Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nobility – Russia – History

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Academic literature on the topic 'Nobility – Russia – History'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Nobility – Russia – History"

1

Herlihy, Patricia, and Seymour Becker. "Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 1 (1987): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204755.

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Hamburg, G. M., and Seymour Becker. "Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864066.

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Klietkutė, Jolanta. "Genealogy of Mongirdai Nobility." Bibliotheca Lituana 6 (December 20, 2019): 121–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/bibllita.2018.vi.8.

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The Author dealswith the forgotten history of the Mongird family of Samogitia. After conductinganalysis of Mongirdai family, genealogical table was compiled. According to statististics, extended family was active in both number of persons and in geographical distribution. Mongird(as) descendantsspread over much of the territory of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth – formally, the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and, after 1791, the Commonwealth of Poland and Tsar Russia (Russian Empire). Family itself Most members of the extended family bacame of priests, doctors,officers, artists, and public figures. For example, two brothers Vladislovas and Vytautas from a Mongird Mišučiai Manor became well known active participants inthe Lithuanian – Polish Nationalrevival back in 1863–1864. Their cousin patriot Vaclovas, a resident of Vilnius Town, who was fighting in the ranks of Polish Legion, and cousin Jadvyga Mongirdaitė were laid in Vilnius Pameriai Memorial. Their Grandmother Michalina Bankauskaitė was a great supporter of a Revival of 1863–1864. There are some unsolved relations and issues between the names of Mangirdaitis and Mongirdas that have notbeen identified yet. In the other words, Lithuanian genealogists and other researchers stillhave to work diligently (closely) to investigate and revive the history of this old Mongird tribe.
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 Saevskaya, Maria A. "Yu.F. Samarin and Discussions on the All-class Zemstvo in the Works of Russian Conservatives in Post-reform Russia." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 54 (May 20, 2019): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-93-101.

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Local self-administration was introduced in Russia by the Tsar Alexander II “Liberator” in 1864 and became one of the most important political events in the Russian Empire of that time. The new reform immediately sparked vigorous discussions on how exactly the Russian Zemstvo should be organized. The question of the role and importance of classes in Zemstvo institutions became most important. The Russian conservatives were also looking for the answer. Some of them considered that it was necessary to defend the old imperial order and the dominant role of the nobility, others hoped that Zemstvo would become a nationwide force based on the principle of the participation of all classes. Yu. F. Samarin, Zemstvo leader, Slavophil and the author of the most prominent project on the history of Zemstvo in Russia, supported the second alternative. He consistently criticized the idyll of the nobility domination in Zemstvo, asserted the ability of the peasants for self-government, and supported introducing the principle of all-classes representation in Zemstvo institutions of the Russian empire.
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Zhitko, Anatolij. "Discriminative Economic Policy of the Russian Government Towards the Catholic Nobility of Belarus (Second Half of the 19th Century – the Beginning of the 20th Century)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.8.

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Introduction. The upper class of Belarus within the Russian Empire attracted the attention of researchers. However, the restrictive economic policy of the Russian government towards the nobility of the Roman Catholic faith has not been the subject of special study. The aim of the article is to identify the main aspects of the discriminative policy of the autocracy against the Catholic nobility of Belarus in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Methodology. The study is based on the fundamental principles of historical knowledge – historicism, objectivity, value-based approach, and traditional general scientific and concrete historical methods were used to implement the research tasks. Results. In 1858 in the Belarusian provinces the hereditary nobility made up one third of the upper class of the European part of Russia. The implementation of the “parsing the shliahta” policy led to a sharp reduction in the Catholic nobility by 1865. The government sought to economically undermine the economic activities of the Catholic nobility and equalize Russian and Catholic land ownership in the Belarusian region. This was reflected in the preferential sale of sequestered and confiscated estates, the prohibition of land purchases by Catholics, all kinds of fines and especially through contribution fee and a tax to support the Orthodox clergy. Conclusion. The government’s discriminative policy towards Catholic nobility was aimed at curbing the economic activity of “the Poles” in Belarus. The main elements of its implementation were the sequestration and confiscation of the estates of Catholics who directly or indirectly participated in the uprising of 1863–1864, various fines, the prohibition of the purchase of land holdings, contribution fee, taxes on maintaining the Orthodox Church, etc. At the same time, this policy did not lead to the expected results. At the beginning of the 20th century the Catholic nobility outnumbered the Russian nobility in land ownership.
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Chernikova, Nataliia, and Iryna Karpan. "O. O. Bobrynskyi and the State Duma: views and activities." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 1 (December 4, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200111.

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The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.
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Fallows, Thomas, and Seymour Becker. "Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia." Russian Review 47, no. 3 (July 1988): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130606.

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8

Ponomareva, M. A. "Images of Relations between Nobility and Peasantry in Russian Liberal Literature in Late 19th — Early 20th Centuries." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 4 (April 21, 2021): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-4-391-409.

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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the representation of relations between the nobility and the peasantry in Russian liberal thought at the cusp of XIX—XX centuries. A review of the existing historiography on the problem is carried out, the main attention is paid to the emerging from the middle 1980s the traditions of studying the liberal intelligentsia in Russia and the peculiarities of the relationship between the “educated minority and the peasant world”, an analysis of the latest scientific literature is presented. Special attention is paid to the main research approaches to the study of the topic, microhistorical, positional and other approaches, the concept of “new local history” is highlighted and the need for their complex use is declared. The results of a comparative analysis of various groups of sources are presented: reminiscence and memoirs, periodicals, statistical materials, correspondence. The question is raised about the differences in the self-identification of the Russian nobility, as well as in the mutual representations of the two most important estates of post-reform Russia. The novelty of the study is seen in the fact that, on the basis of new methodological approaches, several images of relations between the nobility and the peasantry have been identified at the cusp of XIX—XX centuries: the image of the “new entrepreneurial type”, “guardianship” and “preservation of traditions”, conventionally “lordly”, as well as the image of “free action”; their distinctive characteristics are given. The proposed classification is due to the main ideas of the Russian nobility about the peasants in the context of the institutionalization of liberal ideology.
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Rieber, Alfred J. "Politics and Technology in Eighteenth-Century Russia." Science in Context 8, no. 2 (1995): 341–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700002052.

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The ArgumentThe question posed by this paper is why the Russian autocracy failed to pursue successfully Peter the Great's conscious policy of creating a society dominated by technique and competitive with technological levels achieved by Western Europe. The brief answer is that Peter's idea of a cultural revolution that would create new values and institutions hospitable to the introduction of technology clashed with powerful interests within society. The political opposition centered around three groups which were indispensable to the state in fulfilling his vision: the nobility, the clergy, and the scientific establishment. Peter's original intention was to combine theoretical models and technology transfer from the West with educational reforms in Russia to produce new cadres of technical specialists. He attempted to adapt the Leibniz-Wolff cosmology to Russian conditions in order to reconcile ideological conflicts between military service and technical training, science and religion, theory and practice. The embodiment of his ideas in Russian science and religion were Mikhail Lomonosov and Feofan Prokopovich. Under his successors Peter's supporters encountered increased resistance: from the nobility to technical education, from the clergy to the scientific outlook, and from the Academy of Sciences to practical work. All three interest groups were willing to sacrifice real political rights for a recognition by the states of their autonomy to define their social roles. In the end the compromise was effected at the expense of Peter's ideal of the society dominated by technique.
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Kovba, Viktor I., Yevgeniy A. Chugunov, and Ol'ga D. Chugunova. "Military historian’s fate in the context of the country’s history (Aleksandr de Lazari: military commander, teacher, oppression victim)." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 2 (2019): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-2-38-43.

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The authors of the article drawn on a wide range of historical materials examine the course of life and the teaching as well as research activities of the fi rst historian of nuclear, biological and chemical defence corps of Russia, Major General, Professor Aleksandr de Lazari, who signifi cantly contributed to the development of the country’s polemology and the higher military education system of Soviet Russia in the 1930s and fell victim to the Stalinist repressions. The authors study his biography, and they come to the conclusion that it has some similarities with Russian offi cers, intellectuals, scientists and teachers at a turn of the history of Russia. However, Aleksandr de Lazari fully shared the tragic fate of the nobility, and perhaps of his generation, and his country on the whole. It is concluded in the article that his numerous military-historical and other scientifi c works have been topical and remain so for the modern era. Keywords: military history, military academy, General Staff, chemical weapons, World War I, offi cer, scientifi c works.
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Books on the topic "Nobility – Russia – History"

1

Nobility and privilege in late Imperial Russia. DeKalb, Ill: Northern Illinois University Press, 1985.

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The Russian countess: Escaping revolutionary Russia. Exeter [England]: Impress Books, 2009.

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Sollohub, Edith. The Russian countess: Escaping revolutionary Russia. Exeter [England]: Impress Books, 2009.

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4

Sestan, Lapo. Nabiltà di sangue e nobiltà di servizio nella Russia del '700. Napoli: Dipartimento di studi dell'Europa orientale, I.U.O., 1996.

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1860-1937, Volkonskīĭ Sergi͡eĭ kni͡azʹ, and Volkonskīĭ Sergi͡eĭ kni͡azʹ 1860-1937, eds. Vospominanii͡a: O dekabristakh po semeĭnym vospominanii͡am ; Razgovory. Moskva: "Iskusstvo", 1994.

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Romanovy, Naryshkiny i ikh potomki. [Schuylkill Haven, PA: Hermitage, 2007.

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I︠U︡din, E. E. Kni︠a︡zʹi︠a︡ I︠U︡supovy: Aristokraticheskai︠a︡ semʹi︠a︡ v pozdneimperskoĭ Rossii, 1890-1916 = The Princes Yusupovs : an Aristocratic Family in the Late-Imperial Russia, 1890-1916. Moskva: Rossiĭskiĭ gosudarstvennyĭ gumanitarnyĭ universitet, 2012.

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Kli͡uchevskiĭ, V. O. Boi︠a︡rskai︠a︡ Duma Drevneĭ Rusi ; Dobrye li︠u︡di Drevneĭ Rusi. Moskva: "Ladomir", 1994.

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From splendor to revolution: The Romanov women, 1847-1928. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2011.

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Black, Cyril E. (Cyril Edwin), 1915-1989, ed. Russia: On the eve of war and revolution. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nobility – Russia – History"

1

Kislova, Ekaterina, Tatiana Kostina, and Vladislav Rjéoutski. "Learning grammar in eighteenth-century Russia." In The History of Grammar in Foreign Language Teaching. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463724616_ch07.

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In eighteenth-century Russia, Latin was the main language of tuition in Church seminaries and the grammatical approach played a very important role. In schools for nobility, the word ‘grammar’ was hardly used for living languages. Early grammar teaching was combined with translation, dialogue memorization, reading, etc. The shift in focus towards more grammar in French and German classes had likely begun by the middle of the century, and was related to the general proliferation of the grammatical approach. A greater emphasis was placed on analysing grammatical form. These changes mark a shift away from the syncretic language learning approach of the Age of Enlightenment towards a new age characterised by the increasing separation of the aspects of language learning and the erosion of the links between them.
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"Latin In The Education Of Nobility In Russia: The History Of A Defeat." In Language Choice in Enlightenment Europe, 169–90. Amsterdam University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789048535507-007.

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Tiurin, Sergei Sergeevich. "The Labours of Heracles in Russian Art, in the Writings of Chroniclers, Russian Scientists and Enlighteners (10th – 19th centuries)." In Развитие науки и образования, 5–67. Publishing house Sreda, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-21682.

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The article shows the image of Heracles – the greatest hero of ancient Greece – in early Russian art, as well as in the writings of chroniclers, scholars and enlighteners of the 10–19th centuries. It is established that throughout the history of Ancient Rus and then of Russia, Hercules was perceived with an exceptionally positive side, despite the pagan roots of his image. Condemnation occasionally was the fact of his deification by the Greeks and Romans. The image of Heracles was positively adopted by the Orthodox Church, which relied on the Byzantine doctrine, where Heracles was also viewed as a charitable fighter of monsters and a defender of people from evil. As a result or research it was revealed that Heracles had exceptional popularity in Russian art and literature, where he performed in a classical Hellenistic manner. He remained the standard of physical strength, human power and at the same time – a model of nobility, the ruler of the twelve great labours. The article contains materials from the author's monograph with the working title «Twelve of Labours of Heracles in ancient literature and numismatics».
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Diaz-Andreu, Margarita. "Archaeology and the Liberal Revolutions (c. 1820–1860): Nation, Race, and Language in the Study of Europe’s Past." In A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology. Oxford University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199217175.003.0021.

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There was no return to the Ancien Régime after Napoleon’s downfall in 1815. Firstly, the early nineteenth-century economy was increasingly strengthened by the industrial, imperial and trading expansion of the European powers throughout the world (Chapters 5 to 10), which helped to stimulate Western Europe’s financial growth. Adding immeasurable impetus to this movement was the territorial expansion of Russia and the US, and later in the century other countries such as Japan contributed by broadening their frontiers manifold (Chapters 9 and 10). Factors such as these accelerated the enlargement and aspirations of the middle classes, who were precisely the group leading most of the revolutionary activity in the first half of the nineteenth century. Secondly, the reforms in administration made the state machine more efficient than that of the Ancien Régime and this impeded a full restoration of the old order. Also, for the efficient functioning of the state, the enthusiasm with which educated individuals identified with the nation was extremely important to ensure their loyalty. The late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century socio-political revolutions had brought a series of new meanings to concepts such as conservatism, liberal, democrat, party, and the distinction between left and right (Roberts 1996: 21). For example, liberalism was a doctrine that favoured ‘progress’ and ‘reform’. It was also linked with the type of nationalism that the French Revolution had promoted with the sovereignty of nations and the belief that all citizens were equal in the eyes of the law (although at this time ‘citizenship’, as propagated by the proponents of this doctrine, mainly meant the prosperous classes and male citizens). For progressive liberals, it was not only the established states that had the right to be a nation. The nationalist sentiments and claims by Greeks, Slovaks, Czechs, Brazilians, Mexicans, Hungarians, and a myriad of would-be nations, illustrate the growth of the widespread notion of nationhood that reached to other people with distinctive pasts and cultures. Liberals also had to confront, or negotiate with, the reactionary forces that brought down Napoleon in 1815. They were mainly made up of the nobility, and also supported by conservative intellectuals.
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Rjéoutski, Vladislav. "Native Tongues and Foreign Languages in the Education of the Russian Nobility:." In The History of Language Learning and Teaching I, 129–44. Modern Humanities Research Association, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv16km0ns.12.

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Bartal, Israel. "Loyalty to the Crown or Polish Patriotism? The Metamorphoses of an Anti-Polish Story of the 1863 Insurrection." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 1, 81–95. Liverpool University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113171.003.0008.

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This chapter assesses the 1863 Polish insurrection, which had significant echoes in the Jewish society of Eastern Europe. That community, dispersed throughout the diverse areas of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, often found itself in a situation which recurred a number of times in 19th- and 20th-century Jewish history: between the hammer of the Empire and the anvil of the autochtonic nation aspiring for independence. Resolving the matter of which side to favour was often an urgent, concrete question. On the one hand, the Jews were faithful to a long tradition of loyalty to the Crown, a tradition which grew stronger in the decades preceding the Rebellion even in haskalah circles; on the other hand, the Polish nobility and broad strata in Eastern-European Jewish society had been closely associated for many generations, an association still very strong in the mid-19th century. Jewish memoirs offer many descriptions of the Jews' situation during the Polish uprisings against the Russian regime in 1831 and 1863. Those Jews who had drawn closer to Polish culture identified with the Polish objectives. The Polish side, however, demonstrated lack of faith in the Jews and oftentimes accused them of spying for the Russians.
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Emilio, Mari. "At the origins of “dachа topos”:marginalia of an unfinished work by Yu.M. Lotman." In Russian Estate in the World Context, 128–42. A.M. Gorky Institute of World literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/978-5-9208-0623-9-128-142.

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In the autumn of 1991, two years before his death, at the invitation of the Pushkinsky Fond, Lotman began working on a 3-volume history of the Russian nobility through the everyday life of the Durnovo family from St. Petersburg. The second volume was published posthumously in 1996, but all that remains of the third is the introductory fragment entitled «Kamen’ i trava». Despite its brevity and incompleteness, this essay nevertheless deserves attention, because it leads us to reflect on a fundamental rupture in pre-revolutionary cultural history, namely the disintegration of the dual structure of Russian society (aristocracy–peasants) and the rise of a “third” class between them: the urban middle class. Lotman, like Chekhov before him, traces this passage focusing on changes in the noble country estate: its slow degradation and its progressive “democratization” and transformation into dacha. Drawing on heterogeneous sources, from high poetry to mass literature, the scholar offers reflections of astonishing insight and perception that, if reread in the light of the cultural and anthropological debate developed in the 25 years since the author’s death, help to understand the roots of contemporary practices and phenomena such as mass tourism, changes in taste and the affirmation of kitsch, the weakening of cultural and epistemological categories that were once “strong” like the Self and the Other, the Here and the Elsewhere.
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Kravtsov, Sergey R. "A Synagogue in Olyka: Architecture and Legends." In Jewishness, 58–84. Liverpool University Press, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113454.003.0003.

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This chapter examines Olyka's main synagogue, known as the Great Synagogue, reconstructing it as a virtual site of memory. At the centre of a fertile area populated by Ukrainians and ruled at different times by members of the Ruthenian/Ukrainian, Polish, and Lithuanian nobility, it attracted a community of Jews, who settled there and plied their various trades and crafts for three and a half centuries. Though these activities connected them to the local population and to the rulers of the city, the Jews preserved their identity in a local population dominated by Christian denominations, including Orthodox, Calvinist, and Greek and Roman Catholic. Central to both Jewish and Christian communities was the visible sacred symbol of the synagogue or church, and in their synagogue architecture, Jews felt a need to substantiate a Jewish presence, organized around their sacred space, in their own eyes and in the eyes of other communities. Belarusian, Ukrainian, Russian, and Polish historiographies are informative concerning the Jewish past of Olyka, while Jewish sources are largely silent, or give a legendary narrative of events. Thus, both legend and history contribute to the construction of a place of memory.
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