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1
Herlihy, Patricia, and Seymour Becker. "Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 1 (1987): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204755.
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Hamburg, G. M., and Seymour Becker. "Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864066.
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Klietkutė, Jolanta. "Genealogy of Mongirdai Nobility." Bibliotheca Lituana 6 (December 20, 2019): 121–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/bibllita.2018.vi.8.
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The Author dealswith the forgotten history of the Mongird family of Samogitia. After conductinganalysis of Mongirdai family, genealogical table was compiled. According to statististics, extended family was active in both number of persons and in geographical distribution. Mongird(as) descendantsspread over much of the territory of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth – formally, the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and, after 1791, the Commonwealth of Poland and Tsar Russia (Russian Empire). Family itself Most members of the extended family bacame of priests, doctors,officers, artists, and public figures. For example, two brothers Vladislovas and Vytautas from a Mongird Mišučiai Manor became well known active participants inthe Lithuanian – Polish Nationalrevival back in 1863–1864. Their cousin patriot Vaclovas, a resident of Vilnius Town, who was fighting in the ranks of Polish Legion, and cousin Jadvyga Mongirdaitė were laid in Vilnius Pameriai Memorial. Their Grandmother Michalina Bankauskaitė was a great supporter of a Revival of 1863–1864. There are some unsolved relations and issues between the names of Mangirdaitis and Mongirdas that have notbeen identified yet. In the other words, Lithuanian genealogists and other researchers stillhave to work diligently (closely) to investigate and revive the history of this old Mongird tribe.
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Saevskaya, Maria A. "Yu.F. Samarin and Discussions on the All-class Zemstvo in the Works of Russian Conservatives in Post-reform Russia." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 54 (May 20, 2019): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-2-93-101.
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Local self-administration was introduced in Russia by the Tsar Alexander II “Liberator” in 1864 and became one of the most important political events in the Russian Empire of that time. The new reform immediately sparked vigorous discussions on how exactly the Russian Zemstvo should be organized. The question of the role and importance of classes in Zemstvo institutions became most important. The Russian conservatives were also looking for the answer. Some of them considered that it was necessary to defend the old imperial order and the dominant role of the nobility, others hoped that Zemstvo would become a nationwide force based on the principle of the participation of all classes. Yu. F. Samarin, Zemstvo leader, Slavophil and the author of the most prominent project on the history of Zemstvo in Russia, supported the second alternative. He consistently criticized the idyll of the nobility domination in Zemstvo, asserted the ability of the peasants for self-government, and supported introducing the principle of all-classes representation in Zemstvo institutions of the Russian empire.
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Zhitko, Anatolij. "Discriminative Economic Policy of the Russian Government Towards the Catholic Nobility of Belarus (Second Half of the 19th Century – the Beginning of the 20th Century)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2021): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.4.8.
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Introduction. The upper class of Belarus within the Russian Empire attracted the attention of researchers. However, the restrictive economic policy of the Russian government towards the nobility of the Roman Catholic faith has not been the subject of special study. The aim of the article is to identify the main aspects of the discriminative policy of the autocracy against the Catholic nobility of Belarus in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Methodology. The study is based on the fundamental principles of historical knowledge – historicism, objectivity, value-based approach, and traditional general scientific and concrete historical methods were used to implement the research tasks. Results. In 1858 in the Belarusian provinces the hereditary nobility made up one third of the upper class of the European part of Russia. The implementation of the “parsing the shliahta” policy led to a sharp reduction in the Catholic nobility by 1865. The government sought to economically undermine the economic activities of the Catholic nobility and equalize Russian and Catholic land ownership in the Belarusian region. This was reflected in the preferential sale of sequestered and confiscated estates, the prohibition of land purchases by Catholics, all kinds of fines and especially through contribution fee and a tax to support the Orthodox clergy. Conclusion. The government’s discriminative policy towards Catholic nobility was aimed at curbing the economic activity of “the Poles” in Belarus. The main elements of its implementation were the sequestration and confiscation of the estates of Catholics who directly or indirectly participated in the uprising of 1863–1864, various fines, the prohibition of the purchase of land holdings, contribution fee, taxes on maintaining the Orthodox Church, etc. At the same time, this policy did not lead to the expected results. At the beginning of the 20th century the Catholic nobility outnumbered the Russian nobility in land ownership.
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Chernikova, Nataliia, and Iryna Karpan. "O. O. Bobrynskyi and the State Duma: views and activities." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 1 (December 4, 2020): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200111.
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The purpose of the article is to reveal to reveal directions of O. O. Bobrynskyi’s socio- political and state activity in 1905–1911. Research methods: historical-genetic, historical-comparative, descriptive, historical-typological, system-structural. Main results. O. Bobrynskyi belonged to the famous noble family of landowners, owners of sugar factories of the Russian Empire. Therefore, he actively defended the interests of the nobility and autocracy. He believed that the consolidation of the nobility was necessary to maintain its dominant position in the state, especially after the revolutionary events of 1905. His practical steps to establish the organizational centers of the conservative nobility, its politicization and participation in the processes of state formation are revealed. The attention is focused on the role of O. Bobrynskyi in the development of organizational and ideological foundations, ensuring the practical activity of the United Nobility as a leading force in the political mechanism of Russia at that time. O. Bobrynskyi made the United Nobility congresses look like a parliament, which formed views of the conservative nobility on current state problems. As a result, their agrarian and electoral reform projects have largely become the basis of government reform. Thus, the nobility was able to form a majority in the Duma of the 3rd convocation, and O. Bobrynskyi became a deputy too. The nature and content his parliamentary activity, legislative initiatives and efforts to establish a regime of cooperation and partnership in the State Duma are revealed. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of political struggle were monitored. O. Bobrynskyi constantly tried to strike the optimal political balance between the right parties of the Duma to support the political platform developed at the meetings of the United Nobility. Much attention is paid to the analysis of the content and character of O. Bobrynskyi’s speech, the essential features, specifics, the evolution of his political platform, realized during his political career. Practical significance. Possibility of using the obtained results for writing monographs, general researches, textbooks and manuals dedicated to the Russian history, history of socio-political organizations, parties and movements, representative and state institutions, political elite of the Russian Empire; for creating and teaching normative and special courses in Russian history, political and social history at universities, colleges etc. Scientific novelty. O. O. Bobrynskyi’s steps to create the optimal political balance between the right-wing Duma parties in order to lobby the United Nobility political platform are outlined. The dynamics of changes in the tactics, forms and methods of his political struggle were monitored. Article type: explanation.
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Fallows, Thomas, and Seymour Becker. "Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia." Russian Review 47, no. 3 (July 1988): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/130606.
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Ponomareva, M. A. "Images of Relations between Nobility and Peasantry in Russian Liberal Literature in Late 19th — Early 20th Centuries." Nauchnyi dialog, no. 4 (April 21, 2021): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2021-4-391-409.
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The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the representation of relations between the nobility and the peasantry in Russian liberal thought at the cusp of XIX—XX centuries. A review of the existing historiography on the problem is carried out, the main attention is paid to the emerging from the middle 1980s the traditions of studying the liberal intelligentsia in Russia and the peculiarities of the relationship between the “educated minority and the peasant world”, an analysis of the latest scientific literature is presented. Special attention is paid to the main research approaches to the study of the topic, microhistorical, positional and other approaches, the concept of “new local history” is highlighted and the need for their complex use is declared. The results of a comparative analysis of various groups of sources are presented: reminiscence and memoirs, periodicals, statistical materials, correspondence. The question is raised about the differences in the self-identification of the Russian nobility, as well as in the mutual representations of the two most important estates of post-reform Russia. The novelty of the study is seen in the fact that, on the basis of new methodological approaches, several images of relations between the nobility and the peasantry have been identified at the cusp of XIX—XX centuries: the image of the “new entrepreneurial type”, “guardianship” and “preservation of traditions”, conventionally “lordly”, as well as the image of “free action”; their distinctive characteristics are given. The proposed classification is due to the main ideas of the Russian nobility about the peasants in the context of the institutionalization of liberal ideology.
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Rieber, Alfred J. "Politics and Technology in Eighteenth-Century Russia." Science in Context 8, no. 2 (1995): 341–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700002052.
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The ArgumentThe question posed by this paper is why the Russian autocracy failed to pursue successfully Peter the Great's conscious policy of creating a society dominated by technique and competitive with technological levels achieved by Western Europe. The brief answer is that Peter's idea of a cultural revolution that would create new values and institutions hospitable to the introduction of technology clashed with powerful interests within society. The political opposition centered around three groups which were indispensable to the state in fulfilling his vision: the nobility, the clergy, and the scientific establishment. Peter's original intention was to combine theoretical models and technology transfer from the West with educational reforms in Russia to produce new cadres of technical specialists. He attempted to adapt the Leibniz-Wolff cosmology to Russian conditions in order to reconcile ideological conflicts between military service and technical training, science and religion, theory and practice. The embodiment of his ideas in Russian science and religion were Mikhail Lomonosov and Feofan Prokopovich. Under his successors Peter's supporters encountered increased resistance: from the nobility to technical education, from the clergy to the scientific outlook, and from the Academy of Sciences to practical work. All three interest groups were willing to sacrifice real political rights for a recognition by the states of their autonomy to define their social roles. In the end the compromise was effected at the expense of Peter's ideal of the society dominated by technique.
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Kovba, Viktor I., Yevgeniy A. Chugunov, and Ol'ga D. Chugunova. "Military historian’s fate in the context of the country’s history (Aleksandr de Lazari: military commander, teacher, oppression victim)." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 2 (2019): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-2-38-43.
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The authors of the article drawn on a wide range of historical materials examine the course of life and the teaching as well as research activities of the fi rst historian of nuclear, biological and chemical defence corps of Russia, Major General, Professor Aleksandr de Lazari, who signifi cantly contributed to the development of the country’s polemology and the higher military education system of Soviet Russia in the 1930s and fell victim to the Stalinist repressions. The authors study his biography, and they come to the conclusion that it has some similarities with Russian offi cers, intellectuals, scientists and teachers at a turn of the history of Russia. However, Aleksandr de Lazari fully shared the tragic fate of the nobility, and perhaps of his generation, and his country on the whole. It is concluded in the article that his numerous military-historical and other scientifi c works have been topical and remain so for the modern era. Keywords: military history, military academy, General Staff, chemical weapons, World War I, offi cer, scientifi c works.
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Tsitkilov, Petr. "The crisis of Russian religious consciousness as a factor of revolutionary discontinuity in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 11-2 (November 1, 2020): 254–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202011statyi48.
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Based on the statements of contemporaries of that era - prominent bishops, hierarchs of the Russian Orthodox Church, press materials, regulatory and other documents, the article considers the problem of the crisis of Russian religious consciousness in pre-revolutionary Russia. Based on the method of generalization of spatio-temporal characteristics (typological), an argument is given of its main causes. The historical and anthropological method allowed us to study the period under review through its perception in the minds of famous contemporaries - Saint Righteous John of Kronstadt, Archbishop Nikon (Rozhdestvensky), Metropolitan Veniamin (Fedchenkov), etc. Using the method of comparative analysis, it was possible to identify the specifics of the influence on the origin and development of the religious crisis consciousness of various social strata and social classes (nobility, intelligentsia, clergy).
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Lukowski, Jerzy. "Recasting Utopia: Montesquieu, Rousseau and the Polish constitution of 3 May 1791." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014709.
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ABSTRACTBetween the sixteenth and eighteengh centuries, the nobility of the Polish–Lithuanian commonwealth had developed an ideology of extreme individualism and libertarianism, within a correspondingly weak and decentralized state structure. The first partition of 1772 starkly revealed the weaknesses of the Polish polity, but any hopes of major political overhaul were frustrated by the dead hand of Russian ambassadorial policing. The war of 1787–92 with Turkey proved a temporary distraction for Russia, which the Polish parliament of 1788–92 showed itself only partly capable of exploiting. Factional conflicts and a wary conservatism hampered reforms: the ideas of Montesquieu and Rousseau, which closely complemented so many aspects of traditional Polish noble ideology, seemed to offer the most acceptable way forward, culminating in the constitution of 3 May 1791, a compromise between enlightened idealism and political pragmatism.
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Nolte, Hans-Heinrich. "‘The Tsar Gave the Order and the Boyars Assented’." Medieval History Journal 19, no. 2 (October 2016): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945816658573.
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It is argued that the political institutions of Muscovite Russia (Tsarstvo, adequately translated as kingdom in the early-modern times)—the meeting of the sobor (land) with its three voting bodies and the council of boyars (Duma) on the level of the Tsardom of Russia. As a whole, they were instruments of finding consensus between the Tsar and the powerful and rich groups of the ‘country’ (Zemlja) such as Church, nobility and big merchants. On the local level, autonomy and cooperation with the center in Moscow was established in the self-government (Mir) of villages and town-quarters (Sloboda), which also organised tax raising and other services for the government as quartering troops. Institutions of local law-enforcement (Guba) cooperated with the Ministry for law enforcement (razbojnik prikaz) in Moscow. Peter I (in the French way, by not convoking the sobor, ending the boyars’ council and founding new institutions in a new capital) established absolutism and Empire in Russia. As Putin said, ‘Historiography should neither date that change back nor render an image of Russia as immobile and centralistic by nature nor idealize the pre-Petrine system rendering an image of a ‘real Russia’ back in times.’
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Raeff, Marc. "The 18th-Century Nobility and the Search for a New Political Culture in Russia." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 1, no. 4 (2000): 769–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2008.0024.
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Dunning, Chester. "The Rarities of Russia (1662): A Pamphlet Ghostwritten by John Milton." Canadian–American Slavic Studies 47, no. 3 (2013): 347–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04703010.
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In 1662 a pamphlet was published in London under the title The Rarities of Russia. Although it was ostensibly written by a merchant named William White, internal evidence reveals that it was written by John Milton, the author of Paradise Lost. It is well known that Milton penned a study of Russia during the 1640s, but his Moscovia manuscript remained unpublished during the poet’s lifetime. When a little book finally appeared in print in 1682 as A Brief History of Moscovia, Milton’s study of Russia was quickly dismissed as inconsequential. Today it is still considered to be his least significant prose work. In fact, the main problem with A Brief History of Moscovia is that it is simply incomplete. Most of the description of Russia that Milton had included in his Moscovia manuscript (on topics such as Russia’s climate, its commodities, people, religion, laws, and customs, the tsar’s court, his government and its revenues, the nobility, and the tsar’s military forces and their weaponry) ended up in The Rarities of Russia. Here is the complete text of that curious pamphlet that was ghostwritten by John Milton while he was composing his long poem.
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Mariskin, Oleg I. "NOBLE LAND OWNERSHIP IN SIMBIRSK PROVINCE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX – EARLY XX CENTURY." Economic History 15, no. 2 (June 29, 2019): 147–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.045.015.201902.147-153.
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Introduction. The most important event that determined the agrarian development of Russia in the second half of the XIX – early XX century was the abolition of serfdom in 1861. The agrarian reform was a great shock not only for the peasant economy, but also for the landowner estates of Russia, raising the question of the economic viability of the nobility as a subject of economic relations. Materials and Methods. A comprehensive study of the regional features of the evolution of the noble economy in the second half of the XIX – early XX century allows you to identify the main trends and patterns of the studied processes and phenomena, which contributes to filling numerous gaps in the history of the nobility, its legal status, socio-economic status, economic activity and land tenure dynamics. Results. In the post-reform period, the growing need of landlords for mortgage loans associated with the mobilization of land and the tasks of modernizing noble economies. The government initially hoped to satisfy through those that emerged in the 1870s private land banks. In connection with the continued difficulties with loans for the local nobility in 1885, the State Nobility Land Bank was created. Analysis of land tenure statistics in Simbirsk province in the second half of the XIX – early XX centuries shows a sharp reduction in the number of land owned by the nobles. By 1905 in the Simbirsk province noble land tenure decreased by 48,4 %. Discussion and Conclusions. The activity of the State Noble Land Bank in the territory of Simbirsk province helped the local nobles to obtain the sums of money necessary for the modernization of their farms, but the soft loan provided to them could not prevent a further reduction in noble land tenure.
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Smith-Peter, Susan, and Vyacheslav V. Shevtsov. "Russian Society at a Provincial Scale." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, no. 4 (2016): 439–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05004004.
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Over the course of the nineteenth century, Russian ideas of society (obshchestvo) shifted from being limited to the noble estate to referring to educated people more broadly. This article is the first to explore how this shift played out on the pages of provincial newspapers (gubernskie vedomosti) in European Russia and Siberia, which were government-run periodicals that included an unofficial section in which local intellectuals could and did discuss the meaning of society at different scales, from the small size of the district to the vastness of Siberia. Russians both ordinary and extraordinary wrote for the provincial newspapers, expressing their views that: 1) nobles were society; 2) nobles should lead and enlighten a broader, multi-estate society; or, 3) society consisted of all educated groups, primarily the nobility and the clergy, but also the merchantry. Envisioning society at a smaller scale allowed the connections between estates to became more evident.
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Вознесенская, И. А. "Patents of Rank in Russia in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries (Патенты на чин в России XVIII–XIX вв.)." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 50, no. 2 (2016): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05002004.
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This article examines the history of patents of rank, not to be confused with patents of nobility, in Russia from their introduction in 1714 to their elimination as a result of the reforms of the 1860s. Patents of rank as a formal documentary credential confirming the holder’s rank is one of the largest coherent sets of documents available, yet has received very little interest from researchers until now. This article explores the development of the format and texts of these patents on the basis of legal acts published in the Complete Collection of Laws of the Russian Empire, various archival documents, and the texts of the patents themselves (drawn from collections in the Library of the Academy of Sciences, BAN; the Military-Historical Museum of Artillery, Engineers, and Communications Forces, VIMAIViVS; and the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, SPbII RAN). The article pays special attention to the decorative elements, the methods of producing the patents, and the costs of producing them. The cost for obtaining one of these patents depended on the rank being conferred: the higher the rank, the higher, naturally, the cost. The article also describes the basic steps in procuring a patent and its range of uses.
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Nefedov, S. A. "Origin of Russian Absolutism." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no. 2-3 (2015): 338–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04902014.
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Although Nicolas Henshall declared “absolutism” to be a myth, the author of this article supports the view held by Brian Downing who argues that, in some cases, military-bureaucratic absolutism developed from the early modern military (or gunpowder) revolution. The author assumes that such cases are relatively rare and happen only when a military revolution causes bitter conflict between a monarchy and elite nobility. In addition to Scandinavian countries, it occurred in Russia under Peter the Great. Upon returning home from his European tour in 1698, Peter I faced the serious problem of finding the financial resourses needed to organize a new regular army; his revenue enhancement efforts provoked a conflict between the Tsar and his boyars. Eventually, Peter the Great staged a military takeover, dissolving the Boyar Duma to become an absolute monarch.
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Voropaev, Vladimir A. "Nikolai Gogol as a political thinker." Two centuries of the Russian classics 2, no. 4 (2020): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2686-7494-2020-2-4-74-85.
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Nikolai Gogol’s political thought was conservative. All questions of life — everyday, social, state, literary — had a religious and moral meaning for him. Recognising and accepting the existing order of things, he strove to change society through the transformation of human. The historical and political views of Nikolai Gogol are close to the views of Nikolay Karamzin and the Slavophiles. At the same time, he remained unsurpassed in the religious perception of the West. According to Vasiliy Zen’kovsky, no one else had such a deep direct feeling of the religious untruth of that time. In his interpretation of Russia as a theocratic state, Nikolai Gogol was at odds with Nikolay Karamzin and Alexander Pushkin, but the former was in solidarity with the latters in the sympathies for the nobility as an educated class. Nikolai Gogol came close to the main themes of Russian religious philosophy. He became the first representative of the deep and tragic religious and moral aspiration that had permeated Russian literature in the subsequent decades. The ideal of the churching of Russian life put forward by him is still profoundly significant for Russia to this day. Creators such as Nikolai Gogol, in their meaning in history, in words are similar to the Holy Hierarchs in Orthodoxy.
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Kuznetsov, A. A. "Personal Identity during the Time of Troubles in Russia (Setting Up a Problem)." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 162, no. 6 (2020): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2020.6.143-156.
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This paper considers the phenomenon of personal identity development and democratization of the history of Russia during the Time of Troubles. D.S. Likhachev’s opinion on the discovery of a personality in the Russian literature of the 17th century is discussed. It is demonstrated that the problem of personal identity in the socio-political space of Russia was raised for the first time during the Time of Troubles. Hunger, devastation, deprivation, underestimation of the value of human life paradoxically promoted the development of a view on the personal identity as an important element of life. The historical and anthropological problem of studying the formation and development of self-identification in Russia under the influence of destructive and tragic events of the Time of Troubles is formulated. The above problem can be solved by carrying out a mass biographical research based on numerous sources and using the methods of prosopography and historical anthropology. The unremitting wars that took place in the second half of the 16th century favored the development of personal identity at the public level. A generation of nobles accustomed to making decisions under the war conditions emerged. In the Time of Troubles, other social groups adopted the behavioral strategies of the nobility. As a result, imposture, unregulated (both traditionally and legally) leadership in the Cossack hosts, robber gangs, and self-organized grouping became common. Under these circumstances, people were willing to actively participate in the events of the Time of Troubles and in the changes of the political course. Therefore, the historical sources confirm that the history of Russia exhibited the first sings of democratization during the Time of Troubles.
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Bogdanova, Olga A. "The Emergence of ‘Estate Culture’ in 18th Century Russia in the Works of F.M. Dostoyevsky and Other Writers." Dostoevsky Journal 18, no. 1 (January 3, 2017): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23752122-01801002.
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Traditionally considered a specifically urban writer, F.M. Dostoevsky has actually devoted many pages of his works (Poor Folk, The Village of Stepanchikovo, Demons, The Raw Youth [Adolescent], Diary of a Writer) to the representation of a noble estate and to the understanding of its role in Russian history and culture. In his creative writing, the autobiographical experience of the writer, who spent his childhood at the Darovoye family estate near the town of Zaraisk in the province of Ryazan, has also been reflected. This paper explores the role of “estate culture” in the writings of Dostoevsky and other writers (A.S. Pushkin, L. Tolstoy, I. Bunin, A. Chekhov and I. Kireyevsky) and their representation of the nobility (dvorianstvo).
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Грачева, И. В., and М. В. Сомова. "RYAZAN IN THE 1850s (Reading Count M. D. Buturlin’s Essays)." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 1(66) (June 8, 2020): 144–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2020.66.1.018.
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В статье рассматривается история Рязани, те события политической, культурной и об-щественной жизни, которые происходили в нашем городе в 50-х годах ХIХ века. За основу взяты «Записки» графа М. Д. Бутурлина, который несколько лет был чиновником особых поручений при рязанском губернаторе П. П. Новосильцеве и хорошо знал жизнь Рязанской губернии. В мемуарах М. Д. Бутурлина отражены как личные впечатления их создателя, так и общественная жизнь России, описано состояние дел в губернии, даны характеристики высокопоставленных особ рязанского бомонда 1850-х годов, отмечены интересы и образ мыслей рязанского дворянства. The article treats history of Ryazan, namely, political, cultural, and social events that took place in Ryazan in the 1850s. The main source of information about the period is Count M. D. Buturlin’s Essays. Count M. D. Buturlin was assigned to the position of Special Officer by Ryazan Governor P. P. Novosiltsev and knew Ryazan very well. In his memoirs, M. D. Buturlin shares both his personal thoughts and his ideas on Russia. In his memoirs Count Buturlin speaks about the Ryazan Province, characterizes the Ryazan nobility of the 1850s, speaks about the Ryazan nobility’s interests and thoughts.
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Bennett, Helju Aulik. "Seymour Becker. Nobility and Privilege in Late Imperial Russia. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1985. xiv, 259 pp. $27.50." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 23, no. 4 (1989): 450–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023989x00491.
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Kozlov, D. V. "The concepts of citizenship and estate in Russian history — continuity and / or intermittence." Slovo.ru: Baltic accent 11, no. 3 (2020): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2225-5346-2020-3-8.
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The author studied the development of the concept “people” in contemporary history taking into account its possible interpretation as a bearer of sovereignty. This concept goes back to the time of early bourgeois revolutions. The author holds that there are certain parallels between the ideology of citizenship, the development of the concept “people / nation” and the interpretation of the concept “citizenship”. Contemporary theoretical debates about citizenship are fully applicable to the history of the interpretation of citizenship in Russia. The United States or Great Britain have a century-long tradition of citizenship. Unlike them, Russia has gone through several stages of radical changes associated with deep political and social transformations, hence a variety of understanding of the concept analysed. A paradoxical interpretation of the concept "citizen" in Russia became evident in the 18th century. Then a citizen and a subject tended to be used either as synonyms or “citizens” were understood as a social group related to nobility. Thus, the concept analysed was used in a variety of meanings and contexts. The same duality in the interpretation of citizenship within the class society manifested itself on the eve of the 1917 Revolution. The class-based duality of citizenship was also noticeable during the Soviet period. After the radical break with the past proclaimed by the Bolsheviks, the old class stratification system had to be changed. In the first month after the Revolution, the Bolsheviks officially abolished estates, titles and ranks. Under the 1918 Constitution of the RSFSR, the concept “class” became a legal term in Soviet Russia. Only “workers” received political rights and thus full citizenship. The official civil status or citizenship was an integral part of the ideology of workers and “exploited” classes as opposed to “non-working, bourgeois elements”. The idea of citizenship ceased to depend on territory and nationality. As a result, a group of people was legally deprived of citizenship while permanently residing in the state. Paradoxically, in Soviet Russia citizenship was defined through its absence, through what it was not. The concepts of citizenship and classhood during the Imperial and Soviet periods often coexisted, complementing each other and forming a bizarre synthesis of traditional and modern approaches to the interpretation of the concept of citizenship.
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Bohac, Rodney, and Isolde Thyrêt. "What Monastic Records Can Tell Us." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 52, no. 2-3 (November 21, 2018): 137–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-05202002.
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Abstract This article analyzes a collection ledger, a unique monastic record, to examine popular piety in eighteenth-century Russia. In 1744 the archbishop of Tver’ gave permission to the Nilo-Stolobenskaia Hermitage to conduct a collection, a process known as a sbor, for building a new roof on its main church. Over the next four years a Nilov monk traveled widely collecting donations and recording them in a ledger. Statistical analysis of the ledger’s over 700 entries shows that the Nilov monk traveled primarily to western Tver’ province, the Trinity-Sergius Lavra, and to Smolensk province in search of donations. He found willing contributors from all social classes, especially the nobility, government officials, and urban dwellers. These donors sometimes ignored the official goal of the sbor and personally wrote unsolicited spiritual requests into the collection book. By doing so they transformed the collection into what might be called a reverse pilgrimage.
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Jupp, Peter J. "The Landed Elite and Political Authority in Britain, ca. 1760–1850." Journal of British Studies 29, no. 1 (January 1990): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385949.
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Significant change in the relationships between rulers, elites, and political authority is a common feature of the major European states in the last half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries. In Russia, under Peter III and Catherine II, the nobility was released from the obligation to serve the state as established by Peter the Great and allowed to own property, engage in trade and manufacturing, and participate in local assemblies. In the course of the nineteenth century the hereditary landowning nobility, particularly the wealthiest elements of it, became firmly entrenched in the upper reaches of the bureaucracy without ever being able to dominate it. In Prussia, under Frederick the Great and Frederick William III, noble and gentry landowners were allowed to filter into the ranks, especially the higher ranks, of the bureaucracy; this reversed the embourgeoisement that had occurred under Frederick William I, but not so far as to threaten seriously the bureaucracy's loyalty to the Hohenzollerns or to weaken its reputation for efficiency. Thus the great reforms that followed the defeat by France in 1807 and were designed in part to lay the basis for recovery were executed by a combination of noble and non noble officials, and the latter were especially encouraged in order to ensure that merit rather than birth prevailed as the qualification for state service. In both cases, it could be argued, rulers found it necessary to recruit officials as well as an officer corps from the landed classes when war and territorial aggrandizement expanded the scope of government; they were loath to encourage the idea that landed wealth could automatically bestow political authority.
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Sadovoy, A. N. "Institute of Private Land in Cross-Border Zones of Southern Russia: Ethnic Aspect." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 3 (October 29, 2020): 664–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-3-664-676.
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The paper presents intermediate results of a comparative analysis of land reforms conducted on the cusps of XIX– XX and XX–XXI centuries. It focuses on their medium- and long-term impact on the native territories of Russia’s southern frontier. The article describes the correlation of state and ethnic interests in land management and formation of the private land institute. The research owes its relevance to the problems of the system of regional ethnological monitoring, as well as that of the effect of the national and agricultural state policy on the scientific forecasting of the changes in the ethno-social situation. The corruption-based principle of social stratification was initially incorporated in the mechanism of land market formation proposed by the state. In ethnic regions, the reorganization of land ownership triggered a secondary process of ethnic stratification. As a result, allocated shares concentrated in the hands of ethnic nobility families, thus shaping a social stratum during the Soviet period. The research was a pilot study of the natural resource management systems used by ethnic and migrant communities in the southern frontier and social policy of the late XIX – early XXI centuries. The author concludes that the Russian government retained levers of direct influence on the processes of: a) administrative and territorial structure; b) settlement system and population structure, including ethnic; c) social strata of land owners; d) traditional land use systems and subsistence of rural enclave transformation. This trend made it possible to consider the history of Russian state land policy in the context of the general course of national policy, which is part of interdisciplinary research that unites history, ethnology, politics, sociology, and economics.
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Azamatova, Gulnaz B., Mikhail I. Rodnov, and Marsil N. Farkhshatov. "Уфа — культурный центр мусульман Российской империи на рубеже XIX–ХХ вв.: становление, развитие, наследие." Oriental Studies 13, no. 5 (December 28, 2020): 1243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-51-5-1243-1255.
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Introduction. In the Southern Urals traditionally densely inhabited by Turkic peoples, the role of Ufa for the cultural and economic development of Bashkirs and Tatars was extremely important. Goals. The article highlights key moments in the formation of administrative, intellectual and economic resources in the Southern Ural capital, the systemic combination of which has turned Ufa into a center for the Muslim peoples of Russia’s East. The conceptual insight into cultural history of the multinational city presupposes analyses of religious, economic, and sociopolitical preconditions for its emergence. Materials. Along with historiographic data, the article investigates periodicals, archival documents, including a large array of reporting papers by the Volga-Kama Commercial Bank stored at the Russian State Historical Archives. Results. The early history of Ufa was associated with the existence of a Tatar settlement in the city and the shaping of a layer of non-Russian officials and nobility. The strategic efforts aimed at eliminating the influence of Central Asian and Turkish Muslims on co-religionists in the eastern outskirts of Russia resulted in an unprecedented project to create Orenburg Muftiate in Ufa. The latter’s activities became the main prerequisite for further concentration of intellectual and social resources of Russian Muslims in the city. The economic base of Muslim parishes with a full-fledged infrastructure — mosques, madrasas and maktabs — was largely formed by wealthy Ufa-based Muslim merchants. The role of Ufa in the social and political life of Russian Muslims can be traced through the development of the media, regional and national Muslim congresses. Conclusions. The development of Ufa as a center of Russia’s Turko-Islamic society contributes to the understanding of the phenomenon of cultural regionalism and its content.
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Pilipenko, Gleb. "Multilingualism in Enlightenment Europe." Slovene 9, no. 1 (2019): 543–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2019.8.1.21.
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[Rev. of: Rjéoutski V., Frijhoff W., eds., Language Choice in Enlightenment Europe: Education, Sociability, and Governance, Amsterdam, 2018, 233 pp.] The book under review is an English-language collective monograph called “Language Choice in Enlightenment Europe: Education, Sociability, and Governance”, written by authors from the Netherlands, Italy, Russia, Estonia, and Croatia (edited by Vladislav Rjéoutski and Willem Frijhoff). The subject of the monograph is the language choice in the European countries of the 18th century. This is the sixth book in the Languages and Cultures in History series, and it includes an introduction, eight articles by the international team of authors, and an alphabetical index of names and places mentioned. The Enlightenment was marked in Europe by the gradual abandonment of Latin in education and public administration and its replacement by vernaculars. At the same time, there are peculiarities in every country, particularly in the Russian Empire and Croatia. Archival materials (private letters, memoirs, official questionnaires, statistics) make this book extremely valuable. The authors analyse the linguistic situation in France, the Netherlands, Central Germany, the Estonian Governorate, Croatia, the Hungarian Kingdom, and the Russian Empire. Language choice is discussed at the micro-level (e.g. within one family) as well as at the macro-level (e.g., in education, public administration, among the nobility or clergy). The book will be of great interest to historians, linguists, sociologists, anthropologists, as well as to specialists in international relations.
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Kanishchev, Valeriy. "Review on the monograph by A.N. Dolgikh “Will I Behold, My Friends, the People Unop-pressed…” Russian Nobility and the Peasant Issue in the 18th – First Quarter of 19th Century. Historiographic Essays: in 2 vols. Lipetsk, Lipetsk State Pedagogical P.P. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky University Publ., 2018, vol. 1, 354 p., vol. 2, 358 p." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 180 (2019): 196–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2019-24-180-196-198.
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We give the assessment of the monograph, dedicated to the history of the peasant issue studies in Russia. We highly appreciate the historiographic qualification of A.N. Dolgikh. We also emphasize specifically the usage of the large number of works on peasant issue history and serfdom in Russia in the monograph, the thorough analysis of historic environment, in which these works were created, and also A.N. Dolgikh’s own opinion on argumentative issues of the subject.
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Aleksandrova, Maria V. "The image of the Russian province in the travelogues of the XIX century foreign travelers (on the materials of the Yaroslavl province)." World of Russian-speaking countries 1, no. 7 (2021): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20323/2658-7866-2021-1-7-111-118.
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The article is devoted to the research of foreigners' perception of social and cultural realities of the 19th century Yaroslavl province, using travel notes of French writers and publicists Astolphe de Custine, Alexandre Dumas, Theophile Gautier as an example. The author studies specific construction and representation of the Russian provincial images, addressed to the European reader. Comparing the travelogues of foreign travellers with the Russian texts and historical sources, the author assesses the degree of influence of the author's personality on the narrative and the specifics of the perception of Russian reality by representatives of different cultures. The Yaroslavl province, which is a common location to the three texts, is a relevant example of presenting the image of Russia in the travelogue genre. The objects of the study are the descriptions by foreign authors of Yaroslavl, Rybinsk, Romanov-Borisoglebsk (Tutaev), Uglich, the countryside and the means of transportation. The study reflects the trends towards representing the features of everyday life of different Russian society strata (peasants, nobility), the specifics of the «Russian type» of appearance and Russian character, urban policy and the architectural styles of provincial towns, and the economic aspects of everyday life. The authors of the travesties under study pay attention to stories from Russian history and strive to give a coherent characteristic of the locations. The analysis of the texts reveals such features of the authors' narrative as subjectivity, imprecision, interest in ethnographic and anthropological aspects, and an emphasis on exotic aspects of Russian life for the European reader. The travelogues in question are marked by the desire to construct Russia's artistic image and create a fascinating plot, and by the influence of the author's position and personal image of the author
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Amelina, E. M. "State and national culture in P.B. Struve’s writings (on the occasion of the 150th anniversary of his birth)." Solov’evskie issledovaniya, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 94–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17588/2076-9210.2020.4.094-107.
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The author analyzes the views of the famous philosopher, sociologist and politician Petr Struve, whose ideas have enduring relevance in view of the problems of maintaining state unity and developing both culture and national identity. The main object of this research is Struve’s views on the essence of the state and national culture and on their role in the life of Russia. It is indicated that the position of the thinker presupposed a certain historiosophy – an interpretation of history as a process of development of spiritual culture. The features of Peter Struve’s liberal-conservatism and his understanding of the state as a “collective personality”, possessing a “superintelligent” nature are considered. The philosopher’s approach, which aimed at analyzing the seamless connection between state, culture and nationality is analyzed. The author considers how the thinker interpreted the essence of nationality and nationalism, as well as criticized the radical intelligentsia’s “official nationalism” and “absence of a feeling of national belonging”. She examines the philosopher’s views on the outstanding role of the state in Russian history and his understanding of such “fatal” reasons of its destruction as the insufficient involvement of the cultivated elements of the nobility in the ruling of the state as well as the belated abolition of serfdom law. The author also explains Struve’s views on the slogan of class struggle as decisively contributing to the cultural decomposition of the nation and to undermining the unity of the state. She also addresses the views of P.B. Struve, G.P. Fedotov and S.L. Frank concerning the reasons why the sense of national identity was weak in Russia. She concludes that, according to Struve, one of the reasons for the revolutionary radical upheavals in the country was the fact that the radical intelligentsia sowed in the broad masses of the people the ideological poison of “anti-state rebellion” and the “spirit of Bolshevism”. This contributed to a weak demand for national-state ideals and liberal-conservative ideas.
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Shul'zhenko, Yury. "The problem of constitutionalism in domestic constitutional projects of the second half of the XVIII century." Sociopolitical sciences 10, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-1-21-27.
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Abstract. Today, one of the most important, most difficult tasks in Russia is the development, improvement of real, practical constitutionalism. For its successful solution, of great importance is the study, taking into account the historical experience of our country in this area. And it is precisely in this that the relevance of the presented article lies, which is devoted to the analysis of the first domestic constitutional projects that appeared in the second half of the 18th century, the consolidation, regulation of the institutions of constitutionalism in them, their possibility of using, of course, with appropriate amendments in modern conditions. Note that these issues have been and remain in the focus of attention of foreign scientists, for example, D.L. Ransel, S.N. Wittaker, C.S. Lenard, M. Raev, S. Bartolissi. The author’s approach to the very concept of “constitutionalism” as a multilateral phenomenon associated with the real presence of the constitution is presented; practical constitutionalism; theoretical constitutionalism. The characteristic of constitutional drafts, the provisions contained in them, concerning constitutionalism of representatives of various kinds of currents of political and legal thought of the second half of the 18th century, and especially the nobility, enlightenment, and popular movement, is given. Based on the analysis, it is concluded that, first of all, in the Russian constitutional projects of that time, three most important institutes of constitutionalism are fixed – representation, and in this regard, representative democracy, parliamentarism; self management; separation of powers. Their contents are disclosed. Note that all these three institutions are present in modern Russia. But the question of their improvement, real effective functioning remains in demand. First of all, three fundamental research methods were used in the work: dogmatic; historical and legal; comparative legal. The article is of interest to government officials, students, university professors, researchers, all those who are interested in issues of constitutional law of the Russian Federation, the domestic history of the state and law.
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Kholodova, Elena. "ARRANGEMENT WITH GARDENS AND PARKS IN COUNTRY HOMESTEADS OF KURSK CITY. PART II. COMPOSITION, STRUCTURE AND GARDENS AND PARKS ARRANGEMENT IN THE LARGE HOMESTEADS OF THE FIRST HALF OF XIX CENTURIES." Биосферная совместимость: человек, регион, технологии, no. 1(25) (April 1, 2019): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/23-11-1518-2019-25-1-29-41.
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The study is based on the identified archival and published sources, field research of the author, which enable to reconstruct a more reasonably shaped, the material structure is lost in the nobility and merchant estates in the area of origin of horticulture and the natural border of Russia. The basis of the study is the study of topography and physical and geographical types of terrain characteristic of the Kursk region. The scientific novelty of the research is associated with the author's expeditions to identify signs of the existence of manor objects – landscapes and parks, full-scale survey of a number of preserved manor com-plexes, which did not attract the attention of researchers to a sufficient extent.. Of particular importance is the identification of archival and printed sources that allow more reasonably reconstruct the figurative and material structure of the lost elements of noble and merchant estates. The contribution to modern knowledge is systematic information about different types of management, their impact on the spatial structure of the estate and its natural environment, as well as about the features of garden and Park techniques that existed in the studied period of the history of the Kursk region.
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Докучаев, Денис, Denis Dokuchaev, Наталья Докучаева, and Natalya Dokuchaeva. "Journey as an opening of space: the crimean vacations of the late 19th - the early 20th century (by the example of the family of Dmitriy Burilin, Ivanovo-voznyesensk manufacturer and maecenas)." Service & Tourism: Current Challenges 9, no. 1 (March 11, 2015): 14–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/7902.
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At the beginning of the nineteenth century journeys to the Crimea had only been coming into fashion among the Russian nobility, and by the end of the century this tendency had spread beyond aristocratic avocations. The Crimea became popular among merchants and manufacturers, philistines and clerks. The article studies the circumstances of the Crimean vacations of the family of Dmitriy Burilin at the turn of the nineteenth — the twentieth century´s. Dmitriy Burilin (1852-1924) was a manufacturer, Maecenas, collector, and founder of a museum in Ivanovo-Voznyesensk. He was a distinguished public figure of the Russian province at the turn of the centuries. His family travelled a lot through the country and abroad. The Crimea was a favorite place of the Burilins´ vacations. While at the very beginning of the 1900s the Crimean peninsula had served as a starting point of their voyages through Southern Europe (by the steamships of the Russian company of trade and steamship in Sevastopol), in the 1910s the Burilins opened the Southern part of the Crimea and stayed there for a long time. The family were coming there for health, to know about ancient and medieval history. Those journeys also served as family education. The Burilins visited Yalta several times, stayed at fashionable hotels of that time — «Metropol» and «Russia». During their vacations in Alupka and Gurzuf they had been treated by the leading doctors of that time. In Feodosiya Dmitriy Burilin had seen the works of Ivan Aivazovsky for the first time. Later he became the worshipper of Aivazovsky´s works and added some of them to his collection. The source base of the research consists of the Burilins´ correspondence, containing in the collection of the Ivanovo state historical museum.
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Zakharov, Andrei Viktorovich, and Alexey Frolov. "GIS “Spatial Mobility of the Szlachta under Peter the First” in a Prosopographic Study." Историческая информатика, no. 4 (April 2020): 206–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2585-7797.2020.4.34206.
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The article discusses possibilities of geochronological tracking technology for studying the spatial mobility of social groups in Russia in the past. The GIS proposed is necessary to visualize and analyze spatial data in a prosopographic research of about 400 szlachta representatives in Peter’s Epoch. Spatial mobility is understood as the intensity of person's translocation through settlements and his ability to respond to external challenges by moving. The archival materials of the Senate inspection of the szlachta (1721-1723) served the basis for the study and the resource formation. Particular attention is paid to the design of software research tools – the PostgreSQL database and the web GIS based on the latter. It is the first time when geochronological tracking as a geoinformatics method was used to prosopographically study the Russian nobility. The methods of historical source spatial data representation and visualization are implemented in the form of a geodatabase that is publicly available. Two program modules (the GIS among them) grant a wide range of Internet users an access to historical sources text data as well as synchronically visualized data on the szlachta service under Peter the first. The authors conclude that it is promising to create a special web interface which provides users with flexible text and geodata filtering and analysis. The web project created can be used both for research in the field of social history, historical geography, genealogy and for educational purposes in such courses as “historical computer science” and “digital humanities”.
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Khrolenok, Evgeniy V. "Townspeople and peasants in social structure Starodub regiment (1654–1781)." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 3 (August 10, 2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2021-3-71-79.
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The territory of the Starodub regiment is unique in historical terms. Being the center of the region of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, it was one of its lands able to gain a foothold in the Getman Ukraine. At the same time, Starodubshchina is now the only part of the Hetman region that is part of the Russian Federation. Thus, the region has incorporated traditions, culture and legal customs of all three states, on the border of which it is now located. Despite the considerable interest in the history of the Starodub regiment as a whole, the social history of ordinary rural and urban residents remains poorly understood. The aim of this work is an attempt to illuminate the social situation of the pospolits: townspeople and peasants of the Starodubsky regiment from the moment the Cossack administration was established in the region in 1654 until the population of the region was subordinated to general imperial Russian standards. And also to reveal the characteristic differences of this region. The article was created on the basis of the analysis of various, including little-studied documents stored in the archives of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, as well as the works of Russian and Ukrainian scientists. The process of establishing city self-government in Starodub and the formation in its midst of a unique elite – noble bourgeois is shown. Many representatives of this social group went through the process of evolution from urban dwellers to Cossack foreman and the subsequent Russian nobility over the indicated period. In addition, the social status of rural residents of the Starodub regiment is described. Which with the establishment of the Cossack administration received personal freedom, but by the end of the 18th century completely lost her. The examples of residents of specific settlements show the methods that the peasants resorted to trying to avoid dependence on large landowners, as well as the process of distinguishing between the pospolits and the Cossack class. At the same time, emphasis was placed on the characteristic differences in the social status of urban and rural residents of the Starodub regiment from other lands that were part of the Russian Empire. The totality of the facts revealed in this way reinforces the main thesis about the complexity and versatility of this Belarusian-Russian-Ukrainian region.
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Spārītis, Ojārs. "Three Sources of Michael Johann von der Borch’s Poem “The Sentimental Park of Varakļāni Palace”." Baltic Journal of Art History 20 (December 27, 2020): 109–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2020.20.04.
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History permits us to trace so-called Polish Inflanty, in the territoryof the former Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, to the contemporaryRepublic of Latvia. In this case we are particularly interested in theestate of Warkland (Warklany, Varakļāni). The ensemble of manorand park is typical for large estates in Eastern Europe, including avillage and its infrastructure and a separate manor and park as aspatial, architectural, botanical and social entity.Originating from Baltic-German nobility, ‘Polonised’ countMichael Johann von der Borch-Lubeschitz und Borchhoff (1753–1810) was the son of a Chancellor of Poland and Lithuania. He wasa member of several academies of science, in Siena, Dijon and Lion,and penfriend of Voltaire and academicians in Russia and France.After researching the mineralogy of Italy, Sicily, France, Germany,England, the Netherlands and Switzerland M. J. von der Borch leftfor his estate in Varakļāni, the Polonised part of eastern Livonia,called Polish Inflanty. At this time he also composed literary worksand poems, among which is one remarkable piece of didactic andemblematic content “The Sentimental Park of Varakļāni Palace” (Jardinsentimental du château de Warkland dans le Comté de Borch en RussieBlanche, 1795). This poem illustrates in a passionate and classicalway an emblematic approach to contemporary political structures,and the goals of education in general. In Jardin sentimental, whichis a theoretical and didactic manual, Borsch describes, through themetaphor of the estate park of Warkland, the route of an imaginativehero, full of expectation and temptation.The main subject of the report is an analysis of the text of thepoem contextualised by history and contrasted with evidence fromcontemporary Warkland.
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Tyumentsev, Igor. "Cossacks in the Movement of Zemstvo Militias in Russia (1611–1612)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (September 2019): 8–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.4.1.
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ntroduction. The issue of the Cossacks’ participation in the events of the Time of Troubles in the last decades is one of the most relevant in connection with the modern social movement for “the recovery of the Cossacks”. Methods and materials. Studies of the late 20th – early 21st centuries show that one of the main forces of the rebel movement at the first stages of the Time of Troubles were the Cossacks who were in military public service of the cities of the southern Ukraine of Russia. Researchers have quite deeply developed the issue of the Cossacks’ participation in the movements of impostors of 1604–1610, begun studying the history of free Cossack troops in 1613–1618. However, the Cossacks’ participation in the zemstvo liberation movement is investigated insufficiently now. Analysis. The Zemstvo, an elective district and provincial administrative assembly in the prerevolutionary Russia, failed to call together a proper Assembly of the Land (Zemsky Sobor) of the correct composition. They were unable to do so due to the lack of members of the Sacred Council in the Boyar Duma detachments since the establishment of the Zemstvo militia. The lower curia of the Assembly of the Land was convened near Moscow. It comprised the members elected by the nobility and the tenements and formed the Sovet vsej Zemli. The Council appointed a three-man government which included boyar prince D.T. Trubetskoy, boyar hetman I.M. Zarutsky and Duma nobleman P.P. Lyapunov. On June 30, 1611 Sovet vsej Zemli adopted the Verdict which was a kind of Zemstvo Constitution. Under the circumstances, in the camps, there was a transformation of Cossack serving regiments from government and rebel troops into the free Russian Cossack Host on the pattern of the Don, Zaporozhye and Terek Cossack Hosts. The Cossack Circle similarly to Sovet vsej Zemli became a parallel supreme body of the state government. During one Circle gathering, P.P. Lyapunov was killed. After this, the significance of Sovet vsej Zemli in the camps near Moscow fell considerably. However, it was revived again in Yaroslavl in the regiments of D.M. Pozharsky and K. Minin. Over 1611–1612, it was the free Cossack Host that carried out the main siege of the capital and played a crucial role in saving the country. The free Cossack Host did not have constant members and in 1612 was divided into the Cossack camps headed by D.T. Trubetskoy, I.M. Zarutsky and D.M. Pozharsky. This factor subsequently led to the formation of two voluntary Cossack Hosts: Vyaznikovsky and Zaugorsky. However, the free Cossack Host and the Cossack Circle played an important role in electing the new Tsar.
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Romanov, Boris M. "Innovations in Landlord Economy in the 1830–50s: Based on Materials from the Baryshnikovs Fond in the State Archive of the Smolensk Region." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2020): 505–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-2-505-515.
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The study of innovations in the landlord economy of pre-reform Russia is of particular relevance under the modern conditions while modernizing national production and searching for a breakthroughs in science and business. This study is of interdisciplinary nature, since, on the one hand, it touches upon historical issues related to the development of landlord economy in the 1830–50s; on the other hand, upon economic issues of production activities. The author uses documents of the richest personal provenance fond of the Baryshnikovs from the State Archive of the Smolensk Region, which includes over 15,000 items and covers almost two centuries in the history of this noble family. Along with documents originating from government agencies, Empress Catherine II, and the Senate, the fond contains records of service, descriptions and plans of the Baryshnikovs’ estates, land-surveying books, account books, bills of sale, landlords instructions to stewards, reports from bureaus of estates, information on crops and harvests, livestock and its productivity. Having analyzed archival documents, the author identifies innovations in the landowner economy of the Baryshnikovs, follows their implementation, and draws a number of conclusions: (1) in the last decades of the pre-reform era, the landlords tried to increase profitability of their estates by introducing more productive varieties of grain, grass sowing, new agricultural machinery, breeding livestock and its good maintenance, acquiring new equipment; (2) in introducing innovations, landowners relied more on luck than on calculations, risk identification and reduction; (3) the innovations had a significant impact on the development of landlord economy, but required significant financial investments, careful planning, and skilled workers. The study reveals one of the more important aspects of the daily economic life of the Russian provincial nobility on the eve of the Great Reforms of Alexander II.
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Martin, Alexander M. "The Alienated Russian Nobility?" Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 21, no. 4 (2020): 861–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2020.0044.
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Gherasim, Cristina. "The Politics of the Russian Administration Concerning Nobility Titles in Bessarabia in the First Half of the XIXth Century." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi. Fascicula XIX, Istorie 16 (June 26, 2017): 5–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2017.01.
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Ryazhev, Andrey S. "Искупленный дважды: толмач Ставропольского войска Афанасий Шорин (опыт реконструкции нетипичной биографии крещеного калмыка второй трети XVIII в.)." Oriental Studies 13, no. 4 (December 25, 2020): 876–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-50-4-876-889.
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Introduction. Religious policies of the Russian Empire in early modern history is a topical issue of historiography. An important (though poorly researched) aspect of this question is the role of Kalmyk Christian elites. Being part of the diverse ethnoreligious cluster, the latter served as a conductor of Russia’s influence on subject nomadic communities (Oirats, Turkic tribes) during the period under consideration across southeastern steppe peripheries and adjacent territories. The Stavropol Kalmyk host established in 1737, quartered next to the fortress of Stavropol-on-Volga, and since 1745 referred to as Stavropol Corps of Kalmyk Christians was one of such groups.Goals.The study seeks to reconstruct the biography of Afanasy Shorin, an interpreter socially representing army elites. His life journey may be instrumental in tracing the shaping (and details) of communication patterns between Russian authorities and steppe leaders during the mentioned period. Materials and Methods. The study analyses rich source materials from Russia’s central and local institutions that reflect certain phases of Afanasy Shorin’s biography. The research tools include those of source criticism and archaeography which provided a systematic insight into the documents. Special attention is paid to the collected indirect testimonies that would clarify separate aspects of the person’s life. Results.The biography reconstructed from the documents contains a number of milestones, such as birthright privileges, military career prospects, escape attempts and refusal of active service, two discharges from any liability for the offences by the Russian authorities as a tribute to the social status and merits of ancestors, admission to the Collegium of Foreign Affairs, civil service in Stavropol-onVolga, and an important political mission in 1757–1758. The article identifies how and why the life trajectory unusual for a representative of such background and status — a school teacher, interpreter but not a military officer — reflected the processes of interaction between Russia proper and steppe nomads. It also underlines the importance of the Oirat factor for the state before and after the fall of Dzungaria. In the meantime, the text describes sentiments of the Stavropol host leadership and emphasizes the dissatisfaction with restrictions to have resulted from social class policies of Russian authorities by the late 1760s. The article contains the idea that it was the discontent with his position, which was fully characteristic of many including Afanasy Shorin, that pushed the highest authorities of the host to participate in the Yemelyan Pugachev’s Rebellion. As a possible prospect, the departure was suggested, by the example of the Kalmyks of Ubashi Khan, who departed to China in 1771. The article proves first to reveal the mechanism of how service conditions, kinship and confessional contacts influenced the inclusion of Kalmyk Christian elites into the border Russian military-andpolitical system. The text gives arguments that essentially contradict the trend (previously expressed in historiography) to consider the anti-serfdom protest as the only reason why Stavropol Kalmyks supported Pugachev’s Rebellion. Conclusions. The paper concludes the Kalmyk Christian nobility and related elites of the Kalmyk community played a significant role in foreign and religious policies under Elizaveta Petrovna and in the early years of Catherine the Great’s reign, which explains the increased attention of the government towards them. However, their relevance within the established border system and, consequently, their positions were largely exhausted in the 1770s. This was also facilitated by the decline in the importance of the Oirats, and the rise of the Turkic direction in Russia’s foreign policy in the south and southeast.
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Edelman, Bob, and G. M. Hamburg. "Politics of the Russian Nobility, 1881-1905." American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (October 1985): 982. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858959.
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Simon Dixon. "Practice and Performance in the History of the Russian Nobility." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 11, no. 4 (2010): 763–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2010.0010.
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Korpaniuk, Mykola. "DMYTRO CHYZHEVSKY AS THE HISTORIAN OF NATIONAL CHRONICLES." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 193–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.193-200.
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The article is devoted to the study of D.Chyzhevsky’s contribution to the analysis of the artistic filling of ancient chronicles through the use of the stylistic method of analysis. An important conclusion is the assertion of the national chronicles of the eleventh and thirteenth centuries that their authors are highly educated, good connoisseurs of the Bible, ancient, Byzantine literatures, works by Homer, Joseph Flavius, George Hamartol, Joan Malalai, the Byzantine chronograph, Alexandria, especially popular in the princely environment, and the images of Alexander of Macedon, Darius, reproduced in it, as well as the image of Hercules, were close and exemplary for our princes. As for the brief history of national writing, D.Chyzhevsky, analyzing the historical and aesthetic canvas of the chronicles of the eleventh and eighteenth centuries, adequately and convincingly characterized the artistic value and originality of memorials, revealed the crucial importance in their creation of the high erudition available to the authors, the thorough knowledge of the history of Ukrainian and foreign, in particular of ancient, literatures; emphasized in the chroniclers the literary ability, heroic and patriotic abilities, national centrism and moral and religious nobility, attachment to traditions, a part of the literary and chronicles, which contributed to the writing of majestic epic paintings addressed to the depicted and described heroes of works. The historian of literature has convincingly proved that such a long-term development of the genre of the chronicles (XI-XVIII centuries) was facilitated by the content-artistic perfection of «The Tale of the Past Years», the talent of its founders, Nikon, Nestor, Sylvester, whose own work, the idea of unity of Russia in the struggle against internal and external enemies, which remained urgent throughout all subsequent centuries, and a significant conservatism of the genre, focused on the upbringing of historical generic, national, cultural memories, laid the solid foundations for the development of our entire national first literature which convincingly demonstrate chronicles, historical fiction themes XIX-XXI centuries. The own «History of Ukrainian Literature», the level and conclusions of the analysis of the chronicles D.Chyzhevsky scientifically reasonably developed the principle of national centrist, founded in his medieval works by M.Maksymovych and confirmed by the formation and development of our literary thought. In them, the doctrine proved that in the analysis of ancient writing, chronicles must use a stylistic approach to express their artistic, their aesthetic nature and value. The new thought of the scientist was his noteworthy that the chronicles have signs of the classical direction, characteristic of the works of the elite princely-Sarmatian and Cossack-Kozar tribes.
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Rendle, Matthew. "The symbolic revolution: The Russian nobility and February 1917." Revolutionary Russia 18, no. 1 (June 2005): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546540500091076.
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Korelin, A. P., and Gary M. Hamburg. "Politics of the Russian Nobility, 1881-1905." Russian Review 44, no. 4 (October 1985): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/129803.
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Шафажинская and Natalya Shafazhinskaya. "Holiness traditions in psychology of Russian woman's character." Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 2, no. 1 (March 5, 2013): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/297.
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This article analyzes the national culture history facts which show the patristic spiritual tradition influence on formation of Russian female character’s psychological traits as embodied in charity activities, service to neighbors and family education. The course of life on earth and asceticism of prominent representatives of Russian society from different generations, mostly nobility, are used in the article as illustrations justifying author’s theoretical conclusions. These women’ images can serve as spiritual, social and cultural landmark in selection of sense-life values and basic fundamentals of personal enhancement for a certain part of modern Russian society.