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Journal articles on the topic 'Noblesse bourgeoisie'
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1
Lemarchand, Guy. "La France au XVIIIe siècle : élites ou noblesse et bourgeoisie ?" Cahier des Annales de Normandie 30, no. 1 (2000): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/annor.2000.2373.
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Suozzo, Andrew G. "La bourgeoisie à la recherche de la noblesse : le libertinage de l'Histoire comique de Francion." Littératures classiques 41, no. 1 (2001): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/licla.2001.1514.
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Ago, Renata. "Ecclesiastical careers and the destiny of cadets." Continuity and Change 7, no. 3 (December 1992): 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000001673.
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Cet article étudie le rôle et la valeur des carrières ecclésiastiques par rapport à l'existence des cadets de famille noble, en Italie au 17e siècle. Le changement de la pratique successorale et de l'accès au mariage, qui concernaient la noblesse Italienne de l'époque, augmente l'importance du rang à la naissance. Les historiens ont généralement considéré l'aîné comme un privilégié en comparaison avec le cadet et la carrière ecclésiastique de ce dernier comme de second choix pour un jeune homme condamné au célibat. Cette interprétation est contestée et au contraire, l'auteur suggère que la carrière ecclésiastique peut être très lucrative, tant pour les jeunes aristocrates que pour les jeunes gens de la bourgeoisie.
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Bove, Boris. "Bourgeoisie et noblesse de cour à Paris au XIVe siècle : des oligarchies en chiasme." Droits 71, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/droit.071.0029.
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Poettinger, Monika. "Etica mercantile e sviluppo economico." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 125 (December 2009): 465–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2009-125004.
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- Up to the nineteenth century, merchants extended networks of subsidiaries, correspondents and investments world-wide, becoming a major trigger of innovation and economic development. To guarantee the functioning of their international merchant houses, they had to adhere to a strict moral code. The resulting "moral communities" diffused everywhere the "merchant´s liberty": working to fulfil oneself, striving to obtain economic independence and richness as social recognition. As the Ancien Régime neared its end, merchants were ready to economically and morally guide society into a new era. At the same time as many discussed the noblesse commerçante, though, philosophers and economists ridiculed merchant virtues, transforming merchants in men bent only on profit and self-interest. The industrialist, so, became the bourgeoisie´s myth and merchant ethics vanished from the agenda of historians and economists alike. Industrialization thusly lost one of its main characters and economy missed a catalyst of innovation and social capital formation.
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Zotz, Thomas. "Le jouteur dans la ville. Un aspect des rapports entre noblesse, ville et bourgeoisie en Allemagne au bas Moyen Âge." Actes de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l'enseignement supérieur public 18, no. 1 (1987): 161–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/shmes.1987.1489.
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WOOD, D. "Review. Texte et ideologie: Images de la noblesse et de la bourgeoisie dans le roman francais des annees 1750-1830. Sclippa, Norbert." French Studies 43, no. 3 (July 1, 1989): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/43.3.336.
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Hytier, Adrienne D. "Texte et idéologie: Images de la noblesse et de la bourgeoisie dans le roman français, des années 1750 à 1830 (review)." Eighteenth-Century Fiction 1, no. 3 (1989): 254–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecf.1989.0022.
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Andrès, Bernard. "Roger Le Moine dans notre mémoire." Pour une histoire du sujet québécois, no. 58 (February 28, 2012): 105–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1008119ar.
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Titulaire, depuis 1988, du quatrième fauteuil de la Société des Dix, Roger Le Moine est décédé le 12 juillet 2004, à l'âge de 70 ans. Dans cet hommage en forme de témoignage, Bernard Andrès rappelle la carrière et les travaux de notre confrère. Cette esquisse d'un portrait intellectuel retrace l'engagement de Roger Le Moine dans la recherche sur la Nouvelle-France, mais surtout sur le XIXe siècle canadien. Qu'il s'agisse de travaux sur la noblesse, sur la bourgeoisie, ou sur des auteurs particuliers, Roger Le Moine s'est forgé une méthode axée sur l'étude des sources, la sociocritique, la psycho-critique et la généalogie. Cette dernière vise moins les individus que les groupes sociaux dont ils sont issus et qu'ils contribuent à transformer par une vision du monde souvent progressiste. Réfractaire à la théorie et aux grands systèmes, Roger Le Moine n'avait pas moins une vision synthétique de la société québécoise. Attaché surtout à des personnages rebelles ou marginalisés, Roger Le Moine s'est employé à les sortir de l'ombre et à contextualiser leurs oeuvres, en tirant profit de son érudition et de ses connaissances approfondies des milieux et des réseaux socioculturels. Ses publications sur la franc-maçonnerie canadienne resteront une référence incontournable. On retiendra de ce chercheur indépendant et généreux ses contributions déterminantes sur Joseph Marmette, Napoléon Bourassa, Louis-Joseph Papineau et Félicité Angers, mais aussi sur des parents à lui ou des aïeux qui ont marqué leur temps, comme James McPherson Le Moine et Félix-Antoine Savard. Charlevoisien de coeur, Roger Le Moine a partagé sa vie entre son université (d'Ottawa) et sa région de prédilection: Saint-Fidèle et La Malbaie. L'article de Bernard Andrès retrace un tel parcours en citant de nombreux extraits de l'oeuvre de notre confrère.
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Grande, Nathalie. "Un bourgeois gentilhomme ? Noblesse et société selon Francion." Littératures 43, no. 1 (2000): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/litts.2000.2142.
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van Orden, Kate. "Sexual Discourse in the Parisian Chanson: A Libidinous Aviary." Journal of the American Musicological Society 48, no. 1 (1995): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3128849.
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Chanson texts featuring birds form a unique nexus of voices in the sexual discourse pervading the Parisian repertory of the late sixteenth century. The eroticism of these chansons is often expressed according to the older poetic conventions of unrequited courtly love and its carnivalesque abasement focusing on the lower body, or by a synthesis of the two characterized by the poetry of Pierre de Ronsard. Ronsard's sensual lyricism tended to employ avian imagery in support of a naturalized philosophy of love encouraging sexuality. Birds, considered to have a libido surpassing that of humans, became a favored theme, and composers set many of these Ronsardian texts. In the second part of this essay, I contextualize the reception of the erotic chanson among France's upper classes, relating it to the crisis of the French aristocracy and the noble aspirations of the bourgeoisie. The nouveaux nobles, or bourgeois that ennobled themselves with the purchase of seigneurial titles, had the fiscal power to acquire music and seem to have evinced the same sexual repression that Foucault saw as emblematic of bourgeois society itself-a repression that spawned a whole literature on sex. Around and in the chanson formed a rich locus of this contemporary discourse on sex, noble comportment, and the moral effects of music.
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Babenko, O. "SPECIFICITY OF THE STATE OF PUBLIC EDUCATION IN WEST KAZAKHSTAN REGION IN THE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD." EurasianUnionScientists 1, no. 10(79) (November 27, 2020): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/esu.2413-9335.2020.1.79.103.
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The article presents archival materials that reveal the essence of the formation and development of public education in the West Kakhakhstan region in the pre-revolutionary period, reveals the historical and educational processes of its formation. When studying archival materials, the author comes to the conclusion that the social composition of students justified the class character of the public education system, namely: the children of officials, clergy, merchants, rural and urban bourgeoisie, rich Cossacks, nobles in General made up a fairly large stratum in secondary schools.
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Burguière, André. "L’État monarchique et la famille (XVIe-XVIIIe siécle)." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 56, no. 2 (April 2001): 313–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900032662.
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RésuméLa monarchie française du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle a été peu absolutiste à l’égard de la famille. Respectueuse de la diversité coutumière de la France, elle a contribué, par la stabilité sociale et économique qu’elle a su maintenir, à figer la géographie des formes domestiques. Hostile en principe aux réseaux féodaux mais aussi lignagers des barons qui défiaient son autorité, elle a appelé auprès d’elle un personnel politique issu du monde robin, qui a souvent implanté dans l’appareil d’état de puissants clans familiaux, fondés strictement sur la parenté. Si les nobles d’épée, désormais soucieux de renommée personnelle, se souviennent surtout de leurs parents qui les ont marqués, la bourgeoisie et bientôt les paysans éduqués s’inventent des généalogies valorisantes. Si l’état envahit progressivement la famille, c’est à contrecœ ur, pour répondre à une demande grandissante de prise en charge.
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Stanziani, Alessandro. "The Legal Status of Labour from the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Century: Russia in a Comparative European Perspective." International Review of Social History 54, no. 3 (December 2009): 359–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990307.
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SummarySince at least the eighteenth century, free labour in “the West” has been contrasted with serf labour in Russia and “eastern Europe”. This paper intends to call that view into question and to show that serfdom was never officially institutionalized in Russia, and that the regulations usually invoked to justify that opinion were actually intended not to “bind” the peasantry but to identify noble estate owners, as distinct from nobles in state service or the “bourgeoisie”. However, it is a matter not only of legal definitions. This paper studies how the tsarist administration, nobles, and peasants themselves made use of courts of law in order to contest ownership titles and, on that basis, the obligations and legal status of peasants and workers. Great changes had occurred in their legal status before the official abolition of serfdom in 1861, in outcomes that were rather similar to those which had been recently achieved in the “second serfdom” in Prussia, Lithuania, and Poland. In turn, that means that such labour contracts and institutions were not the opposites of “free labour” contracts and institutions, which placed many more constraints on workers than is usually acknowledged. To prove the point, we compare tsarist regulations with the Master and Servants Acts and indenture in Britain and its Empire and with French regulations on labour, domesticity, and day labourers.
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Tebbe, Jason. "From Memory to Research: German Popular Genealogy in the Early Twentieth Century." Central European History 41, no. 2 (May 2, 2008): 205–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000319.
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Today genealogy enjoys a wide range of enthusiastic practitioners, and almost every extended family has a self-appointed family historian. Along with professional historians, genealogists are ubiquitous at archives both in Germany and the United States. Of course this was not always so; until about one hundred years ago genealogy was the almost exclusive purview of nobles and aristocrats who had rather immediate concerns driving their inquiries into their families' pasts. That changed around 1900 in Germany, when in the words of a “how-to” guide for amateur researchers written in 1920, genealogy underwent a transformation from a “nobleman's sport” to a bourgeois “science.” This meant that, “today the middle class constitutes four fifths, nay nine tenths, of the biggest genealogical societies.” According to the growing corpus of genealogical literature, the middle class had marked family research with superior values and a greater dedication to truth and knowledge. Beyond the rhetoric, the bourgeois acceptance of genealogy altered the ways that middle-class families saw and remembered the past.
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Maxwell, Alexander, and Alexander Campbell. "István Széchenyi, the casino movement, and Hungarian nationalism, 1827–1848." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 3 (May 2014): 508–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.856392.
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The establishment of theNemzeti Casino(National Casino) in Pest helped establish civil society in nineteenth-century Hungary. Count István Széchenyi, hoping to modernize Hungary on the English model, established the casino in 1827 as a public forum for the Hungarian nobility. By transcending caste divisions between nobles and bourgeois elites, Széchenyi's casino served as an unofficial parliament and stock exchange, and generally helped cultivate Hungarian patriotism. The Pest Casino inspired a nation-wide trend for casinos, which in turn formed a civil society in opposition to Habsburg absolutism. Yet when the casino movement spread to Hungary's minority nationalities, Jews, Slovaks, Romanians, and particularly Croats, the casino also contributed to national divisions in Hungary's ethnically diverse population that affected the course of the 1848 Revolution.
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Fianu, Kouky. "Catherine la bourgeoise et la veuve anonyme d’Orléans. Des femmes chez le notaire en 1437." Florilegium 28, no. 1 (January 2011): 125–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.28.006.
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Évoquer Margaret Wade Labarge (Polly, comme elle se faisait appeler) signifie, pour la médiéviste que je suis, rappeler son intérêt constant pour le genre féminin et la place des femmes dans la société médiévale. Sa contribution en ce domaine a largement débordé la sphère académique, comme en témoignent les personnages féminins du roman à succès Les piliers de la terre : c’est bien à Polly que l’auteur, Ken Follett, fit appel lorsqu’il eut besoin d’une spécialiste pour donner forme à ses héroïnes pendant qu’il écrivait son livre, entre 1986 et 1989. Polly était bien placée pour offrir cette expertise. Non seulement elle étudiait les femmes au Moyen Âge, mais surtout, elle les approchait comme autant de destins particuliers, privilégiant un regard attentif, personnel, presqu’affectueux, sur leur vie ou leurs écrits, leur donnant vie aux yeux de ses lecteurs. C’est en allant dans ce sens que je souhaite à mon tour lui rendre hommage, en observant des femmes en action, plus spécifiquement celles qui se présentèrent devant le notaire Pierre Christofle à Orléans en 1437. Nobles, bourgeoises, artisanes et agricultrices sont entrées dans son registre, témoignant de leur rôle dans la société orléanaise. On les voit, comme Polly les présentait, participer à la vie économique ou à l’éducation de leurs enfants, se marier ou se remarier, œuvrer à côté de leur mari, prendre sa succession, soucieuses de protéger leurs intérêts et ceux de leur famille, agir au sein de réseaux de crédit ou de solidarité.
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Stanziani, Alessandro. "Revisiting Russian Serfdom: Bonded Peasants and Market Dynamics, 1600s–1800s." International Labor and Working-Class History 78, no. 1 (2010): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547910000098.
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AbstractThe notion of the “second serfdom” has to be revisited. I claim that the introduction, the evolution, and the abolition of serfdom in Russia should be seen as a long-term process, beginning no later than the late sixteenth century and ending at the eve of the First World War. In particular, I show that serfdom was never officially institutionalized in Russia and that the rules usually evoked to justify this argument actually were not meant to “bind” the peasantry but to distinguish noble estate owners from state-service nobles and “bourgeois.” Contrary to what has been argued by Witold Kula and Immanuel Wallerstein, the rise of capitalism in the West did not exploit the rise of serfdom in the East, but both East and West were part of the same global wave of commercialization, protoindustrialization, and industrialization.
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Nicolay, Claire. "DELIGHTFUL COXCOMBS TO INDUSTRIOUS MEN: FASHIONABLE POLITICS IN CECIL AND PENDENNIS." Victorian Literature and Culture 30, no. 1 (March 2002): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150302301141.
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THOMAS CARLYLE’S CONTEMPTUOUS DESCRIPTION of the dandy as “a Clothes-wearing Man, a Man whose trade, office, and existence consists in the wearing of Clothes” (313) has survived as the best-known definition of dandyism, which is generally equated with the foppery of eighteenth-century beaux and late nineteenth-century aesthetes. Actually, however, George Brummell (1778–1840), the primary architect of dandyism, developed not only a style of dress, but also a mode of behavior and style of wit that opposed ostentation. Brummell insisted that he was completely self-made, and his audacious self-transformation served as an example for both parvenus and dissatisfied nobles: the bourgeois might achieve upward mobility by distinguishing himself from his peers, and the noble could bolster his faltering status while retaining illusions of exclusivity. Aristocrats like Byron, Bulwer, and Wellington might effortlessly cultivate themselves and indulge their taste for luxury, while at the same time ambitious social climbers like Brummell, Disraeli, and Dickens might employ the codes of dandyism in order to establish places for themselves in the urban world. Thus, dandyism served as a nexus for the declining aristocratic elite and the rising middle class, a site where each was transformed by the dialectic interplay of aristocratic and individualistic ideals.
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Shelukhin, V. "CIVIL ACTIVITY AND KINSHIP: MICRO-TO-MACRO TRANSITIONS IN DEVELOPMENT OF THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE 1860-1890S." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Sociology 8 (2017): 80–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7979/8.13.
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The author uses James S. Coleman' conception of micro-to-macro transitions as a theoretical tool for reconstruction kinship network as well as network of civil activities among members of "Stara Hromada" (The Old Community). It is impossible to reconstruct social foundations of the Ukrainian national movement according to Ernest Gellner' conception. E. Gellner in his classical book "Nations and Nationalism" explains social origins of modern nationalism as a reaction to industrialization. According to E. Gellner, bourgeois class had the main influence on the process of nation formation during the industrialization. That trend was not possible in Ukrainian social, economic, and political context of XIX century. The main role in Ukrainian nationhood and nation formation played traditional elite (nobles). The Old Community after 1869 was network organization of that social group. The author uses network analysis for empirical evidence. Communication and cooperation between different members of the Old Community were based on principles of estate integration. Marriage was especially significant social practice in the process of community integration. Civil activity with family background was a reaction to contradictory conflation of different social roles. That activity provoked new type of social identity – national identity among representatives of traditional elites. James S. Coleman' conception provides heuristic understanding of aggregation individual actions and attitudes into desirable behaviors at the collective level.
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Zayats, Andriy. "LANDVOGTS IN THE VOLHYNIAN TOWNS OF THE 16TH AND THE FIRST HALF OF THE 17TH CENTURIES: COMPOSITION, PERSONALITIES, FUNCTIONS." City History, Culture, Society, no. 5 (November 8, 2018): 59–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2019.05.059.
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The article is based on city books of Lutsk, Vyzhva, Milyanovich, Kovel, Olyka, Rivne and Grodno and Zemsky books of Volodymyr, Lutsk, Kremenets. The author attempts to establish the composition, personnel and powers of Volyn landvogt. He states that the landvogt government, like the Vogt government, was borrowed from the German lands to the Polish and Lithuanian lands, and from there it got to the Ukrainian ones. Landvogt was influential in the cities of Volyn, as he was often the patron saint of wight. He received his government as a fee for serving the Vogt or rented or secured it. Typically, each new Vogt assigned his own landvogt. As a part of taking the position, the landvogt had to take the oath. The governments of the Lentwites were at different times - from several months to many years. Going through their rule could change them. In addition to performing their primary function as a court, the tapeworms took part in governing the city, guarded the order, monitored Christian morality, and were sometimes charged with collecting arrears. The analysis of the sources allowed the author to draw some conclusions about the social and national origin of the Volyn landvogt. Among Lutsk landvogts in the XVI century, the nobles dominated, in the first half of the XVII century - burghers; by nationality, most were Ukrainians, the rest were mainly Poles. Among the Volodymyr landvogts, there were nobles, about a quarter of them were Poles, the rest were local. Of the nine well-known Kremenets landvogts, only two were burghers, almost equally Ukrainians and Poles. Among the twelve landvogts of Milianovich, only one was a nobleman and a Pole, and the rest were local townspeople. Of the six Kovel landvogts, two were gentry, and the others were bourgeois Ukrainians. The author provides data on the cases of the combination of the Lentwite government with the Rhei / Burmistrovsky. Many of the Lentwiths, before or after their rule, were found to be occupied by other city governments - they were listed as raitsi, city or vogt clerks, hunters, boomers, city fighters and trustees. It was noted that having considerable power, the tapeworms sometimes abused her (such as extortions, handshakes).
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JOSEPH, SABRINA. "The Legal Status of Tenants and Sharecroppers in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century France and Ottoman Syria." Rural History 18, no. 1 (March 16, 2007): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793306002007.
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By the middle of the sixteenth century, the role of the tenant farmer and sharecropper in both Syria and France witnessed important transformations which lent increasing relevance to the social and legal status enjoyed by these cultivators. In various regions of France after the sixteenth century, a rising class of bourgeois landholders increasingly appropriated agricultural lands from both peasant proprietors and nobles, leading to the spread of both sharecropping and leasing contracts. In Ottoman Syria, the appropriation of peasant lands and proliferation of tenancy arrangements was linked to an expanding state which sought to consolidate power and ensure the consistent flow of revenue. Thus, this paper will address how the socio-legal discourse on tenants and sharecroppers differed in a context where arable lands were appropriated by private rather than public forces. Issues that are examined include: perceptions of agricultural innovation; possession rights; and payment of rent and other dues.While Islamic legal scholars articulated a discourse which sought to incorporate tenants and sharecroppers, French legal and social thinkers of the day championed the rights of the landlord above all else. Unlike their Syrian counterparts, French thinkers linked agricultural development and efficient production to private ownership of land. In Syria, on the other hand, jurists advocated a land tenure system in which the possession rights of cultivators were supported while landlord interests were not jeopardised. Thus, agricultural development in the Syrian case was articulated within a framework which conceded multiple layers of ownership. These ideas would have an important impact on nineteenth-century developments in both regions.
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Juliá Viñamata, José-Ramón. "Las actitudes mentales de los barceloneses del primer tercio del siglo XIV." Anuario de Estudios Medievales 20, no. 1 (April 2, 2020): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aem.1990.v20.1141.
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Le comportement des hommes devant la mort est, sans aucun doute, l'un des aspectes les plus intéressants de l'Histoire des Mentalités. La pensée de la mort oblige à participer à un jeu que prsonne n'ose refuser, vu que tous ceux qui disposent de biens ont le même problème à l'heure de faire leur testament: la peur du châtiment divin. La fait de formuler sis dernières volontés devient donc une véritable confession des offenses et des mauvaises actions commises par l'individu, ce qui le conduit à utiliser toutes les formes d'expiation dont il dispose, dans un essai désespéré de se sauver des feux de l'enfer. Un état d'esprit s'impose ainsi dans tout le monde occidental du Moyen Age, caractérisé, sur le plan animique, par la peur de l'au-delà. Les barcelonais du début du XIV' siècle ne sont pas différents du reste de la population occidentale, tout comme nous le montrent les testaments de cette époque, lesquels deviennent ainsi une véritable source d'information pour connaitre la liturgie qui entoure la mort des testateurs. On les voit choisir soigneusement leur sépulture, disposer la célébration d'anniversaire de leur décès, réaliser toutes sortes d'oeuvres pieuses et d'aumônes -paiement de dote à des jeunes filles pauvres en âge de se marier, legs à des hôpitaux, vêtements et aliments pour les nécessiteux, etc.-, fonder des bénéfices éclésiastiques er, finalement, ils reconnaissent sincèrement leurs offenses et leurs péchés. Tout cela en vue de se réunir avec le Créateur; tandis que la société barcelonaise, qui dispose de moyens économiques er se trouve en pleine expansion commerciale, se comporte d'une façon très homogène. Seule la répartition inégale des richesses marquera des différences à l'heure d'affronter la mort et de disposer la célébration liturgique, mais les mentalités sont tellement semblades qu'elles détruisent les barrières sociales. Nobles et artisans, monarques et bourgeois, hommes et femmes, tous disent la vérité er tentent de dédommager ceux qu'ils ont maltraités ou ruinés leur vie.
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Карпань, І. С., and Н. С. Чернікова. "Social-political activity of O. Bobrinsky in the last quarter of the nineteenth century." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/1196.
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The article deals with problems of the noble class in post-reform period in Russia (70–90-ies XIXth cent.) through A. Bobrinsky’s activity as the Leader of the St. Petersburg nobility. The study analyzed his activities towards the Nobility consolidation and involvement their representatives into development of Russian state policy. A. Bobrinsky belonged to the family of large landowners and successful sugar-growers of the Russian Empire. It greatly influenced to the formation of his political worldview and contributed to the growth of the young Count’s authority among the Nobility and Gentry. In the last quarter of the XIXth cent. A. Bobrinsky defended the dominant position of the Nobility as the provincial Governor (the Leader) of the St. Petersburg nobility. A. Bobrinsky’s main efforts were aimed to the consolidation of the Gentry to defend their own rights and privileges and their involvement to the Russian state authorities. He promoted the idea of founding a representative institution – the Duma or Zemsky Sobor – in Russian Empire. However, the purpose of its creation he was seen in the count in the redistribution of executive, judicial and punitive powers between government representatives and elected people from the Nobility. He was convinced that only the Gentry was worthy to represent the interests of Russian society in the state authorities. During this period, the young Bobrinsky attempted to unite the St. Petersburg nobility into the organization of «Svyataya Druzhyna». It was a semi-secret organization which established to protect of the Russian Tsar from possible terrorist acts. The purpose of the organization was rather limited and local, so it disintegrated soon. However, it contributed to the growth of A. Bobrysky’s authority as a loyal to the Tsar and autocracy personality. It had a great importance in the conditions of the economic and political crisis of the noble class. In the 90’s of the XIX cent. A. Bobrinsky took an active part in nobility meetings devoted to problems of the privileged class. Here he defended an idea of preserving the privileges and dominant position of the estate Nobility. He opposed the provision of political rights and state support to the estateless nobles-homeowners and representatives of the bourgeoisie. A. Bobrinsky didn’t reject an idea to create conditions for the nobility replenishment by the new social classes, but he saw it possibility only in the distant future. However, even government support didn’t contribute to consolidation processes and politicization among the nobility class. A. Bobrinsky with sadness stated that the meetings of the noble leaders continued to be only like private talks about preserving the nobility former positions in the social structure. So he had to change strategy and initiated the founding in 1906 a new organization – the United Nobility. During the next decade its existence largely predetermined the main directions of Russian government policy and as a whole.