Academic literature on the topic 'Nominal utterance'

Abstract. Dutch anaphoric dat has an important function in definitory exchanges. If dat is used in the recapitulation of a non-nominal definition, it increases the coherence of the defining utterance, by tying the recapitulation to the previous utterances and by permitting the switch of the focus from definiens to defmiendum. However, dat is not really coherence-building when used for left-dislocation in core-definitions. Indeed, a left-dislocated definition cannot be more coherent than a definition without interruptions and 'gaps'. The role of dat in left-dislocation is rather to permit extra focalisation and thematisation of the definiendum in non-nominal definitions, and of the definiens in nominal definitions.

Our study is based on a corpus of ‘philosophical discussions' held in a school context and involving French speakers. The analysis of grammatical subject forms shows, firstly, that in pupils' speech acts the canonical nominal form (e.g. les animaux) is much rarer than the ‘reinforced' form (e.g. les animaux ils). Secondly, that the simple nominal form appears mostly in quoted utterances whereas the reinforced nominal form (as well as the pronominal one) is used in original speech acts. We relate this observation to our hypothesis that the reinforced nominal form marks the focalized status of a clause, compared to the simple nominal form which marks a non-focalized status. In the repetitions/reformulations offered by the teachers, both forms appear; the choice of one or the other is shown to be related to the functional-communicative type of the quoted utterance: ‘relaunch' (focalized) or ‘acknowledgement' (non-focalized).

The temporal arguments of VPs and adverbs must be locally coindexed with the nearest time abstraction above them (Percus 2000). In contrast, nouns, which also have time arguments, have been noted to have multiple available evaluation times (Enç 1981), often coinciding with the topic time (e.g. Musan 1995, Tonhauser 2002, Keshet 2008) or utterance time (O’Leary 2017, O’Leary & Brasoveanu 2018). I argue that we can explain the possible temporal interpretations of nouns in a way that makes their behavior consistent with that of VPs and adverbs by positing an analogous locality constraint and making a simple appeal to quantifier raising. I additionally propose that the need for a locality constraint on the coindexing of temporal arguments extends to all predicates introducing novel referents.

This contribution is devoted to the study of French « locative inversion » structures X V S (Sur la cheminée trônent deux chandeliers). It is argued that such structures are specific, and cannot be derived from X S V structures (Sur la cheminée, deux chandeliers trônent), since the syntactic relation between X and V is different — X being in the scope of the predicate in the former case, but not in the latter. Furthermore, the two structures cannot be considered, on the semantic level, as paraphrases deriving from a unique underlying representation, since the semantic values and interpretations attributed to the verbal item differ ; whereas on the pragmatic level, each construction enters a different type of discourse setting. Thus a formal theory is outsketched, based on a topological approach of word ordering in the process of utterance construction, which accounts for the specificity of the above mentioned structures.

Our main hypothesis is that negation and finitness are linked in the developpment of Foreign Language Aquisition in some comparable ways as they are for First Language Acquisition. By contrasting syncronic intrapersonal variability data with change occuring in the diacronic data about negation, we show how adult learners of French in a classroom environment switch from a Nominal Utterance Organization governed by semantic-pragmatic strategies to a Finite Utterance Organization constrained by syntactic rules (Klein & Perdue, 1993, 1997). Specific to our context of investigation, this phenomenom can be observed through the increasing rate of overt and covert-repairs in spontaneous oral production (Levelt, 1989), which are signs of metalinguistic consciousness emerging parallel to the process of grammaticalization.

Purepecha has no grammatical gender, whereas Spanish has a binary masculine–feminine system. In this paper we investigate how early sequential Purepecha–Spanish bilinguals assign gender to Purepecha nouns inserted into an otherwise Spanish utterance, using a director-matcher production task and an online forced-choice acceptability judgement task. The results of the production task indicate a strong preference for masculine gender, irrespective of the gender of the noun’s translation equivalent, the so-called “masculine default” option. Participants in the comprehension task were influenced by the orthography of the Purepecha noun in the -a ending condition, leading them to assign feminine gender agreement to nouns that are masculine in Spanish, but preferred the masculine default strategy again in the -i/-u ending condition. The absence of the “analogical criterion” in both tasks contrasts with the results of some previous studies, underlining the need for more comparable data in terms of task type. Our results also highlight how task type can influence the choices speakers make, in this context, in terms of the choice of grammatical gender agreement strategy. Task type should therefore be carefully controlled in future studies.

Abstract It has been claimed that Ngkolmpu (Yam, Papuan) displays discontinuous noun phrases (Donohue 2011). However, careful textual analysis of a corpus of naturalistic language reveals that, in practice, this is highly restricted. The data shows two relatively rare constructions which give rise to limited discontinuous structures. The first is an afterthought construction involving a full co-referential nominal constituent adjacent to the clause. This co-referential constituent is both syntactically and phonetically distinct from the main utterance. The other involves a topic marking demonstrative encliticised to verbs at the right edge of the clause interacting with general information-structural conditions on word order. This is the only true discontinuity found in the corpus and is restricted to demonstratives only. This paper clarifies a claim in the literature about the empirical facts of a specific language, Ngkolmpu, and adds a nuanced discussion of nominal discontinuity in a language of New Guinea.

Exclamatives constructions in the Philippine English form a variegated class which is often confused with other types of clauses. These structures are characterized by intonation contour, emphatic stress and propositional properties beyond their syntactic form. Using the AntCoc protocol, this corpus-based study presents a survey of the categories and syntactical characteristics as well as the functions of the exclamatives found in ICE-PHI with 199 hits out of 1,172 tokens from the word collection. Key words such as what, how so, such a/an and others were used to locate the target hits of the utterances. Analysis was made on the syntactic and formulaic forms, semantic categories and pragmatic impressions. Results show that 'so' exclamatives posted the highest frequency, followed by the prototypes, and 'the such a/an' exclamatives. Minimal occurrences were recorded for DP – 'the way' exclamatives and nominal exclamatives. A majority of the exclamatives followed the initial exclamative phrase syntactic formula except for the 'such a/an' exclamatives which follow the subject auxiliary inversion. The syntactic features and functions of the exclamatives illustrated the semantic nature of the structures which differentiated them from seeming to be similar structures as in expressive/emotional utterance.

Aims and objectives: The study provides new insights into how bilingual speakers process semantically complex novel meanings in their native (L1) and non-native language (L2). Methodology: The study employs an EEG method with a semantic decision task to novel nominal metaphors, novel similes, as well as literal and anomalous sentences presented in participants’ L1 and L2. Data and analysis: In total, 29 native speakers of Polish (L1) who were highly proficient in English (L2) took part in the study. The collected EEG signal was analyzed in terms of an event-related potential analysis. The statistical analyses were based on behavioral data (reaction times and accuracy rates) as well as mean amplitudes for the four conditions in the two languages within the N400 and LPC time windows. Findings: The results revealed the N400 effect of utterance type modulated by language nativeness, where the brainwaves for anomalous sentences, novel nominal metaphors, and novel similes converged in L2, while in L1 a graded effect was observed from anomalous sentences to novel nominal metaphors, novel similes and literal sentences. In contrast, within the late time window, a more pronounced sustained negativity to novel nominal metaphors than novel similes was observed in both languages, thus indicating that meaning integration mechanisms might be of similar automaticity in L1 and L2 when bilingual speakers are highly proficient in their L2. Altogether, the present results point to a more taxing mechanisms involved in lexico-semantic access in L2 than L1, yet such an increased effort seems to be resolved within the meaning integration phase. Originality: The findings present novel insights into how bilinguals construct new unfamiliar meanings and show how and when cognitive mechanisms engaged in this process are modulated by language nativeness. Significance: The study might provide crucial implications for further research on bilingual semantic processing as well as human creativity.

AbstractThis study explores continuous and discontinuous word order patterns of multi-word nominal expressions in flexible word order languages (traditionally referred to as “free word order” or “non-configurational” languages). Besides describing syntagmatic patterns, this paper seeks to identify any functional or other correlates that can be associated with different word orders. The languages under investigation are a number of Australian languages as well as Vedic Sanskrit, all of which have long been known for their syntagmatic flexibility. With respect to continuous order, evidence from several of these languages suggests that default ordering is primarily governed by functional templates. Deviations from default order, while maintaining continuity, can be attributed to different types of “focus” interpretations or heaviness effects. With respect to discontinuous order, I identify three sub-types. The most widespread one, “Left-Edge Discontinuity”, involves one element placed in or near utterance-initial position. It shows a clear, if not an absolute, correlation with different kinds of focus interpretations, similarly to deviations from the default order in continuity. The other two types of discontinuity are linked to the behaviour of specific function words. Besides teasing out cross-linguistic similarities, this paper also sheds light on language-specific characteristics that affect the forms and functions of complex (i.e. multi-word) nominal expressions in flexible word order languages, such as the nature of 2nd position (“Wackernagel”) elements.

Questo studio si concentra sull’analisi di un fenomeno assai comune nell’italiano e ben attestato da oltre un secolo in diverse altre lingue, antiche e moderne: le costruzioni prive di un verbo in forma finita nel loro nucleo sintattico principale, che evidentemente non sono state oggetto di una ellissi e che non sempre possono essere definite frasi. Dopo le analisi su questo fenomeno fatte da Mortara Garavelli (1971) sullo scritto letterario e da Cresti (1998) sul parlato colloquiale, in questa ricerca si vuole indagare la natura delle costruzioni senza verbo in una nuova varietà di italiano, ossia lo scritto informale e dialogico prodotto sul web, che sarà definito in questa ricerca come italiano digitato colloquiale (IDC). Pertanto, questo studio adotta un approccio corpus-based, ricercando le costruzioni senza verbo in una raccolta di testi di IDC realmente prodotti, ossia nel corpus COSMIANU (Corpus Of Social Media Italian Annotated with Nominal Utterances) (Comandini et al., 2018). Si è dunque deciso di individuare il fenomeno sulla base della definizione di enunciato nominale di Ferrari (2011; 2014), ma adottando due prospettive sintattiche ancora mai applicate in ambito italiano: la teoria sentenzialista di Merchant (2004; 2006; 2010) e quella non-sentenzialista di Barton & Progovac (2005), entrambe applicate in inglese a strutture ellittiche definite frammenti senza antecedente esplicito. Pertanto, si è deciso di definire le strutture senza verbo studiate come frammenti nominali, nell’ottica tanto di inquadrare un fenomeno che, nella nuova varietà di lingua studiata, assume forme diverse rispetto allo scritto letterario e al parlato colloquiale, quanto di unire simbolicamente due tradizioni di studio delle costruzioni senza verbo che non si sono mai incontrate, ossia quella italo-francese, risalente a Meillet (1906), e quella anglo-americana, risalente a Sweet (1900). Grazie all’analisi dei frammenti nominali nell’italiano digitato colloquiale in ottica non-sentenzialista, si so-no individuate undici classi di frammenti nominali, alcuni dei quali possono essere considerati delle frasi, poi-ché contengono o un rapporto predicativo tra due costituenti, o una Tense Phrase al proprio interno. Sul fronte dell’analisi sentenzialista, invece, si è ipotizzata l’esistenza di una nuova categoria di frammenti nominali, nei quali è stato eliso un elemento pro e un verbo essere. Grazie al contributo tanto della teoria sentenzialista, quanto di quella non-sentenzialista, è stato possibile notare come l’ IDC abbia come uno dei tanti tratti diagnostici proprio la presenza di frammenti nominali che ne incarnano le caratteristiche principali, ossia: a) l’estrema natura dialogica, che quindi spiega l’alta presenza di formule di saluto e di ringraziamento (es.: CIAO A TUTTE LE FANS; grazie 1000000000000) e di interiezioni (es.: bleah!); b) la forte aderenza al contesto comunicativo, con frammenti nominali che hanno come nodo iniziale un NP, un DP o un AP che fa direttamente riferimento a un elemento precedentemente reso rilevante nel contesto (es.: Bellissimoooooooooooo !!!!!!!!!!!!), oppure a un elemento immediatamente successivo, di cui si specifica la natura (es.: una domanda... perché é all'inverso?). Successivamente, si è testato come l’individuazione e l’analisi sintattica dei frammenti nominali possa aiutare a comprendere e a riconoscere meglio l’hate speech. Analizzando i frammenti nominali portatori d’odio nel corpus di tweet razzisti POP-HS-IT (Comandini & Patti, 2019), si è notato come l’ IDC d’odio presenti le medesime classi di frammenti nominali individuate in COSMIANU, ma in percentuali diverse, con una partico-lare rilevanza dei frammenti nominali che hanno come nodo iniziale un FocP (es.: FUORI QUESTE MERDE UMANE DALL'ITALIA). Inoltre, si è trovata una notevole presenza di frammenti nominali di classe FocP (es.: pezzi di merda loro e tutto l’islam) corrispondenti alle frasi esclamative studiate da Munaro (2006) (es.: Noioso, il tuo amico!), in cui l’elemento focalizzato a sinistra (pezzi di merda) è sempre una caratteristica intrinseca e non temporanea del soggetto (loro e tutto l’islam). Questa tipologia di frammenti nominali esclamativi e focalizzati veicola alcune delle caratteristiche più universali dell’hate speech, ossia l’espressione di un odio generalizzato e non dibattibile verso una categoria di persone vista come un gruppo monolitico. L’individuazione dei frammenti nominali più caratteristici dell’hate speech potrebbe aiutare i tool automatici ad annotare i testi d’odio in maniera più accurata.

Le travail présenté dans cette thèse traite les séquences nominales en français écrit employées seules en dehors des énoncés verbaux, munies cependant d’une référence au monde. Dans le but d’apporter un nouvel éclairage sur de telles séquences nominales, traitées traditionnellement dans le cadre de la phrase, i.e. d’une relation prédicative entre deux termes, nous les appelons énoncés nominaux et adoptons la perspective de la grammaire japonaise qui n’est que partiellement influencée par la logique occidentale. Dans la théorie des Jutsu-tai/ Kan-tai (énoncés verbaux/ énoncés nominaux) de YAMADA Yoshio 山田孝雄 (1936), l’un des précurseurs de la grammaire japonaise, à laquelle nous recourons particulièrement, l’énonciation nominale s’explique, et ainsi s’oppose à l’énonciation verbale, par son mode d’embrayage particulier ; alors que la référence au monde des Jutsu-tai (énoncés verbaux) se définit au plan sémantico-syntaxique par la présence d’un verbe saturé et conjugué, les Kan-tai, les énoncés composés d’une séquence nominale qui n’a en soi aucune prédilection pour une fonction syntaxique spécifique, acquièrent leur énonçabilité en énonciation, par le mode même de l’énonciation. Ce mode, « Yobikake shij-suru yôtai (mode de désigner par appellation) » (YAMADA), que nous traduisons plutôt « désignation in situ », se caractérise par la mise en relation in situ entre l’énonciateur et l’entité désignée par la séquence nominale. Ce qui distingue l’énonciation nominale d’avec l’énonciation verbale qui n’est autre chose qu’une mise en relation prédicative entre deux termes du même niveau sémantico-syntaxique
The purpose of this study is to investigate the noun phrases in written French outside of the context of verbal utterances, but nevertheless referring to the world. In order to illuminate such nominal phrases from a new angle, which have traditionally only been considered with respect to the sentence, i.e. to the predication between a subject and a predicate, this study calls them nominal utterances and adopts the perspective of Japanese grammar, which has not been influenced by the logic of Occidental grammar. In the definitions of Jutsu-tai and Kan-tai put forth by YAMADA Yoshio 山田孝雄 (1936), — verbal utterance and nominal utterance, respectively — a foundational text on Japanese grammar to which this study engages with, YAMADA defines nominal enunciations in contrast to verbal enunciations as a specific mode of anchoring. Whereas the reference to the world of Jutsu-tai (verbal utterances) is defined at the semantic-syntactic level by the presence of a conjugated verb with its arguments, (Kan-tai), utterances consisting of a noun phrase, which are not intended to assume a specific syntactic role per se, acquire the possibility of functioning as an utterance by the mode of enunciation itself. This mode, called « Yobikake shij-suru yôtai (mode of designation by naming) » (YAMADA), which this study translates as “designation in situ,” is characterised by establishing the relationship between the utterer and the referent of the noun phrase. This relationship distinguishes the nominal enunciation from the verbal enunciation by establishing the relationship between two arguments at semantic-syntactic level

L’enjeu de la présente étude est de montrer que l'ordre des mots acquiert un rôle métalinguistique important dans le système des opérations internes de la langue : il connote la manière de penser le monde phénoménal. Pour cette étude sur le coréen, la théorie que nous avons choisie est la systématique énonciative. Cette théorie met en œuvre une analyse qui ne sépare pas le Discours des conditions linguistiques de sa production. Dépassant le cadre d’une systématique des langues, elle rappelle qu’un énoncé n'est jamais isolé du contexte linguistique et situationnel où se trouve le sujet parlant. Nous commencerons par l’observation de l'énoncé fondamental, afin de dégager ses unités constitutives fonctionnelles ; en d’autres termes, nous adopterons la démarche sémasiologique, mais à partir des conditions d'énonciation et de la situation de production de l'énoncé. Nous examinerons ensuite l'ordre interne des éléments de l'unité constitutive fonctionnelle, qui relève aussi bien du domaine morpho-syntaxique que sémantique. Nous verrons que l’ordre à l’intérieur du syntagme et le choix du mot formel en coréen constituent un mécanisme majeur de la syntaxe coréenne, mécanisme qui dépend de la visée d’effet du locuteur. Si chaque langue a sa manière d’organiser les éléments au sein d’une unité donnée, c’est que chaque langue analyse à sa façon la perception du monde expérientiel. Quel est alors l’ordre prescrit par le système linguistique du coréen, au niveau du mot, du syntagme et de la phrase ? Quelle est la liberté de manœuvre du locuteur au moment de la construction de la phrase dans l’acte de langage ? C’est à ces deux questions que ce travail a tenté d’apporter une réponse. La présente étude comporte quatre parties. La première partie propose d’examiner la structure de l’énoncé : de l’énoncé au syntagme. La deuxième partie explique la disposition des constituants dans l’énoncé. La troisième partie étudie l’ordre des éléments au sein du syntagme nominal, en fonction de la place du déterminant. Cela concerne la logique combinatoire du mot matériel et du mot formel qui relève essentiellement de la syntaxe interne d’une unité constitutive fonctionnelle de l'énoncé. Enfin, la quatrième partie se consacre à une syntaxe de l’adverbe, basée sur sa mobilité au sein de l’énoncé, mobilité qui affecte l’incidence adverbiale
The aim of this study is to show how, in deep structure operations, word order in Korean takes on an important metalinguistic dimension, affecting the way the speakers see the world. Guillaume's psycho-mechanical theory, insofar as it does not cut off the speech act from the speaker and the context of communication is particularly well-equipped to examine this question.The study starts with the identification of the immediate constituents of the simple sentence in Korean (semasiological approach). Next, with a view to highlighting the morpho-syntactical and semantic organization of the language, the variations in meaning obtained by the different internal ordering of each functional constituent unit is examined at word level, at phrase level and at sentence level. To what extent is the speaker free to choose the order in which he arranges the elements of the sentence he instantiates in the speech act? These are just some of the questions that this study tries to answer. This study comprises four parts. The first examines the structure of Korean sentence: from the sentence to the phrase. The second focuses on the disposition of sentence constituents. The third part investigates the order of the constituents within the noun phrase, comparing relative positions of the determinant in the phrase. This relates to the rules governing the combination of lexical words and grammatical words; this sheds light on the internal syntax of each functional constituent of the utterance. Finally, the last part is devoted to syntax of the adverb, based on its mobility and the way that position affects adverbial incidence

This chapter focuses on syntax. The term suntaxis was a compound with the meaning of ‘arrangement together’, which referred, in the context of language, to the arrangement of words in utterances. To study how they were arranged together was to study the connections between one part and another within utterances as wholes. The noun and verb are essential for the completion of an utterance. Others are successively related to them: a pronoun, for example, is a word that can be substituted, with the same role in an utterance, for a noun. The list of the parts of an utterance ended with the conjunction, which is a type of word that can join any of the others. Another type of word includes forms of two different parts of an utterance. These are the interrogatives, which are rationally either ‘nominal’ or ‘adverbial’.

Abstract This chapter examines the internal and external syntax of vocatives, which, despite their status as nominal elements, have traditionally been classified as ‘extra-clausal’ items operative outside the grammar. It argues that the grammatically constrained behaviours exhibited by (Ibero-)Romance vocatives not only call into question the attribution of ‘deviance’ to utterance-oriented nominal constituents, but that by approaching these facts from another angle, viz. the TMT framework, their ‘deviance’ is predicted by a grammar of reference whose structure builds meaning from description to extension. Applying and extending Sheehan & Hinzen’s (2011) phasal template, the chapter demonstrates how TMT principles can account for the empirical facts of Ibero-Romance and the particular extensional semantics of utterance-oriented nominal constituents.

From the early 1940s to the early 1960s, American phonology, led by Bloch, Trager, and Hockett, was remarkably monolithic. Its practitioners nominally followed Bloomfield, but in practice rejected his clearly expressed views by treating the elements of phonetic transcription (‘phones’) as an intermediate level of abstraction between the phoneme and the physical signal. They also accepted a strong version of what Hockett called ‘duality of patterning’, according to which individual utterances are simultaneously arrangements of phonemes and arrangements of meaningful units; this led to their insistence that phonemic analysis had to be carried out without ‘mixing levels’, i.e. without any reference to grammatical and lexical categories. Among other things, this principle made it difficult to deal insightfully with morphophonological regularities. This was perhaps the major source of disagreement between the post-Bloomfieldians and the generative phonologists who followed; by contrast, reliance on phonetic transcription represents a major source of continuity between the two.