play a special role in the social history (essentially, that of the human community). However, research of the customs of alcohol consumption in Lithuania (along with the history of daily life in general and the culture of the nobility’s daily life in particular) is rather sporadic so far. The article presents a research work in cultural anthropology on the alcohol consumption as means (or prerequisite) of achieving more important aims of religious, social, economic or other kind. Because of the big scope of research and low level of prior investigation, the subject of this article is limited to a single aspect – namely, the custom of drinking from the same glass; to the culture of only one social layer of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) – the nobility; and to a distinct period – the 17th–18th centuries. The aim of analysis is revealing sources of this custom, its development and meaning in the social community of the given period.According to the research, the GDL presented a sphere of interaction between the local pre-Christian Lithuanian culture, which had been developing for an incredibly long period – even until the end of the 15th century, and the Western European cultural tradition. The Western European culture, formed in the course of joining together elements of the antique heritage, the Christian worldview and the inculturized “Northern barbarism”, acquired in the 14th–16th century Lithuania one of its essential constituents – namely, the culture of the “Northern barbarism” still alive and functioning. On the other hand, the nobility of the GDL, raised in pre-Christian Lithuanian culture, had no trouble recognizing elements of its local heritage in the Western Christian culture. The local custom of drinking from the same glass characteristic to the higher social layers supposedly stemmed from the drinking horns. Along with Christianity and spread of the wine culture, the local pre-Christian custom of drinking from the same glass should have been abandoned by the nobility, surviving instead solely in the lower social classes. The western custom of drinking from the same glass spread in Lithuania along with Christianity and the wine consumption. However, its influence on the nobility was rather limited. In the 15th–16th centuries, when this custom was still rather widespread in Europe, the Lithuanian nobility was just beginning its acquaintance with the wine culture, while in the 17th–18th centuries, when the wine culture grew popular in Lithuania, the western-like custom of drinking from the same glass had already waned in other European countries. Therefore, the western custom of drinking from the same glass was rather a marginal phenomenon among the Lithuanian nobility, affected by the cultural exchange with the Polish nobility (which grew especially intense following the union of Lublin) and the ideology of Sarmatianism. The custom of drinking from the same glass disappeared in the culture of the Lithuanian nobility at the turn of the 18th–19th century due to the ideas of Enlightenment and the altered notions of healthy lifestyle and hygiene. However, drinking from the same glass, as a distant echo of the ancient customs representing social community was quite popular in the peasant culture as late as the end of the 20th – beginning of the 21st centuries.
32
Kazantseva, Svetlana Genrihovna. "Samara and Simbirsk nobility role in education promotion and support at the turn of XIX-XX centuries." Samara Journal of Science 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 120–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201761208.
Full textAbstract:
The paper deals with the nobility charity of the Samara and Simbirsk provinces at the end of XIX - beginning of the XX centuries. The provincial nobles because of their privileged class status sacrificed their money to promote and support education among both the nobility and other classes. Donations were sent to the noble educational institutions such as school, cadet corps, universities, as well as to schools for the lower classes: teachers schools, peasant schools and colleges, vocational schools, training workshops. The paper analyzes the main forms of support for students - establishment and payment of nominal scholarships to students of high schools, universities, military schools, content of education both for the nobility and for students from other classes. Students of such institutions were often on full board basis at the expense of the nobility. In addition the nobles were initiators of charitable societies, which were engaged in material support of students as well as led boards of trustees at various educational institutions. The study of pre-revolutionary Russian education support experience helps us to find ways to develop and encourage students nowadays.
33
Newman, Keith A. "Holiness in Beauty? Roman Catholics, Arminians, and the Aesthetics of Religion in Early Caroline England." Studies in Church History 28 (1992): 303–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012511.
Full textAbstract:
This paper is more concerned with posing questions than attempting to provide answers. I am principally interested in trying to establish whether there was a connection between the English Arminians’ emphasis on ritual and the beautification of churches in the 1620S and 1630S and the perception at the time that Roman Catholicism was gaining ground, especially in London and at the court. It has long been known that Charles I’s court was considered by contemporaries to have been rife with Catholic activity. Likewise, the embassy chapels in London provided a focus for Protestant discontent as a result of their attracting considerable congregations of English Catholics. The 1620s also saw the Arminian faction within the Church of England grow in influence, acquiring the patronage of the Duke of Buckingham and of King Charles himself. As has been demonstrated by Nicholas Tyacke, for example, this faction was very much orientated towards the court, and gained power by working within this milieu under the leadership of Laud and Neile. However, I am not concerned here with the politics of the Arminian rise to control of the Church of England hierarchy, but rather with their interest in ceremonial worship, their endeavour to place liturgy rather than the sermon at the centre of services. Was a leading Arminian such as John Cosin, for instance, reacting to what amounted to a Roman initiative? Furthermore, one needs to ask what part aesthetics played in attracting and retaining the allegiance of Catholics to what was, after all, an illegal form of worship. Even if the no longer faced the likelihood of physical martyrdom, financial penalties were severe, and the threat of imprisonment remained for priests and laity alike. Yet some twenty per cent of the titular nobility and many ordinary folk remained loyal to Rome. May not the very nature of Catholic worship provide a clue to explain this phenomenon? Clearly this is an extremely wide subject, which the time and space available does not permit me to explore in depth on this occasion. Therefore, I propose to focus on two specific areas: what attracted crowds of Londoners to the Catholic worship offered by the embassy chapels; and on one aspect of the Arminian response, namely, the field of devotional literature. I shall examine John Cosin’s A Collection of Private Devotions… Called the Hours of Prayer (1627) in the context of its being a reply to popular Catholic devotional books of the period, such as the Officium Beatae Mariae Virginis, commonly known as the Primer. Thus I shall address issues connected with both public and private devotions.
34
Ludich, Andrei R. "County marshal of nobility in the system of local government and self-government in Belarus (1861–1914)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-38-46.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the role and place of the marshal of nobility in the system of county administration and self-government in the post-reform period. The object of the study is the institute of county marshals of nobility in the Belarusian provinces in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. The study deterncines the changes in the government policy of the Russian autocracy related to the noble elections in Belarus after the 1863–1864 uprising. The main functions of County leaders in the sphere of class self-government are revealed. The main directions of activity of local heads of nobility in management of administrative district institutions are shown. The characteristics of the functioning of the institute of county marshals of nobility on the territory of Belarus are given. As a result of analysis of the laws the conclusion is made that the marshal of the nobility took the place of a full head of county, and during the period under review, the trend of expanding the powers of the marshals of nobility, testified to their transformation from in-class bodies in administrative, public bodies.
35
Gulo, Seniman, and Hendi Hendi. "Konsep Keluhuran Seorang Imam Menurut John Chrysostom." Jurnal Teologi Berita Hidup 4, no. 1 (September 24, 2021): 270–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.38189/jtbh.v4i1.64.
Full textAbstract:
The nobility of the priest is to be Christ's sole representative on earth and to mediate between God and men. The nobility of a priest is not just an office or an ordinary position, but the priest is a noble job that people do not have. Through literature research from John Chrysostom there are two important points in the nobility of the priest. First, what is the nobility of the priest, Second, discuss the role of the pastor in the spirituality of the congregation. The nobility of the priest ultimately leads man to experience or unite with the Triune God.Keluhuran imam adalah menjadi wakil Kristus satu-satunya di bumi dan menjadi pengantara Allah dan manusia. Keluhuran seorang imam bukan hanya jabatan atau kedudukan yang biasa-biasa saja namun imam adalah suatu pekerjaan yang mulia yang orang tidak miliki. Melalui penelitian literatur dari John Chrysostom ada dua pokok penting dalam keluhuran imam. Pertama, apa itu keluhuran imam, Kedua, mendiskusikan peranan gembala dalam kerohanian jemaat. Keluhuran imam pada akhirnya membawa manusia untuk mengalami atau menyatu dengan Allah Tritunggal.
36
Steinberg, Sylvie. "“In the Absence of Males”." Annales (English ed.) 67, no. 03 (September 2012): 503–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398568200000522.
Full textAbstract:
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, aristocratic daughters inherited fiefs in the absence of a male heir. Over the course of the seventeenth century, however, royal decisions and jurisprudence increasingly limited this possibility, imposing masculinity as the primary—though not exclusive—criteria for inheritance. This article explores the legal debates that accompanied this evolution, highlighting a number of changes within the French nobility of this period that reveal a new conception of gender relations. The growing importance of the notion of service, changes to the procedure for proving one’s nobility, and the desire for greater exclusivity within the nobility all reveal how gender was no longer defined in relation to the place and role each individual occupied within the ancestral line or family. Instead, gender assumed an unchanging identity, which, much like nobility itself, was considered inherent to the individual.
37
Petrauskas, Rimvydas. "The Lithuanian Nobility in the Late-Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries: Composition and Structure." Lithuanian Historical Studies 7, no. 1 (November 30, 2002): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00701001.
Full textAbstract:
This paper presents a critical review of the historiographically dominant theory stating that the upper layer of the Lithuanian nobility formed its independent power only around the middle of the fifteenth century. The extant sources shed little light on the role of the nobility in the political processes of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. A complex of sources, more fully reflecting the specifics of the country, appeared only after the arrival of writing in Lithuania at the end of the fourteenth century. It was only in this period that the place of the nobles in the system of government became evident. Therefore, it is possible to speak about a distorted perspective, suggested by the early records. The paper presents a definition of the nobility and an analysis of the origin, composition and structure of the Lithuanian ruling elite in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Consequently it is possible to speak about the prerequisites of the rule of this social group and the duality of the power of the grand duke and the nobility. Two principal tendencies of the development of the Lithuanian nobility in the fifteenth century – personal continuity and internal transformation (family structure) – are distinguished.
38
Chernikova, Tatiana V. "The “Flip Side” of Peter the Great’s Reforms." RUDN Journal of Russian History 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 88–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2021-20-1-88-107.
Full textAbstract:
Under discussion the question if Peter the Greats reforms were truly revolutionary. The author focuses on two aspects: the extent to which his innovations altered the patrimonial system that had dominated Muscovy over the previous three centuries, and the role arbitrariness, bribery, embezzlement and other kinds of corruption played during his reign. She examines the first Russian emperors changes that most affected Russias various estates, including the introduction of a poll tax, the conversion of peasants on state lands into state serfs, as well as the intensification of the nobilitys service obligations and the reduction of its privileges. The author concludes that Peter not only did not destroy Muscovys traditional patrimonial system, but intensified it and even used it to impose his reforms on a reluctant population. Meanwhile, although the emperors initiatives in the sciences, arts and secular education were important, they only affected the upper class. In other respects, Peters efforts to westernize his realm were only superficial. The author also considers how Russians regarded the notion of freedom. She argues that there is a connection between seemingly opposite phenomena - the popular desire for freedom and arbitrariness of the service nobility. The author pays particular attention to corruption, which she considers to have had a major impact on the governments relationship with the elite, and was tolerated both to maintain the latters loyalty but also to manipulate it.
39
Stutz, D. Dudley. "Papal Legates against the Albigensians: The Debts of the Church of Valence (1215–1250)." Traditio 68 (2013): 259–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0362152900001677.
Full textAbstract:
In 1232 Pope Gregory IX (r. 1227–41) imposed a tenth of episcopal revenues on prelates of Occitania to subsidize the church of Valence, which owed 10,000 poundstournoisto various bankers of Vienne, Rome, Lyons, and Siena. In 1865 B. Hauréau first noted the event when he edited one of the main documents in theGallia christianavolume concerning the ecclesiastical province of Vienne. With the publication of Gregory IX's register from 1890–1908 most of the facts of the tax were more widely available. In 1910 Ulysse Chevalier briefly mentioned the tax in his monograph on the long tenure of John of Bernin, archbishop of Vienne (r. 1218–66). In 1913, Heinrich Zimmermann cited Hauréau's text in a note in his detailed treatment of early thirteenth-century papal legations. Recently Alain Marchandisse reviewed eight of the eleven papal letters pertaining to the tax in his study of William of Savoy (d. 1239) as bishop-elect of Liège. These scholars provided no reason for the debt or why the papacy would take such measures to ensure payment. Perhaps they did not study this tax further because a church indebted to moneylenders is not in itself surprising. It appears that the church of Valence acquired the debt, very large compared to the church's income, when bishop-elect William of Savoy (r. 1225–39) waged war against Adhémar II of Poitiers-Valentinois, count of the Valentinois (r. 1189–1239). Struggles between bishops and the local nobility occurred on a regular basis throughout the Middle Ages, so what in this unimportant Rhone-valley diocese interested the pope enough to impose taxes on prelates of Occitania over twenty years to ensure payment of this debt? Adhémar II faithfully supported Raymond VI (r. 1194–1222) and Raymond VII (r. 1222–49) of Saint-Gilles, counts of Toulouse, throughout their struggle with the papacy during and following the Albigensian crusades. Adhémar II was also their vassal for the Diois, which borders the Valentinois on the southeast and comprised the northern portion of the marquisate of Provence. These lands had been reserved for the church in the Treaty of Meaux-Paris (1229), which ended the Albigensian crusades. Thus William of Savoy as bishop-elect of Valence defended the papacy's claims on the marquisate of Provence, which the papacy deemed part of the larger struggle between the Roman church and the counts of Toulouse. The facts on the nature of the debts and the steps the papacy took to aid the diocese show that the local struggle between the bishop of Valence and the count of the Valentinois embodied a part of the larger struggle between the papacy and the counts of Toulouse over the marquisate of Provence, which began as early as 1215.
40
Vaitkevičienė, Daiva. "Mead in the Baltic Society: from Beekeepers to Nobility." Tautosakos darbai 51 (June 27, 2016): 32–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.51554/td.2016.28883.
Full textAbstract:
Although the living tradition of making mead and partaking of it has become extinct in Latvia and Lithuania in the course of the recent centuries, its traces can still be found in the historical, ethnographic and folklore sources. This tradition is particularly prominent in two cases: in the nobility feasts of the 15th–16th centuries and in the parties held by beekeepers in the 19th–20th centuries.Mead used to play a significant social and political role in the life of nobility in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: not only the ruler and the court, but also foreign leaders and diplomats arriving to make political and commercial contracts enjoyed it. The mead consumption indicated the social prestige of the nobles. Although following Christianization of Lithuania, wine grew increasingly frequent in the nobility’s feasts, mead nevertheless preserved its firm position until the 16th century; even until the 17th century, it was still popular among the nobles.Because of its social and political importance in the nobility’s life, mead also entered the legendary tradition. The 16th century Renaissance historians (Erasmus Stella, Simon Grunau, Lucas David and others) describing the origins of the Prussians and Lithuanians, depict mead as the drink of the noble warriors. According to the legends, mead was an invention and the favored drink of the Cymbrian (Gotland) nobles arriving to Prussia and subsequently sharing it with the local Prussian nobility, thus legitimizing its equal status. The legendary Prussian king Widewuto established his Prussian kingdom following the pattern of the beehive and grouping the members of the society according to their occupation (fieldworkers, beekeepers, stockbreeders, etc.) To ensure the lasting peace in his kingdom, Widewuto introduced the public mead-drinking feasts. However, not only the nobility, but also the commoners enjoyed drinking mead. Since procuring its main ingredient – honey – depends on the activity of the beekeepers, the author devotes special attention to their life style, social communication and festivities.Until the 16th century, the hollow-tree beehives in the woods were much more common in Lithuania than the artificial ones kept in the homesteads; therefore, the trade of procuring honey had much in common with hunting, since both activities took place in the forest. Because of the wild nature and unpredictable behavior of bees, the beekeepers much as the hunters depended on luck and the deities in charge of good fortune, differing in this respect from husbandmen. On the other hand, beekeeping in the Baltic lands was more than just part of economy: it was a social phenomenon, binding the beekeepers together as friends. The beekeepers believed that keeping the bees single-handedly caused bad luck; therefore, one had to share both the beekeeping tasks and the procured honey with one or several partners in trade. The friendship ties established by the beekeepers united them into beekeeping communities (bičiuolija), the members of which tended to the bees together and at least twice a year (during the honey harvesting and in spring, when tending to the tree-hollows) arranged parties for their members (literally – friends, bičiuliai in Lithuanian). During these parties, the beekeepers and their families enjoyed eating and offering honey and drinking mead together. These parties of beekeepers provided an alternative to those held by husbandmen, called sambariai, during which the whole village community drank beer made of the grain collected from all the farms.The phenomenon of bičiulystė (literally, friendship by means of beekeeping) is characteristic exclusively to the Balts, therefore it must have formed as early as the Baltic tribal period. In the 12th – the beginning of the 13th century, when the process of political integration gained momentum, the political leadership formed in the Baltic tribes, and the military nobility emerged. It is quite likely, that the social pattern of bičiulystė was rather handy in this process. The communities of beekeepers, binding inhabitants of different villages by mutual trust, loyalty and cooperation, provided an ideal media to form the soldiery, i.e. friends in arms (amicia). The masculine character of these communities, their association with hunting and rituals of good fortune, the reinforcement of mutual connections by means of marriage, and the mead-drinking parties may serve as additional arguments in favor of this assumption.The analysis allows us assuming that mead-drinking festivities arranged in Lithuania by members of different social layers have common roots in the ancient communities of beekeepers characteristic to the Balts. In the process of social differentiation and stratification, the social pattern of bičiulystė found different use among the nobles and the peasants. Among the nobles, the mead-drinking feasts disappeared in the 17th century, while beekeeping peasants arranged their parties until the beginning of the 20th century.
41
Haruna, Haruna Abubakar. "الكرم فى شعر عروة بن الورد دراسة وصفية تحليلية." Al-Uslub: Journal of Arabic Linguistic and Literature 4, no. 02 (July 3, 2020): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.30631/al-uslub.v4i02.54.
Full textAbstract:
This paper: the generosity in the urwa ibn war'd poetry descriptive-analytical study. contains the nobility of humanity in the urwa's of saalik poetry, the paper also concentrates on urwa's generosity and liberality, it contains four major points, the first point is about the theoretical framework-the concept of generosity which is openhandedness, giving and feeding nicely. the second point is generosity between jahiliyyah and Islam, thus, we realized it's the role and wonderful impact in the Arab societies, even though generosity become the link for collaboration between ethic groups of Arab poor and wealthy people through social activities. it also discusses about the personality of urwa in the third and fourth point of the paper describing his popularity, nobility, and knighthood, the urwa ibn war'd listed among the most remarkable people, loved and influential hero in the jahiliyyah period. thus, he's the best of his kind and open-handedness to poor, leniency and sympathy to weakly handicaps, and daily favor to patients. impact the urwa assemble all sense of honor and specifications of generosity, donations, courage, chastity and nobility, right protection, impact he become honorable and he promoted (saalaka) and convert it to nobility.
42
Trubitszyn, Igor Olegovich. "Noble associations in modern Russia." Samara Journal of Science 10, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv2021101213.
Full textAbstract:
The author made an attempt to study the role of the descendants of the nobility in the new socio-economic and political realities of Russia at the end of the XX - first decades of the XXI century. The author focuses on the processes of recreation and subsequent activities of noble societies. The basis of the source base was a series of interviews with the descendants of the nobility living in the territory of the Russian Federation and in the countries of the post-Soviet space. The research identified the stages of development of the noble organizations, the main aspects of their activities. A comparative analysis was carried out with the pre-revolutionary noble corporate organization, which made it possible to characterize the main ideals of this social group and to make a comparative analysis with the value system of the class of the pre-revolutionary period. The range of problems faced by noble societies in modern Russia is highlighted. The results of the study can be used to comprehensively characterize the activities of corporations of the nobility in Russia, as well as the activities of the descendants of the nobility in the modern world.
43
Kanecki, Oskar. "Miejsca sakralne w służbie publicznej Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego XVII i XVIII w." Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 22, no. 1 (2023): 485–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2023.22.01.19.
Full textAbstract:
The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth struggled with the problem of an insufficient number of facilities for the performance of state tasks, including buildings which could accommodate relatively numerous assemblies of nobility. This study addresses the dual role of the sacraled places sites in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which were often used for public purposes. Reading the universals, the documents of the regional councils (pol. sejmiks) – (especially parliamentary instructions) – and diary sources convinces us that they served, among other things, as places of debates for gatherings of the nobility bodies, schools, hospitals, archives, accommodation where monarchs sometimes stayed, or as places where tax revenues were kept and local officials took oaths. The frequency of this phenomenon is evidenced by the sums of money paid to monks on a cyclical basis, which not only covered the costs of operating the facilities which were made available to the nobility, but also had a compensatory function. Among other things, churches, including sacristies, monastic cells and refectories, chapels, and even cemeteries were used for public purposes (which, at least in some cases, raised doubts among the nobility). Attempts were made to convert the post former Jesuit buildings into court houses, schools and detention centres.
44
Chernikova, Nataliia, and Iryna Karpan. "O. O. Bobrynskyi and the State Duma: views and activities." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 1 (December 4, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200111.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.
45
Shved, R. "THE PROBLEM OF THE BREST UNION IN HISTORICAL LITERATURE OF XIX AND XX CENTURIES." Educational Dimension 4 (December 26, 2002): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31812/educdim.5090.
Full text
46
Sergey, Zelenin. "Nobility and Clergy in the Russian Empire." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 1 (February 1, 2022): 65–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2022-0-1-65-97.
Full textAbstract:
The present article is devoted to the issue of the two most privileged classes in the Russian empire – the nobility and the clergy. The author examines the importance of those classes for the development and downfall of the empire. The research is illustrated with the episodes of the life of the nobility and clergy in Vologda province. The author also contemplates about the elite, its nature and importance for the state, and in particular – for the Empire. The elite is opposed by the anti-elite, which is termed “small nation”, and the author also demonstrates its role in the downfall of the empire.
47
Bashkou, Aliaksandr. "Elite materials from the excavations of nobility estates and residences of the XVI–XIX centuries in the Brest region. Attempts at preliminary comprehension." Materials and studies on archaeology of Sub-Carpathian and Volhynian area 25 (December 28, 2021): 249–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/mdapv.2021-25-249-256.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents judgments regarding the role and place of elite things in the material culture of the human community. An attempt is made to comprehend the connection between the history of the elite class of the nobility and the manifestations of elite material culture in the archaeological monuments of the Brest region. The main approaches to the study of elite culture in the humanities are considered. An understanding of the essence of elite culture and elite materials for an archaeologist is expressed. The article presents preliminary results of studies of elite materials from archaeological collections collected by the author during the study of nobility estates and residences of the Modern period on the territory of the south-west Brest region. The materials under consideration are organized by functional groups and methods of complex demonstration: clothing accessories and costume jewellery, weapons and equipment of the rider, cutlery and dishes, and things for home leisure. It is noted that elite materials from the archaeological collections of nobility estates and residences of the XVI–XIX centuries. in the Brest region, having a small number of extracted collections in the composition, allow us to pay attention to the processes of social competition in the middle of the nobility class itself in the south-west of Belarus. The conducted research outlines the prospects for archaeologists of an in-depth interdisciplinary study of the material culture of the gentry class of the Modern period. Key words: elite materials, nobility, archeology, manor, residence, Modern period.
48
Seliverstova, Natalya M. "Conflict of Military Governor A.N. Muravyov with Nizhny Novgorod Nobility during the Peasant Reform." RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 546–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-4-546-558.
Full textAbstract:
The author analyzes complex relationships between military governor of the Nizhny Novgorod province A.N. Muravyov and the local nobility during the preparation and implementation of the peasant reform of 1861, as well as the trace that they left in historical memory twenty years later. There are considered the personalized mechanism of interaction between the government and society at the micro-social level, the method of resolving conflicts, including through appeals to higher authorities. The subjective and objective reasons for the enmity are revealed, including the experience of confrontation between the main protagonists during the Decembrist uprising, the consistent expansion of the circle of participants in the conflict, due to the inclusion of the governor’s supporters among the nobility after his resignation. The purpose of the study is to identify the peculiarities of social behavior of officials and noblemen through the analysis of correspondence between government officials and local nobility. The author found that the bureaucracy was always guided by the viewpoint of the monarch, and members of the nobility were much more independent in words and actions. This type of behavior was consistent with the privileged role of the upper class in the Russian Empire, especially in the pre-reform period. The conflict between the military governor and the local nobility was reflected in the controversial memories of A.N. Muravyov and his contribution to the abolition of serfdom in the Nizhny Novgorod province. The officials remembered A.N. Muravyov as an exponent of the will of the Tsar Liberator.
49
Samsul, Samsul, and Zuli Qodir. "Politics of the Nobility: The Study of Growing Capital Andi in the Mayor`s Election of Palopo 2013-2018." JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 9, no. 1 (June 17, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v9i1.3412.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this research is to find out what causes the weakening of the capital of Andi's nobility in Palopo City in the selection of candidates for mayor and what is the role of Andi's nobility in political contestation. This type of research is descriptive qualitative. The results showed that the capital owned by Andi's aristocracy in Palopo City was. First, the social capital built by Andi's nobility had not been carried out in a structured way from relations with the general public, community leaders, with community organizations, to officials in the bureaucracy and most importantly, Political parties. Second, economic capital is an important thing that used in the Mayor Election contestation in the City of Palopo, Bangsawan Andi figure who escaped as a candidate for mayor does not yet have sufficient capital in terms of funds. Third, the cultural capital owned by Bangsawan Andi, who escaped as a candidate for mayor, still lacked a high bargaining value in political contestation in Palopo City. Fourth, the Symbolic Capital is a capital that sufficiently calculated in the mayor election dispute in Palopo City, namely the title of nobility obtained from the blood of the descendants of the Luwu kings, only it must be accompanied by other capital to elected in political contestation.
50
Varga, B. "ROLE OF HAJDUKS AND COSSACKS IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURY HUNGARIAN AND UKRAINIAN SOCIETY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 139 (2018): 14–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.139.02.
Full textAbstract:
The intent of the research is to determine viewpoints for the comparative analysis of the Hungarian Hajduks and the Ukrainian Cossacks. During the period spanning from the end of the 15th century up to the 1570’s, Cossacks, similarly to Hajduks, began to take shape as a new social phenomenon, yet legally they still did not exist. Registered Cossacks and royal Hajduks as such were legally recognised, thus they gained a distinguished position in contemporary society despite the fact that hard as they tried, the title of nobility was yet unavailable to them. After comparing the position of Ukrainian Cossacks and Hungarian Hajduks in society, it can be stated that they constituted an “intermediate” social category between nobility and villeins, and they became a mass phenomenon in society only at the end of the 16th century.